Search

How much is hegemony and how much is self-determination in the higher education systems in Southeast Asia? This paper argues that while the question of centre and periphery is still relevant to the analysis of international university systems, the analytical frameworks from which it has arisen may lose viability in the long term. Southeast Asian states are making use of higher education to act in ways that will contribute to the altering of their peripheral position in the global economic and political system. While changes in Southeast Asian higher education are closely tied to global markets and follow what sometimes appears to be a dependent pattern of adaptations driven by Western developed economies, the paper argues that there is also a significant amount of resistance. As Southeast Asian countries adapt in ways that help embed economic globalisation within their national landscape, the manner in which the adaptation occurs is more selective, open, and democratic than before. Moreover, while global communication with core (centre) university systems has been more open and transparent, the system is closed to direct intervention from the outside, making hegemony a less plausible explanation for the manner in which the system is reacting within the new global environment of financial interdependency.

This paper examines the consequences of the hugely successful expansion of South-South Cooperation since the new millennium. For all the achievements, variations and change over the 1950s-late 1990s, 'SSC 1.0' was characterised by relative neglect within the 'international' development community, and by many orthodox and critical scholars. In the chronological schema of the paper, 'SSC 2.0' refers to the period of remarkable expansion from the early 2000s to the present. The emergence of 'SSC 3.0', I suggest, is currently revealed by a discernible set of shifts driven in large part by the expansionary successes of SSC 2.0, as well as other turns in the global political economy. Three contemporary trends are identified: cooperation narratives that are increasingly 'muscular', nationalistic and pragmatic; difficulties sustaining claims to 'non-interference' in partner countries; and the further erosion of ideational and operational distinctiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changing population age structure has a significant influence on the economy, society, and numerous other aspects of a country. This paper has innovatively applied the method of compositional data forecasting for the prediction of population age changes of the young (aged 0–14), the middle-aged (aged 15–64), and the elderly (aged older than 65) in China, India, and Vietnam by 2030 based on data from 1960 to 2016. To select the best-suited forecasting model, an array of data transformation approaches and forecasting models have been extensively employed, and a large number of comparisons have been made between the aforementioned methods. The best-suited model for each country is identified considering the root mean squared error and mean absolute percent error values from the compositional data. As noted in this study, first and foremost, it is predicted that by the year 2030, China will witness the disappearance of population dividend and get mired in an aging problem far more severe than that of India or Vietnam. Second, Vietnam’s trend of change in population age structure resembles that of China, but the country will sustain its good health as a whole. Finally, the working population of India demonstrates a strong rising trend, indicating that the age structure of the Indian population still remains relatively “young”. Meanwhile, the continuous rise in the proportion of elderly population and the gradual leveling off growth of the young population have nevertheless become serious problems in the world. The present paper attempts to offer crucial insights into the Asian population size, labor market and urbanization, and, moreover, provides suggestions for a sustainable global demographic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the applicability of Bradford law of scattering of the publications of India and China. The data for the study collected from WOS database, 887 journals publishing 1924 economics subject publications from India and 1627 journals published 4427 Chinese economics publications. The ranked list of journals prepared for both the datasets and the applicability of Bradford's law was tested. The journals distribution pattern of the economics literature fit Bradford's distribution pattern. The applicability of Egghe's model (modification of Leimkuhler's model) was also tested and found valid for both the datasets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decomposing the GDP growth from 1981 to 2004, this paper finds that innovation capacity has contributed significantly to the economic growth of China and India, especially in the 1990 s. Outputs of the national innovation system, measured by patents and high-tech/service exports, demonstrate the considerable progress China and India have made in innovation capacity. The enhanced innovation capacity of China and India is primarily due to their heavy investment in the inputs of innovation system, i.e., R&D expenditure and R&D personnel, in recent decades. This paper emphasizes the role that the governments have played in promoting innovation capacity and their contribution to economic development. Both governments have transformed their national innovation systems through linking the science sector with the business sector, providing incentives for innovation activities, and balancing import of technology and indigenous R&D effort. Using case studies of domestic biotech firms in China and India, this paper also offers micro-level insights on innovation capacity and economic development: (1) innovation capacity has become essential for domestic firms' market success and (2) global institutional factors and national government policies on innovation have considerable influence on the choice of innovation at the firm level, i.e., to conduct indigenous R&D or to import foreign technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries are a vital source for India's energy requirements and home to a large population of Indian workers. Although for quite some time now, India's strategic influence in the Gulf region has been overshadowed by Pakistan, recent developments seem to present India with an opportunity to expand its influence led by maritime security cooperation. However, the growth of Chinese economic and political influence in the region presents some tough challenges. This paper examines India's extant security ties with the GCC countries and their relations with China, with an aim to make a relative assessment of India's strategic influence and discusses the prospects for India's position in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we discuss relationship between export diversity and economic performance, focusing on Brazil, China, India and South Africa (BCIS). Using time data on exports over the period 1962-2000 and Applied General Equilibrium (AGE) models for each country, we note the similarities as well as differences in the patterns of diversification in these countries. We find evidence of a U-shape relationship between per capita income and export specialization in at least China and South Africa, and given that the results from Granger causality testing are inconclusive and not robust with regards to export diversification measures, some preliminary evidence from the results suggest that export diversification Granger causes GDP per capita in Brazil, China and South Africa, but not in India, where it is rather GDP per capita changes that are driving export diversification. From AGE modeling we find that South Africa differs from the other economies in that it is the only case where export diversification has an unambiguously positive impact on economic development while in contrast in Brazil, China and India, it is rather export specialization that is preferred. We show that the manner in which export diversification is obtained may be important: if it is obtained with less of a reduction in traditional exports, the impacts are better (less negative). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Scientiarum: Human & Social Sciences is the property of Universidade Estadual de Maringa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The explosive growth in India's mobile telephony during the last decade coincided with a robust growth in its trade with China. A variety of imported equipment from China played a critical role in augmenting the use of mobile phones and expansion of networks in India. This paper studies the trends of these imports and examines the reasons for their penetrating deep into the Indian market. It argues that Chinese imports bridged a serious supply-side deficiency in India's telecom sector: the absence of a modern indigenous equipment manufacturing industry. Pointing out that development of the latter has been stunted due to low R&D, limited innovations, lack of access to finance, and liberal access to imports, the paper argues that Chinese imports are likely to continue until these conditions prevail, notwithstanding security concerns over such imports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to examine the growth performance and its impact on inequality and poverty in China and India. The recent upsurge in growth rates in China and India is seen widely as the 'success' story of globalization. It is also claimed that these developments will make a significant impact on the reduction of global inequalities and poverty. Although a number of scholars have analysed the recent economic performance of China and India, these studies, however, have not taken into account the past policies and their impact on current performance. We find there is a gap in the current discussion, which overlooks historical and economic factors on the recent performance. This article critically assesses the claimed fall in global poverty due to mainly the rise of China and India in recent years. The article questions the 'pro-globalization' argument, which suggests that there is a link between 'market liberal' free market policies and falling poverty. It is argued instead that the evidence concerning poverty reduction is ambiguous, and it is not that the most successful economies have adopted pro-globalization policies. Studying the developmental changes taking place in these two countries is important because they together account for 37.5% of the global population. These populous neighbours, regarded as symbols of poverty and failure until two decades ago, contain large numbers of people living below the officially defined poverty line. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains the continuity of India's globalization policies from a realist strategic perspective, incorporating economics with security studies. It contends that the Indian state is not passively surrendering to an overarching world economy, but opening up strategically, taking into account its competitive position against rival states, particularly China. Changes in tariff and foreign investment policies in India display a consistent pattern of gradual liberalization since the early 1990s and a close correspondence with China's opening-up policies. Afier considering alternarive explanations for such correspondence, the article suggests that the most persuasive explanation centers on strategic rivalry between the two countries. Competition with China in multiple arenas--economic, political military, and technological--induces Indian policymakers to imitate Chinese policies of opening up. The continuation of India's globalization policies is inspired by efforts to strengthen the state relative to its external rivals in order to vie more effectively for regional hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of various factors, such as gross domestic product, population, and oil prices in a country on demand for oil. The study was conducted by applying a panel data analysis technique on the annual data from 1970 to 2008, of the USA, Japan, China, and India. The results for the panel indicate that oil consumption is price inelastic and highly income elastic. Similarly, an increase in population does not necessarily lead to increased oil consumption. However, when population increase is well supported by corresponding increase in outputs and consumption levels of the nation, it does create additional demand for oil, and not otherwise. Similarly, the rise in prices of petroleum products does not necessarily lead to a decline in oil sales, because the rise in income levels increases the purchasing power of the individuals, thereby negating any negative impact on oil demand. Thus, either directly or indirectly, the only major determining factor in creating higher oil demand is the gross domestic product of a country, rather than anything else. However, this does not hold true in the case of Japan because, despite increasing income levels, there is a decline in demand for oil. Probably the oil deposits in Japan are not sufficient enough to sustain its economic growth. Hence, there is shift away from its dependence on fossil fuel to other alternate sources of energy for meeting the increasing energy demand in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the subprime-induced financial crisis broke out in the U.S. housing sector in the summer of 2007 and mushroomed into a global financial crisis by September 2008, it was widely believed that the Asian economies, especially the 'big four'-Japan, China, South Korea, and India-would remain largely immune from the worst of the crisis. However, this assumption has proven to be false. All four countries have felt the negative impact of the financial contagion-albeit differently. Whereas China and India have been moderately impacted, Japan and South Korea have experienced heightened financial instability, sharp economic contraction, and a deep recession. What explains the big four's vulnerability to the crisis, and why have Japan and South Korea been affected more negatively than China and India? How have the four countries responded to the crisis, and what can they do to further insulate their economies from the vagaries of the global financial markets? In this article, the author addresses these interrelated issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to build a bridge between contemporary studies of global firms from emerging economies and existing theories in comparative political economy. It argues that given the primacy of the state as an economic actor in developing countries, the variety of capitalism literature could provide a theoretical foundation for firm-level analyses of emerging market multinationals. For example, the authors suggest that China and India may be moving towards a 'hybrid market economy'. They also offer a typology of Indian and Chinese corporates to demonstrate an empirical approach to analysing domestic business-government relationships and the ways in which these firms are shaped by the peculiarities of their respective institutional setting. Finally, they identify some of the likely pitfalls of doing cross-national comparisons of emerging market multinationals, particularly with respect to the reliability of corporate data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]