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Inequality refers to the extent to which income is evenly distributed across a population (IMF, 2022). The World Inequality Report (WIR, 2022) reveals the latest trends in global income inequality. It shows that the richest 10% of the global population currently earns 52% of global income, while the poorest half of the population takes 8.5% of it. In emerging market economies, indications are that income inequality is rising; sometimes accompanied by accelerating economic growth. Reports reveal that Brazil's six richest individuals command the same wealth associated with the poorest 50% of the population, or about 100 million people. The World Inequality Report (2021) reveals India as a poor and unequal country, with the bottom half of the population earning only 13% of the nation's income, while the top 10% controls 57% by 2021. In South Africa, the IMF (2020) acknowledges that the nation's inequality has remained at high levels, perhaps the highest in the world. This is characterized by a highly skewed income distribution pattern, with the top 20% of the population controlling 68% of national income. These developments hold grave implications for emerging markets, particularly their ability to meet the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals. The main objective of this paper is to explore income inequality in emerging market economies, with a multi-country study of Brazil, India and South Africa. The methodological approach to the study involves both qualitative and quantitative analytical techniques. It relies on secondary data in publications from various sources, complemented by interviews of stakeholders in the study areas. Findings reveal the income inequality is undermining economic growth and development in emerging markets, fueling conflicts and triggering migration in some countries. The paper presents recommendations, underpinned by progressive taxation, social safety nets, gender equality, development of social services, and leveraging economic and financial incentives for labour-intensive industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A handful of recent film studies publications have taken as their subject composers' reflexive and analytical accounts of their own practice in creating music for film. This paper aims to take that approach a step further by exploring both the collaborative creative processes behind the composition of my score for the 2007 South African/Danish film, My Black Little Heart, and the cross-cultural representational issues raised by it. It is often unacknowledged by composers how much a director, producer or music editor informs the final score, and I examine the often very subtle decision-making processes, the constant adjustments and readjustments, that occurred between the film maker (in this case, the director) and myself, the composer, in the creation of the film's music. An unusual consequence of the high level of creative reciprocity on this project was the powerful influence the music had on the structure of the film. This paper adds to a growing body of recent scholarship that sees a consideration of the production process as fundamental to an understanding of music's active role in the creation of meaning in a film; the antithesis of seeing the score as simply music tacked on to a virtually complete film. This paper also examines the way the film uses a number of diegetic music cues associated with specific characters as a shorthand delineation of their racial, religious and sub-cultural identities. I look at the representational value of these cues and how they relate to stereotypes, myths and metaphors used to describe post-apartheid society, as well as how this relates to the film's representation of South African realities. The article ends with a brief analysis and interpretation of the music, its meaning and effects, but rather unusually, this is done from the perspective of the composer, something that is still relatively rare in film music studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a comparative analysis of modes of dialogue, non‐verbal communication and embodied action relating to sex and health in two contrasting countries—India and South Africa—which have the world's two most heavily HIV‐affected populations (in terms of numbers of people living with HIV). Drawing on material derived from multiple studies, including ethnographic and other forms of qualitative and multi‐disciplinary research, the paper identifies commonalities as well as differences in communication relating to sex and sexual health in these diverse settings. The paper considers: first, how and by whom sex is and is not talked about, in public discourse and private conversation; second, how sexual intention and desire are communicated through indirect, non‐verbal means in everyday life; and third, how references to sexuality and the sexual body re‐enter within a more explicit set of indigenous discourses about health (rather than ‘sexual health’ per se ), such as semen loss in India and womb ‘dirtiness’ in South Africa. The concluding section reflects on the implications of a comparative analysis such as this for current policy emphases on the importance of promoting verbal communication skills as part of ‘life skills’ for HIV prevention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Biodiversity information obtained during environmental impact assessments (EIAs) is rarely accessible for other uses following the completion of the EIA. Such data need to be made readily accessible; adding them to publicly accessible national datasets is important if biodiversity science, conservation and future decisions based on environmental assessment are to benefit from new biodiversity data and improved biodiversity data coverage. An ‘EIA Biodiversity Data Publishing Framework’, based on the Global Biodiversity Information Facility (GBIF) global standards, is thus proposed to meet this need. This paper outlines the GBIF-catalysed initiative to establish such an operational framework for uptake by the EIA community, as well as options that are available for data publishing in the absence of such a framework. It reviews the current state of accessibility and management of the primary biodiversity data associated with EIA studies, and highlights the urgent need for uptake of a range of data-publishing tools and best practices for making EIA biodiversity data exchangeable using globally accepted standards. Lessons learnt from pilot projects in India and South Africa underline the call for the rapid uptake of a national-to-global scale EIA Biodiversity Data Publishing Framework. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]