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The rise of China is seen by some observers as a precursor of inevitable hegemonic competition in East Asia. At the very least, it seems likely that China's influence in East Asia will grow at the expense of the United States. Whether this will eventually amount to a form of hegemonic transition is far less clear. It is, therefore, an opportune moment to consider the relative strengths and weaknesses of China and the US in East Asia. This paper suggests that the nature of hegemonic competition and transition is more uncertain and complex than some of the most influential theoretical understandings of hegemony would have us believe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the geopolitical landscape in East Asia, focusing on the possibility of a Chinese invasion of Taiwan. It explores China's strategic objectives, military preparations, and the challenges it would face in executing such an operation. Despite China's growing military capabilities, Taiwan's geographic advantages, robust defense systems, and significance in global supply chains make an invasion a formidable and risky undertaking. The article also considers the potential involvement of allies and the broader implications for international relations. It concludes that maintaining the status quo is in the best interest of all parties involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's consolidation of power in East Asia has been reshaping regional security dynamics. This has challenged US regional leadership and confronted Asian states with a new strategic dilemma of major power rivalry. Similarly, China's rise has presented the EU with challenges to its strategy in East Asia, especially since Europe has high stakes in maintaining the security of the maritime commons for pursuing its trade interests in the region. This article examines China's rise in East Asia and evaluates the US and EU responses. The article argues that the diverging perceptions concerning China's rise - namely the threat versus opportunity dichotomy - largely define the respective responses of Washington and Brussels. The US both engages and hedges against China, which serves as a check on Beijing's regional ambitions and leads to a certain moderation in Chinese security behaviour in Asia. In contrast, the EU's uni-dimensional engagement strategy encourages Beijing to assert its regional interests and behave more like a typical rising power seeking dominance in East Asia. Ultimately, the competitive dynamics in US-China relations are reinforced by the EU's passivity on issues of core interest to Beijing, which makes the outcome of China's rise more, rather than less, uncertain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the sources and consequences of East Asia's participation in global governance. Despite the rhetoric of global contribution, the article argues that global governance issues are reframed in East Asia to better suit domestic and regional priorities. Specifically, two underlying mechanisms are at work to complicate, and often render ineffective, East Asia's foray into global governance: (1) the conflicting identities of the three countries at the regional and global levels; and (2) the localization of global governance issues. By examining the global role of China, Japan, and South Korea in climate change, peacekeeping, nuclear nonproliferation, the article shows how the shared desire of enhancing global status in East Asia is tempered by the politics of dual identity and issue localization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the development of an increasingly sophisticated literature on comparative regional integration drawing from a variety of cases, the European experience remains the most often used benchmark against which other integrative processes are judged; there is still an often implicit expectation that 'successful' processes of regionalism will end up looking something like the European Union. While it is correct to move away from such a 'Euro-dominance', the theoretical lessons learned continue to have salience when applied to emerging and competing forms of integrative processes in East Asia. In particular, when economic considerations dominate regional relations - at times of economic crises - then integrative logics and strategies come to the fore. In more 'normal' times when geo-strategic considerations reassert themselves, then the consensus over region building and the very nature of the region itself is weakened and cooperation is replaced by competing visions and the over-supply of region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' (ASEAN) value added and limitations regarding its ability to play a role in regional security in East Asia. It is stated that ASEAN's contributions to regional security and within ASEAN-plus arrangements are not uniform, and are dependent on the relationship and the arrangement. It is mentioned that China, the U.S., and many other ASEAN states were initially resistant to the idea of new, expanded regional arrangements.

Neorealists argue that Japan's response to the rise of China has been to draw closer to the United States in order to balance Chinese power. In practice, the Koizumi and Abe administrations differed in their responses to the growth of Chinese power in East Asia. While Prime Minister Koizumi sought to consolidate the US-Japan alliance, Prime Minister Abe adopted a dual-track approach, combining enhanced bilateralism with enhanced regionalism. Although buttressing the US-Japan alliance, this strategy aimed to balance China by building a containment coalition with other Asia-Pacific states. Japan's signing of a security declaration with Australia in March 2007 was an important element of Abe's strategy, and marked a subtle shift in Japanese security policy from exclusive bilateralism to modest minilateralism. Although congruent with US strategic interests, this move supported Prime Minister Abe's ambition to exercise more autonomous influence over the regional security order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores two contrasting approaches in assessing the performance of U.S. security strategy in East Asia relative to the rise of China. The first approach is the positive-sum approach, which emphasized the danger of security dilemmas and spirals of tension. The second approach is the zero-sum approach, which emphasized power competition and the long term dangers posed by China.

Using Pedersen's concept of cooperative hegemony, this article examines the prospect of China's peaceful emergence in East Asia. It notes that China has the essential characteristics to become a cooperative hegemon, spearheading an asymmetrical federation among its neighbors in the region. It also observes that China presently employs a number of foreign policy strategies that will enable it to effect a peaceful emergence except in one respect--its ability to accommodate the presence and interests of two hegemonic powers in East Asia. In conclusion, the article asserts that the peaceful emergence of China is possible if it can tactfully manage its relations with the United States with respect to Taiwan, and develop an innovative approach in dealing with Japan, the current cooperative hegemon in East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores international security concerns in East Asia. Effects of historical legacies and racial hatred on Sino-Japanese relations; China's assessments of Japan's military power; Effects of United States-Japan relations to Chinese security analysts' views on Japan's military buildup; Provocative nature of efforts to boost Japan's relationship with the United States.