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The Great Bengal Famine of 1770 took 10 million lives. The British East India Company's (EIC) extraction of resources and imposition of brutal tax policies in Bengal exacerbated the disaster. By exploring the intersections of corporate interests, colonialism, and biopolitics, this paper provides a new perspective on the Bengal famine of 1770 by introducing and visualizing it through a unique theoretical framework—corporate colonial biopolitics. Adopting Michel Foucault's notion of biopolitics, my focus is primarily on the corporate colonial biopolitical strategies enforced by the Company, which led to dispossession, violence, and resource extraction exploiting Bengal's landscape and impeding the region's progress and development. The essay unveils the racist policies and profit-driven principles of the EIC and how they prioritized generating revenues, financing its military, and exporting food grain even at the peak of the famine. I point out how the EIC systematically dismantled the Indian agricultural system, fueling deindustrialization in India and ultimately making the region vulnerable to famines. The Bengal famine of 1770 remains unexplored by geographers despite being the first colonial famine in India. One of the primary objectives of this paper is to bridge this gap by shedding light on the geographical dimensions of this pivotal historical catastrophe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pittsburgh has changed considerably since deindustrialization, with a shift in industry from steel to medicine and from public to private infrastructure. Segregation patterns form in response to the economic statuses within a region. Exclusionary zoning codes have shaped segregation patterns in Pittsburgh. As these zones become increasingly obsolete with the decline of the steel industry and the subsequent rise in the white-collar economy, the potential for these zones to change increases. This study uses the Dissimilarity Index to measure changes in segregation levels in Pittsburgh’s twenty most segregated neighborhoods as measured in 1970, to 2020. Segregation levels have decreased in all neighborhoods evaluated except one. This reveals that overall, Pittsburgh is desegregating. The results of this study also indicate the effects of private infrastructure, decreasing population, and areas of concentrated poverty on the demographics of a city.

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Integration into the global economy can cause shifts in industries and decrease the industrial sector's share. Deindustrialization, which refers to declining industry share, is commonly observed in developed countries. However, many developing countries have also experienced deindustrialization without attaining a high economic level in the era of globalization. Since transitioning to a market economy and integrating with the European Union (EU), deindustrialization has become a significant issue for Western Balkan countries. Thus, our paper analyzes the impact of economic globalization on the deindustrialization process in five Western Balkan countries: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia by using panel data spanning 2000-2019. Our study involved the creation of two models utilizing the augmented mean group (AMG) estimation method to ensure precise results. Our research shows that in model I, the economic globalization index, economic growth, capital investment, and the rule of law positively impact industry employment share. In model II, trade openness and economic growth positively affect manufacturing value-added; however, capital investment and the rule of law have a negative impact. Our findings indicate that economic globalization promotes industrialization in the Western Balkans instead of leading to deindustrialization. The panel causality results from Dumitrescu--Hurlin indicate that in model I, there is a oneway causal relationship going from economic globalization and capital investment to the share of industry employment. In model II, the causal relationship goes from economic growth and the rule of law to manufacturing value-added, from manufacturing value-added to trade openness and capital investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that elevated levels of gun homicide and gun suicide among younger black men and middle-aged white men, respectively, are the consequences of a political economy that produces widespread despair among the most vulnerable segments of the laboring classes. Understood in this way, these phenomena share a common etiology whose roots can be traced to two major, temporally distinct developments: (1) postwar shifts in the political economy that redefined central cities as sites of black dislocation, and (2) the more recent intensification of globalization and investor class power that has redefined smaller cities, towns, and rural communities as sites of white dislocation. These transformations have rendered working-class blacks and whites (and others) vulnerable to a wide range of maladies and adverse social outcomes, including involvement in gun violence. In addition to examining these political-economic transformations and their effects on black and white working-class communities, this article also explores the divergent racialized manifestations of gun violence within these demographic groups. While micro and mezzo interventions are typically stressed to respond to these issues, their ultimate resolution requires recognition of their common roots in conditions of structurally imposed despair and the concomitant remedy of those conditions at the macro level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes a further step in identifying a more complete economic history of deindustrialization. Following the extension of the timeline and its divorce from the 1970s, this article examines the reasons for production facility relocation out of Detroit prior to the 1970s with a particular focus on the auto industry. This article uses multiple collections from the Reuther Archives at Wayne State University, as well as a data set built from census wage data, to show that production facilities relocated away from Detroit in search of lower wages and tax costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This correction notice addresses an error in the legend for Figure 1 and Figure 4 in the original publication titled "Deindustrialization, Tertiarization and Suburbanization in Central and Eastern Europe. Lessons Learned from Bucharest City, Romania." The mistake occurred when the numbers in the figures were replaced by their explanations, but the explanations were not included below the figures in the version uploaded on September 6, 2023. The authors request that these two figures be replaced with their variant, where the legend is explained in the text. The correction does not affect the scientific conclusions of the publication. [Extracted from the article]

Germany has demonstrated throughout history that it can be reborn from its ashes, like the mythical phoenix bird. After two devastating world wars, the country had the ability, strength, and discipline to recover and become the undisputed leader of Europe. The advantages obtained by Germany in the last 20 years, such as ample trade, cheap energy and strong industry, made the country the strongest power in Europe and gave its political leaders a false sense of security and relaxation. In this article, I have identified several problems facing the German economy and I have emphasized the importance of taking urgent and radical measures to avoid a series of devastating long-term effects, including the risk of deindustrialization.

In capitalist Eastern Europe, surplus population is created at the intersection of economic restructuring, leading to the decline of jobs, the absorption of housing in broader circuits of capital accumulation, and the state's disinvestment in social housing. Drawing on the lived experiences of the impoverished Roma from Baia Mare (Maramureș county, Romania), I analyze how racialization produces them as surplus-as-laborer and surplus-as-tenant. The article explores the historically constituted labor-housing nexus. Capitalist enterprises are interested in having permanent access to a cheap and flexible labor force that reproduces in housing conditions that are as low cost as they are inadequate. Private real estate capital excludes those who cannot afford the fast-rising level of the ground rent while the post-socialist state refuses to invest in public housing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After several decades of deindustrialisation in the so-called advanced economies, we are seeing a renewed enthusiasm for urban manufacturing in cities, and the integration of production into the city fabric. Yet, small-scale industrial accommodation has long been susceptible to displacement by higher-value land uses--particularly residential and prime office--which directly undermines such aspirations. This article focuses on the case of London and, through a review of planning policy and planning documents, market data, and participant observation in both public and private sector networks, provides evidence for and explores the impacts of a hyper-competitive industrial market that has emerged as an outcome of ongoing limited supply and growing demand in the sector. Although it signals a reversal of displacement dynamics between industrial and residential uses, potentially slowing the loss of industrial land supply, it is also leading to a narrowing of demand and competition within the industrial market that leads to intra-industrial gentrification and threatens smaller manufacturers. The article reveals tensions and limitations in planning approaches that seek to manage industrial land supply and create a diversity of workspace accommodation, as well as a gap between popular policy narratives of industrious cities and manufacturing renaissance, and the coherence of policies to support them. The article concludes with a discussion of future research that could advance policy and other interventions to support manufacturing in cities, to further sustainability and social inclusion agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise in global trade volumes since the early 90s has been welcomed by many under the notion that trade helps countries edge closer to their economic potential. A concerning observation, however, is that while Asia, Latin America, and Europe seem to have witnessed a discernible rise in per capita income during this period and moved closer to their economic potential, sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) does not seem to have recorded as much success. Defining economic potential as maximum possible income from given resources and existing technology, the results presented here for a panel of 22 sub-Saharan countries observed between 1995 and 2021 confirm that the region's ability to edge closer to its full potential was heavily undermined by its small and shrinking manufacturing sector, a result that is replicated by counterfactual methods. In policy senses against this background, SSA may need to reconsider its widespread deindustrialization model and rejuvenate manufacturing. This policy implication feeds into the broader discussion of premature deindustrialization in SSA and its economic consequences. Evidence suggests that reversing this trend through expanding manufacturing potentially lifts about 50% of the sampled countries (including Rwanda, Togo, Guinea, Niger, Sierra-Leone, Gambia, Benin, Uganda, and Mozambique) from low-income status to middle-income status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines how deindustrialization as economic restructuring and housing regime changes evolved interconnectedly in Romania during the Great Transformation from state socialism to neoliberal capitalism. This article also explores how they acted as conditions for the emergence of a real-estate-development-driven housing regime (REDD-HR) alongside other factors. The analysis is from the perspective of the geographical political economy on the variegated pathways of these phenomena across borders and secondary statistical data collected by two research projects conducted in Romania in the past two years. In the Eastern semiperiphery of global capitalism or a country of the Global Easts with a socialist legacy, after 1990, the state restructured the economy by privatizing industry and public housing. During state socialism, the housing regime supported industrialization-based urbanization, whereas deindustrialization-cumprivatization in emerging capitalism facilitated the appearance of real estate development. On the one hand, the article enriches studies on deindustrialization by highlighting the role of housing in the transformation of industrial relations; on the other hand, the paper revisits housing studies by analyzing deindustrialization as a process with an impact on the changing housing regime. Altogether, deindustrialization-cum-privatization and the changing housing sector are analyzed as prerequisites of the REDD-HR.

This paper intends to delve deeply into the current understanding of the ways in which the transition from a central-based economy to an economy relying on free competition has led to changes in the big urban centers, bringing about a change in the relationships with the suburban areas. The authors take into account the high population density, the lack of space, and the elevated price of land within the big cities, which leads to urban functions migrating beyond the administrative boundaries, thus favoring the process of suburbanization. Given the context, commercial forces shift, migrating from the center to the urban peripheries or even outside them. This research is based on a comprehensive process of participative investigation (2012–2022) in Bucharest, Romania's capital city. The research relies on field investigation, statistical and quantitative analyses and bibliographical sources. The conclusions rely primarily on the idea that political changes cannot be separated from economic, cultural and environmental ones, highlighting globalizing flows and the development of big cities. Industrial activities, strongly developed within a central-based economy, have significantly declined, which is partly compensated for by the development of the tertiary sector and, in particular, of commercial services leading to a functional reconversion of the urban peripheries and of suburban areas. The conclusions suggest that it is very important to be highly careful regarding the dilemmas and challenges ensuing from uncontrolled urban growth; therefore, several measures of urban planning should be taken with a view to achieving a better cooperation between urban stakeholders and those from the metropolitan areas so as to attain some common objectives in infrastructure in order to reach an integrated regional development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the possible role of US trade liberalization in explaining Puerto Rico's deindustrialization. In order to address this issue, time series techniques were used. The results of the Granger Causality Test suggest that the imports made by the US from Mexico, Canada, Ireland, and Costa Rica do not explain Puerto Rico's deindustrialization. Therefore, no causal relationship was found between the imports made by the US from its NAFTA partners and the countries where the corporations that benefited from Section 936 relocated with the deindustrialization of Puerto Rico. Besides, the impulse response exercise suggests that in the first period, deindustrialization explains its variability by 100%, and in the final period, it explains 95.47%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the article is to analyze the new stylized facts related to the Tunisian revolution (loss of competitiveness, deindustrialization and reallocation of employment between sectors) which affected private manufacturing industries, more particularly those located in the coastal region. Based on the regional growth model, we identify the determinants of the (decrease) increase of manufacturing employment in the Tunisian coastal region using an unbalanced panel of 14 sectors spread over 150 delegations of 12 coastal governorates. The results show that industrial specialization, the initial size of establishments, the initial size of delegations, the average salary, the proportion of the population aged 10 years and over with a primary level have a negative effect on employment growth. In contrast, industrial diversity is a factor in employment growth. A delegation endowed with a qualified workforce stimulates its growth. The results also show that a phenomenon of job reallocation determines the growth of sectors. Finally, a process of regional convergence was recorded in the delegations of the Center-East as well as a remarkable effect of the decentralization policies on the growth of the delegations of the governorate of Zaghouan and Manouba.

In Brazil and elsewhere in the world, diagnoses of deindustrialization are concentrated in aggregate manufacturing, so policies can be ineffective if deindustrialization has a sector-specific component. This study quantifies and analyses deindustrialization for the individualised manufacturing sub-sectors. To do this, unpublished series of the manufacturing sub-sectors' share in the Brazilian GDP from 1970 to 2016 were created, based on official IBGE data. The results show that the manufacturing sub-sectors have deindustrialised at different intensities and periods of aggregate manufacturing, and a subsectoral approach reveals traces ignored by the literature on the quality of deindustrialization. We conclude that the Brazilian deindustrialization is normal (and expected) for the labourintensive manufacturing sub-sectors, but premature (and undesirable) for the technologyintensive sub-sectors. Therefore, Brazilian deindustrialization has negative consequences for the country's future scientific and technological development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The objective of the article is to analyze the relation between the innovative capacity and the deindustrialization process. We use data from 80 countries from 1995 to 2016. In addition, we use a new dependent variable to measure the deindustrialization process, related to the quality of exports and industrial competitiveness. The results suggest that there is a direct relationship between the innovative capacity and the share of industry in GDP, the relative share of industrial employment, and the quality of industrial exports. In the estimates considering the income level, we found that the impact of the innovative process on the dependent variables decreases as the income level rises. Although the effects of innovative capacity on industrial muscle remain positive. The results suggest that low innovative capacity may affect the deindustrialization process of a given country. The estimated result for the dependent variable related to the quality of exports presented the same behavior as the variables reported in the literature. As a public policy implication, the results suggest that policymakers should adopt incentive policies to build innovative capacity according to their income level, so that industrial development can provide special and favorable conditions for sustained growth.

Under the international environmental constraints formed by the implementation of carbon emissions reductions, China is facing tremendous pressure to reduce emissions while promoting stable economic development. This study analyzes the effects of Chinese economic growth rate, urbanization level, and deindustrialization level on carbon dioxide emissions under different levels of carbon dioxide emissions based on a quantile regression model. The study finds that: (1) In the stage of large carbon emissions, that is, in the stage of extensive economic development, the economic growth rate and carbon emissions have a positive linear curve relationship. (2) When carbon emissions remain at a normal level or even lower than usual, that is, energy resources have not yet been developed under the current economic backwardness or carbon emissions have been effectively controlled, the urbanization level and carbon dioxide emissions have a U-shaped curve relationship. (3) In most cases, the level of deindustrialization has an inverted U-shaped relationship with carbon emissions. (4) When carbon emissions are too large, that is, at the stage of extensive industrial development, the increase of deindustrialization level reduces the effect of economic growth rate on carbon emissions. During periods of low carbon emissions, the increase of deindustrialization level weakens the inhibitory effect of urbanization level on carbon emissions. This research provides a theoretical basis for China to implement emission reduction measures based on its own economic and social stages.

Deindustrialization became a pressing political issue and an object of research almost simultaneously in North America. This article inquires into the intellectual origins and radical roots of the deindustrialization thesis in Canada and the United States. Though the two countries share much in common, their distinctive formulations of the deindustrial problem in the 1970s and 1980s reflected key economic and political differences between them. Radical political economists in Canada and the United States turned to dependency theory and capital flight, respectively, in their theorization of deindustrialization. Barry Bluestone and Bennett Harrison's 1982 book, The Deindustrialization of America , in particular, is a founding text for the burgeoning field of deindustrialization studies. We can learn much from re-engaging with this early scholarship. In doing so, however, we need to bridge the continuing analytical divide between micro-level labour histories of working-class communities and macro-level studies of political economy and the international division of labour. La désindustrialisation est devenue un enjeu politique pressant et un objet de recherche presque simultanément en Amérique du Nord. Cet article interroge les origines intellectuelles et les racines radicales de la thèse de la désindustrialisation au Canada et aux États-Unis. Bien que les deux pays partagent beaucoup de points communs, leurs formulations distinctes du problème désindustriel dans les années 1970 et 1980 reflétaient des différences économiques et politiques essentielles entre eux. Les économistes politiques radicaux du Canada et des États-Unis se sont tournés vers la théorie de la dépendance et la fuite des capitaux, respectivement, dans leur théorisation de la désindustrialisation. Le livre de Barry Bluestone et Bennett Harrison de 1982, The Deindustrialization of America , en particulier, est un texte fondateur pour le domaine en plein essor des études sur la désindustrialisation. Nous pouvons apprendre beaucoup en renouant avec cette première bourse. Ce faisant, cependant, nous devons combler le fossé analytique persistant entre les histoires de travail au niveau micro des communautés ouvrières et les études au niveau macro de l'économie politique et de la division internationale du travail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growth of industrial tourism and heritage has both fascinated and frustrated scholars of deindustrialization. Frequently, workers and class conflict are obscured in or expunged from the official narratives of industrial heritage. This article makes an original contribution to research on deindustrialization and industrial heritage through fieldwork in Sudbury, Ontario – a region that has seen a decades-long process of industrial restructuring. The article draws on 26 qualitative interviews with current and retired nickel miners and analyzes workers' reflections on local mining history. It examines how workers understand the foreign takeover of the mines, job loss, and the transformation of Sudbury's regional economy away from blue-collar industrial employment. The article then explores the growth of regional tourism based around the mining sector, looking particularly at Dynamic Earth, an attraction that teaches visitors about the history of nickel mining through guided tours of a closed mine. On the one hand, workers critique what they see as an obfuscation of class conflict in industrial heritage, while on the other hand, they experience these sites as confirmation of the historic contributions nickel miners have made to Sudbury and the surrounding region. La croissance du tourisme industriel et du patrimoine a à la fois fasciné et frustré les spécialistes de la désindustrialisation. Souvent, les travailleurs et les conflits de classe sont obscurcis ou supprimés des récits officiels du patrimoine industriel. Cet article apporte une contribution originale à la recherche sur la désindustrialisation et le patrimoine industriel par le biais d'un travail de terrain à Sudbury, en Ontario, une région qui a connu un processus de restructuration industrielle de plusieurs décennies. L'article s'appuie sur 26 entretiens qualitatifs avec des mineurs de nickel actuels et retraités et analyse les réflexions des travailleurs sur l'histoire minière locale. Il examine comment les travailleurs comprennent la prise de contrôle étrangère des mines, la perte d'emplois et la transformation de l'économie régionale de Sudbury loin de l'emploi industriel des cols bleus. L'article explore ensuite la croissance du tourisme régional autour du secteur minier, en s'intéressant particulièrement à Terre dynamique, une attraction qui enseigne aux visiteurs l'histoire de l'extraction du nickel à travers des visites guidées d'une mine fermée. D'une part, les travailleurs critiquent ce qu'ils considèrent comme un obscurcissement du conflit de classe dans le patrimoine industriel, tandis que d'autre part, ils considèrent ces sites comme une confirmation des contributions historiques que les mineurs de nickel ont apportées à Sudbury et à la région environnante. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the industrial crisis of the 1920s and the Great Depression in the 1930s, consecutive provincial governments in Nova Scotia turned their efforts toward state-led economic development. After the election of Robert Stanfield and the Tories in 1956, a wholesale industrial planning model was unveiled. Indeed, Stanfieldian economic policy in Nova Scotia was predicated upon the belief that direct state-led interventionism was necessary to offset regional inequity. State corporate entities, such as Industrial Estates Limited, and renewed interest in a state-driven industrial relations paradigm were central in the province's efforts to revitalize its flagging economy and offset predicted decline in the Cape Breton coal and steel industries. This article examines the fate of the Clairtone Sound Corporation, one of Nova Scotia's "new industries" that emerged out of these state-led development efforts. A case study of this Stellarton-based firm reveals how structural processes of deindustrialization produced crisis even within sectors that were completely distinct from the province's cornerstone industries of coal and steel. This case includes a reflection on the class composition of the modernist state in Nova Scotia and represents a convergence of the historiographical focus on state-led industrial development in the Maritimes and recent literature found within deindustrialization studies. À la suite de la crise industrielle des années 1920 et de la Grande Dépression des années 1930, les gouvernements provinciaux successifs de la Nouvelle-Écosse ont orienté leurs efforts vers un développement économique dirigé par l›État. Après l›élection de Robert Stanfield et des conservateurs en 1956, un modèle de planification industrielle en gros a été dévoilé. En effet, la politique économique « stanfieldienne » en Nouvelle-Écosse reposait sur la conviction que l›interventionnisme direct dirigé par l›État était nécessaire pour compenser les inégalités régionales. Les sociétés d›État, comme Industrial Estates Limited, et le regain d›intérêt pour un paradigme de relations industrielles dirigé par l›État ont joué un rôle central dans les efforts de la province pour revitaliser son économie chancelante et compenser le déclin prévu des industries du charbon et de l›acier du Cap-Breton. Cet article examine le sort de la Clairtone Sound Corporation, l›une des « nouvelles industries » de la Nouvelle-Écosse qui a émergé de ces efforts de développement menés par l›État. Une étude de cas de cette entreprise basée à Stellarton révèle comment les processus structurels de désindustrialisation ont produit une crise même dans des secteurs complètement distincts des industries phares du charbon et de l›acier de la province. Ce cas comprend une réflexion sur la composition de classe de l›État moderniste en Nouvelle-Écosse et représente une convergence de l›accent historiographique sur le développement industriel dirigé par l›État dans les Maritimes et de la documentation récente trouvée dans les études sur la désindustrialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tracing the history of gendered working-class responses to deindustrialization in the Montréal neighbourhood of Saint-Henri reveals that many of the local political initiatives of the 1960s and 1970s were connected to longer-term working-class efforts to navigate shifting patterns of capital accumulation extending back to the 1940s. The gendered tradition of territory-based organizing in this community encouraged women workers' shop-floor militancy and was foundational for new forms of local political advocacy around issues like health care and housing. In deindustrialization's moment, the concerns of a precariously employed, feminized working-class population spurred a crossover of industrial struggle with survival-focused reproductive labour issues, centred around a grassroots organization called the popir (Projet d'organisation populaire, d'information, et de regroupement). This pattern of gendered working-class militancy and solidarity persisted throughout the 1980s and shaped resistance to Saint-Henri's subsequent gentrification at the turn of the new millennium. Retracer l'histoire des ripostes de la classe ouvrière à la désindustrialisation dans le quartier montréalais de Saint-Henri dans une perspective genrée permet d'établir des liens entre les initiatives politiques locales des années 1960 et 1970 aux tentatives d'adaptation de la classe ouvrière au contexte changeant d'accumulation du capital qui remontent à la décennie 1940. La tradition genrée de l'organisation locale au sein de cette communauté a encouragé le militantisme des travailleuses sur le plancher des usines et est au fondement de nouvelles formes d'organisations locales de défense des droits autour d'enjeux comme l'accès aux soins de santé et au logement. Dans un moment de désindustrialisation, les préoccupations d'une population ouvrière précaire et majoritairement féminisée ont donné l'élan au croisement entre les luttes industrielles et les enjeux de survie liés au travail reproductif, concentré au sein d'une organisation de base nommé le popir (Projet d'organisation populaire, d'information et de regroupement). Ce schéma de militantisme et de solidarité mené par une classe ouvrière genrée a persisté jusque dans les années 1980 et a servi de modèle à la résistance contre l'embourgeoisement de Saint-Henri au tournant du millénaire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses the various articles published within the issue on topics like deindustrialization, working class studies, and capitalism.

Nova Scotians understand economic hardships at both the personal and community levels. This is especially true for the residents of Pictou County. With the eclipse of coal, steel, and heavy manufacturing, successive governments looked to tourism to augment an eroding economic base and to commemorate the working lives of Nova Scotians. This article offers an analysis of the initial decision to construct and maintain the Museum of Industry in a region of the province subjected to sequential phases of deindustrialization. The venture, officially opened to regular attendance in 1995, is the largest facility in the province's impressive system of 28 regional museums. The creation of the museum, however, was fraught with uncertainty and narrowly avoided financial collapse and plans to disperse the collection of artifacts. The project was subsequently left straddling an uneasy divide between celebrating industrial heritage and tempering controversies of economic and environmental development. Despite Nova Scotia's proud heritage of worker resistance and union activism, visitors may exit the museum with the ambiguous message that while working lives are often harsh and riven with uncertainty, optimism for the future must prevail. The implication is that the appropriate response is selective anodyne forms of nostalgia, even resignation, but not resentment of the human and environmental costs of deindustrialization. Les Néo-Écossais comprennent les difficultés économiques tant au niveau personnel que communautaire. Cela est particulièrement vrai pour les résidents du comté de Pictou. Avec l'éclipse du charbon, de l'acier et de la fabrication lourde, les gouvernements successifs se sont tournés vers le tourisme pour augmenter une base économique en érosion et pour commémorer la vie active des Néo-Écossais. Cet article propose une analyse de la décision initiale de construire et d'entretenir le Musée de l'Industrie dans une région de la province soumise à des phases successives de désindustrialisation. L'entreprise, officiellement ouverte à la fréquentation régulière en 1995, est la plus grande installation de l'impressionnant réseau de 28 musées régionaux de la province. La création du musée, cependant, était semée d'incertitudes et a évité de justesse l'effondrement financier et les plans de dispersion de la collection d'artefacts. Le projet a ensuite été laissé à cheval sur un fossé difficile entre la célébration du patrimoine industriel et la modération des controverses sur le développement économique et environnemental. Malgré le fier héritage de la Nouvelle-Écosse en matière de résistance des travailleurs et d'activisme syndical, les visiteurs peuvent quitter le musée avec le message ambigu que même si les vies professionnelles sont souvent dures et déchirées par l'incertitude, l'optimisme pour l'avenir doit prévaloir. L'implication est que la réponse appropriée est des formes anodines sélectives de nostalgie, voire de résignation, mais pas le ressentiment des coûts humains et environnementaux de la désindustrialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although mine closures are an inherent feature of extractive industry, they tend to receive less attention in the literature on deindustrialization than the closures of manufacturing and other heavy industries. Until recently, the settler-colonial context of hinterland mineral development and its impact on northern Indigenous lands and communities in Canada have also remained largely unexplored within this literature. Mineral development is historically associated with the introduction of a colonial-capitalist industrial modernity across Canada's northern regions. Yet the boom-and-bust nature and ultimate ephemerality of mineral development has meant that resource-extractive regions have also been subject to intensive "cyclonic" periods of closure and deindustrialization. This article examines the experience of deindustrialization on the part of the Inuit community of Arctic Bay, who were largely "left behind" by the closure of Nanisivik, Canada's first High Arctic mine. Through documentary sources and oral history interviews we illustrate how, for Arctic Bay Inuit who were engaged in the cyclonic economies of Nanisivik's development and closure, there were myriad dimensions of social loss, displacement, and resentment associated with the failure of this industrial enterprise to deliver promised benefits to Inuit, beyond more commonly understood socioeconomic impacts such as job loss. Bien que les fermetures de mines soient une caractéristique inhérente de l'industrie extractive, elles ont tendance à recevoir moins d'attention dans la documentation sur la désindustrialisation que les fermetures d'industries manufacturières et d'autres industries lourdes. Jusqu'à récemment, le contexte colonial de l'exploitation minière de l'arrièrepays et son impact sur les terres et les communautés autochtones du nord du Canada sont également restés largement inexplorés dans cette documentation. Le développement minier est historiquement associé à l'introduction d'une modernité industrielle capitaliste coloniale dans les régions du nord du Canada. Pourtant, la nature en dents de scie et l'éphémère ultime du développement minier ont fait que les régions d'extraction de ressources ont également été soumises à des périodes « cycloniques » intensives de fermeture et de désindustrialisation. Cet article examine l'expérience de désindustrialisation de la communauté inuite d'Arctic Bay, largement « laissée pour compte » par la fermeture de Nanisivik, la première mine canadienne dans l'Extrême-Arctique. Grâce à des sources documentaires et à des entrevues d'histoire orale, nous illustrons comment, pour les Inuits d'Arctic Bay qui étaient engagés dans les économies cycloniques du développement et de la fermeture de Nanisivik, il y avait une myriade de dimensions de perte sociale, de déplacement et de ressentiment associés à l'échec de cette entreprise industrielle à livrer les avantages promis aux Inuits, au-delà des répercussions socioéconomiques mieux comprises comme la perte d'emploi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 15 August 1983, 9,500 workers from the Montréal locals of the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union went on strike for the first time in 43 years. The strike became known as "la grève de la fierté" and made clear that the women working in the city's garment factories were taking a stand against the layoffs and closures prompted by industrial restructuring and deindustrialization. However, the strike's success was limited, revealing the extent to which the structural inequities in the garment industry had calcified along gendered, classed, and ethnic lines. The union executive had grown increasingly distant from its rank-and-file, and it was immigrant women workers who were left to organize against the flurry of closures and the corresponding decline in their working conditions. The campaign leading up to the 1983 strike, organized by the Comité d'action des travailleurs du vêtement, articulated a series of demands for the improvement of workplace health and safety conditions, better benefits, and more representative union leadership. With original archival research and oral history interviews, I argue that the 1983 "grève de la fierté" illustrates how the historically entrenched gendered structure of labour relations shaped the pathways of deindustrialization in Montréal's garment industry. Le 15 août 1983, 9 500 travailleuses des sections locales montréalaises de l'Union internationale des ouvrières du vêtement pour dames se sont mis en grève pour la première fois en 43 ans. Cette grève, connue sous le nom de « grève de la fierté », montre que les femmes travaillant dans les usines de confection de la ville prennent position contre les licenciements et les fermetures provoqués par la restructuration industrielle et la désindustrialisation. Cependant, le succès de la grève a été limité, révélant à quel point les inégalités structurelles dans l'industrie de la confection s'étaient calcifiées selon les critères de genre, de classe et d'ethnie. La direction du syndicat s'était éloignée de plus en plus de sa base, et ce sont les travailleuses immigrées qui ont dû s'organiser pour lutter contre les fermetures et la dégradation correspondante de leurs conditions de travail. La campagne qui a mené à la grève de 1983, organisée par le Comité d'action des travailleurs du vêtement, a formulé une série de demandes pour l'amélioration des conditions de santé et de sécurité au travail, de meilleurs avantages sociaux et une direction syndicale plus représentative. À l'aide d'une recherche archivistique originale et d'entrevues d'histoire orale, je soutiens que la « grève de la fierté » de 1983 illustre comment la structure genrée des relations de travail a façonné les voies de la désindustrialisation dans l'industrie du vêtement de Montréal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on fieldwork in the majority Latinx (gender-neutral Latinos/as) rust-belt city of Reading and the majority white suburbs and rural towns of Berks County, Pennsylvania, United States, where three social movement groups are forging a left/liberal alignment. A history of uneven economic and social development in Reading/Berks underlies current divisions that confront the social movement organizations. Scholars grapple with bringing capital's non-waged and marginalized "others" into class analysis, and they remap class stuggles to account for capital's many laborers. The article proposes to apprehend how class is formed by combining difference, in the medium of time, and through political struggle. It explores the hidden relations among diverse populations and highlights the political moments that bring those connections to the fore at a specific historical conjuncture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For example, unions played a central role in securing greater shareholder say on executive pay through shareholder activism and the lobbying of lawmakers and regulators. Footnotes 1 For evidence of the breadth of Jacoby's understanding of labor economics, see Jacoby ([1]), which contains an informed assessment of the institutional labor economics tradition. 2 through 4) focuses on the emergence of shareholder activism by public pensions funds, epitomized by the California Public Employees' Retirement System (CalPERS), and labor unions in the 1980s and 1990s. [Extracted from the article]

Michigan was an industrial powerhouse until the onset of deindustrialization in 1970. This paper compares socio‐economic and demographic changes at the neighbourhood level between 1970 and 2019 in two medium‐sized cities/counties in Michigan (Flint/Genesee County and Grand Rapids/Kent County) that underwent deindustrialization. Only 35% of neighbourhoods in the two counties were of the same class in 2019 as in 1970. Middle‐class neighbourhoods declined while poor and upper‐middle class neighbourhoods increased. The contemporary spatial structure of neighbourhoods in these two counties is a mixture of classic concentric ring/sectoral models interspersed with socio‐economic downgrading inner‐ring suburbs identified within other US cities since the 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise in global trade volumes since the early 90s has been welcomed by many under the notion that trade helps countries edge closer to their economic potential. A concerning observation, however, is that while Asia, Latin America, and Europe seem to have witnessed a discernible rise in per capita income during this period and moved closer to their economic potential, sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) does not seem to have recorded as much success. Defining economic potential as maximum possible income from given resources and existing technology, the results presented here for a panel of 22 sub-Saharan countries observed between 1995 and 2021 confirm that the region’s ability to edge closer to its full potential was heavily undermined by its small and shrinking manufacturing sector, a result that is replicated by counterfactual methods. In policy senses against this background, SSA may need to reconsider its widespread deindustrialization model and rejuvenate manufacturing. This policy implication feeds into the broader discussion of premature deindustrialization in SSA and its economic consequences. Evidence suggests that reversing this trend through expanding manufacturing potentially lifts about 50% of the sampled countries (including Rwanda, Togo, Guinea, Niger, Sierra-Leone, Gambia, Benin, Uganda, and Mozambique) from low-income status to middle-income status.

The objective of the article is to analyze the relation between the innovative capacity and the deindustrialization process. We use data from 80 countries from 1995 to 2016. In addition, we use a new dependent variable to measure the deindustrialization process, related to the quality of exports and industrial competitiveness. The results suggest that there is a direct relationship between the innovative capacity and the share of industry in GDP, the relative share of industrial employment, and the quality of industrial exports. In the estimates considering the income level, we found that the impact of the innovative process on the dependent variables decreases as the income level rises. Although the effects of innovative capacity on industrial muscle remain positive. The results suggest that low innovative capacity may affect the deindustrialization process of a given country. The estimated result for the dependent variable related to the quality of exports presented the same behavior as the variables reported in the literature. As a public policy implication, the results suggest that policymakers should adopt incentive policies to build innovative capacity according to their income level, so that industrial development can provide special and favorable conditions for sustained growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the middle of the 20th century, economic theories predicted an evolution towards development that involved the tertiarization of the productive structure, with industry losing weight to the benefit of commerce and services. This model justified the deindustrialization of countries when, promoting globalization, large companies relocated production phases to third countries to take advantage of lower labor costs. Since the Great Recession and aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic and other economic factors, globalization seems to be entering a new phase in the third decade of the 21st century, in which Global Value Chains are changing to become even more regional and reshoring is a strategy increasingly employed by large European and North American companies. In the medium term, this global change will have a considerable impact on land systems on a global scale in what could be a new reindustrialization of the old continent. The article presents an investigation carried out on the impact of reshoring in leading European companies in six different industrial branches. The results of the research show how the relocation of the industry in the most developed countries is an incipient trend practiced by the leading European companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large numbers of industrial zones have emerged in the urban outskirts of developing countries. Generally, these zones become economically efficient and environmentally unfriendly due to a lack of regulation and poor planning. Therefore, a restructuring of underperforming industrial areas is urgently needed. However, most restructuring processes lead to economic and social issues, such as deindustrialization and unemployment. Therefore, this study proposed a restructuring framework specific to the industrial areas in the urban outskirts and tested it in a case study in Shunde, China. In the framework, securing the existing industrial cluster is given sufficient attention, and the retained firms are relocated to dedicated resettlement sites before the demolition begins. As a result, the industrial clusters were successfully maintained after the restructuring. Moreover, the introduction of vertical factories allows for additional land supply and improves the environment to a great extent. Consequently, one world-class high-tech firm was added to the restructured areas. The restructuring framework and the case study should shed light on other restructuring projects occurring in developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globally the manufacturing sector is recognized as a key driver of economic development. Kenya's manufacturing sector is no exception with a contribution of 10% to gross domestic product from 2008 to 2014. In the 2017-2019 time period, however, the contribution deteriorated to 8.4%, 7.7% and 7.54% respectively, suggesting a possible premature de-industrialization. If this trend persists, Kenya's goal of achieving a robust manufacturing sector through the Big Four Agenda may not be achieved. While the government has implemented strategies and interventions to boost the sector, these do not seem to reverse the trend. Against this backdrop, we explore how social capital as a readily available resource can be tapped to enhance performance among the micro, small and medium manufacturing enterprises. The study employs relevant theories namely social capital theory, resource-based view, and dynamic capability, among others. The sample includes 384 ventures from a population of 61,931 licensed manufacturing businesses operating within Nairobi City County. Findings indicate that social capital positively and significantly predicted the performance of micro, small and medium manufacturing enterprises. No moderating effect was found in the link between social capital, operating environment and performance. The study recommends that management and policy interventions harness more and diverse networks to enable firms better manage changes within the operating environment without adverse impact on performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper intends to delve deeply into the current understanding of the ways in which the transition from a central-based economy to an economy relying on free competition has led to changes in the big urban centers, bringing about a change in the relationships with the suburban areas. The authors take into account the high population density, the lack of space, and the elevated price of land within the big cities, which leads to urban functions migrating beyond the administrative boundaries, thus favoring the process of suburbanization. Given the context, commercial forces shift, migrating from the center to the urban peripheries or even outside them. This research is based on a comprehensive process of participative investigation (2012–2022) in Bucharest, Romania’s capital city. The research relies on field investigation, statistical and quantitative analyses and bibliographical sources. The conclusions rely primarily on the idea that political changes cannot be separated from economic, cultural and environmental ones, highlighting globalizing flows and the development of big cities. Industrial activities, strongly developed within a central-based economy, have significantly declined, which is partly compensated for by the development of the tertiary sector and, in particular, of commercial services leading to a functional reconversion of the urban peripheries and of suburban areas. The conclusions suggest that it is very important to be highly careful regarding the dilemmas and challenges ensuing from uncontrolled urban growth; therefore, several measures of urban planning should be taken with a view to achieving a better cooperation between urban stakeholders and those from the metropolitan areas so as to attain some common objectives in infrastructure in order to reach an integrated regional development.

The deindustrialization process of Romania, applied methodically and persistently after the 90s, seems not to be part of the natural path towards industry 4.0, but rather to be a systematic process of planned destruction and erasure of the post-December industry, on a new Valev Plan system conceived in the secret laboratories of the artisans of the new world configuration. The insistence with which there was a systematic and planned demolition of most of the large industrial capacities and platforms betrays obscure interests that can no longer be placed under the umbrella of classifying them as obsolete or non-performing, but rather as inconvenient for foreign markets and foreign capitals. To better understand the mechanisms that acted in order to reset Romania and return it to the status of a semi-agrarian colony, exporting raw materials, natural resources and cheap labor, materialized by the destruction of the heavy, petrochemical, food and car manufacturing industry, we will need to analyze in depth the essence of the manifestation framework of the processes that support globalism as an ideology and globalization as a supra-state and neo-colonialist policy of the great international power centers.

This article takes the first step in attempting to create a more accurate timeline of deindustrialization, which is generally understood as a process that begins and proceeds through the 1970s. I argue that this narrative of deindustrialization, which is very much tied to 1970s events, should be called into question, as the empirical evidence on corporate relocation tells a different story. The article tracks the regional movement of auto corporations out of Detroit and establishes a new timeline for corporate migration and deindustrialization, well before this generally accepted 1970s starting point. To do this it makes use of multiple collections housed in the Reuther Archives at Wayne State University and Moody’s Industrial Manual Reports. In questioning the established timeline of deindustrialization, the article highlights other aspects of the process itself.

Background: - Coal mining areas in the UK continue to suffer worse health outcomes despite the industry disappearing by the early 1990s. Unemployment and deprivation are cited as key explanations. However, as the health effects of hazardous working environments continue after the industry's closure, it is unclear to what extent this ongoing health deficit is due to the legacy health effect of coal mining versus socioeconomic factors, including unemployment and deprivation., Methods: - I isolate the legacy health effect of coal mining using a matching research design. Coal mining areas are paired with non-mining areas using propensity score matching. This creates a sample of socioeconomically similar local authority districts in England and Wales. I estimate the effect of coal mining on male and female age-standardised period mortality rates for 1981-2019, analysing temporal dynamics and testing for convergence., Results: - I find an initial coal mining effect in 1981 on male (female) mortality rates of 122.6 (66.5) deaths per 100,000. This effect decreases by 91% (70%) during this period, indicating convergence in mortality rates. The timing of this convergence is consistent with that of the industry's closure, with higher convergence rates observed during the 1990s., Conclusions: - These results provide evidence for a legacy health effect on mortality from coal mining and convergence in mortality rates between 1981 and 2019. This effect is important when explaining the health deficit experienced by coal mining areas. Furthermore, as coal mining areas tend to be more deprived, these results also shed light on relevant mechanisms driving recent health inequality in the UK., Competing Interests: The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (© 2024 The Author.)

The article presents the results of a comparative analysis of productivity in developed countries, including EU countries and Ukraine. Hypotheses about the identity of the deindustrialization factor as the main cause for productivity decrease for both the Ukrainian economy and the economic systems of developed countries are verified. Purpose of the article: To develop a comprehensive methodological approach to strategizing and state regulation of the business environment based on guidelines developed according to the results of a comparative analysis of the productivity of entrepreneurial activities and focused on maximizing the creation of added value, which is a criterion for increasing the productivity of entrepreneurial activities. Methods used: A review of the scientific literature, a comparative analysis of the productivity of entrepreneurial activity in developed countries and Ukraine, including time series analysis, calculating growth rates of per capita value-added, and factor analysis of key obstacles that hinder the growth of the productivity of innovative entrepreneurial activity. The contribution made to the theory and methodology of productivity includes the proposed definition of the economic category “productivity of entrepreneurial activity”; general methodological principles of forming a strategy for improving the productivity of entrepreneurial activities are established; taking into account the best international experience, the main principles of state regulation of the entrepreneurial environment are laid down; it is established that the purpose of the strategy for improving the productivity of entrepreneurial activity is to provide the state with favorable business conditions, i.e., to create a favorable entrepreneurial environment and make it possible to identify and use hidden assets of entrepreneurial structures to develop value-added chains, the growth of which is a criterion for increasing productivity.

The decline of manufacturing employment is frequently invoked as a key cause of worsening U.S. population health trends, including rising mortality due to "deaths of despair." Increasing automation-- the use of industrial robots to perform tasks previously done by human workers-- is one structural force driving the decline of manufacturing jobs and wages. In this study, we examine the impact of automation on age- and sex-specific mortality. Using exogenous variation in automation to support causal inference, we find that increases in automation over the period 1993-2007 led to substantive increases in all- cause mortality for both men and women aged 45-54. Disaggregating by cause, we find evidence that automation is associated with increases in drug overdose deaths, suicide, homicide, and cardiovascular mortality, although patterns differ by age and sex. We further examine heterogeneity in effects by safety net program generosity, labor market policies, and the supply of prescription opioids. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article summarizes the theoretical, methodological and practical aspects of industrial restructuring as a necessary condition for sustainable development and inclusive economic growth. The irrationality of the approach of the "reformers" to the application of the recommendations of the "Washington Consensus", which led to the deindustrialization of the Ukrainian economy, is analyzed. The main reasons for the low efficiency of the implementation of nationwide targeted economic programs for the development of industry have been identified. The need for effective interaction in the industrial structure of large, medium and small businesses is indicated. The level of innovative development of the national economy is assessed. An analysis of the export potential was carried out; its predominantly raw material character was noted. Measures are proposed to improve the organizational mechanism for managing the state industrial policy.