Search

This summary paper for the symposium provides a brief overview of the papers by Craig Veitch, John Beard and Max Kamien that deal with the environmental, socioeconomic and political descriptors of ‘rurality’. Those three papers deal with a number of fundamental truths about rural and remote health, including the fact that internal migration is an important and poorly understood factor in determining community and health outcomes. A brief treatment of the issue suggests that selective internal migration is likely to mean that the burden of illness in rural and remote areas is even higher than that suggested by the published figures. The paper then asserts that thinking in the rural and remote health sector in Australia focuses largely on the negative aspects of the current characteristics of rural areas. A self-evident definition of ‘rurality’ is offered that has it defined by the set of factors that currently characterise places, communities and individuals outside the major cities. The paper suggests that each of these characteristics has an upside or benefit, as well as a downside or risk, and that giving greater attention to the former will provide a better basis for informing rural health policy and practice than the deficit view alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2000 the Howard government formed a consultative committee to review defence policy and gauge public opinion on defence issues. It concentrated on the impact of budgetary stringency and dramatic strategic change and supported increased defence spending on equipment to cater for high-level threats. Was there a thorough review? Inconsistencies occurred in the reports developed from the review and statements made by senior policy-makers while it was being conducted. The way the review was undertaken points to conceptual tensions in Australia's strategic culture and serious problems with entrenched interests in the services. Unless these challenges are addressed, a thorough review of defence policy cannot be undertaken. The review process itself needs to be reviewed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digital technologies have enhanced the capacity for organisations across many sectors to produce, publish, and disseminate research in a variety of formats, and a great deal of it is sought and used in public policy and practice‐related research, yet this diversity is often overlooked in studies of research use. While the need for diverse research sources and formats for public policy and practice is increasingly acknowledged, there have been few studies which articulate and categorise what this diversity looks like in practice, and how research is filtered and selected based on genre, source, and other facets. This article reports on a large‐scale online survey and semi‐structured interviews with research users across multiple sectors in Australia on the materials they access and use for policy and practice work. The results indicate that research users are active information seekers who require online access to diverse genres and formats produced by a range of sources and sectors. However, respondents also faced many barriers to research use, including the cost of subscriptions for academic journals, discoverability of reports and data, poor management of publications by organisations including government, and the time required for filtering and evaluation. Based on these findings I argue that policy research requires a far greater variety of genres and sources than is generally recognised with implications for the way research use and the research publishing system is understood and managed in Australia. Points for practitioners: Policy research and implementation requires diverse online sources and resources from multiple sectors, including reports, discussion papers, evaluations, and data, produced by organisations (grey literature), as well as journals and books.However, this paper finds there are major barriers to discovery, filtering, and access to diverse research publications for practitioners, resulting in poor productivity and policy outcomes.To improve the use of evidence for policy and practice, we must invest in efficient discovery, access, and management systems for diverse research publications. Summary at a glance Research publications used for public policy and practice in Australia are far more diverse, dynamic, and multisector than is generally recognised with implications for the way we understand and manage the research publishing system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Family violence is becoming increasingly visible in Australia, with many state and federal governments taking on more responsibility to address family violence and its impacts on those affected. Current efforts are focused on practice frameworks, identifying and responding to risk factors, and social justice frameworks including legislating against family violence in a range of jurisdictions and addressing more broadly the structural and cultural forces that perpetuate violence and further oppress those victimised. Family violence is not unique to Australia, with prevalence rates internationally suggesting family violence occurs irrespective of country, race, age, culture, effectiveness of social policies or socioeconomic status. This paper explores relevant foundational concepts of Bowen family systems theory (BFST) as it relates to family violence and explores opportunities to evolve practice in this area. BFST offers a unique contribution towards addressing family violence, particularly in relation to the public health challenge of addressing family polyvictimisation. The paper also explores how BFST conceptualises family violence and the role of the professional in working with the family as a single emotional unit. The unique focus of BFST on observing and defining self within the emotional family unit through observation of the underlying multigenerational emotional patterns of functioning provides unique opportunities to evolve and develop both the capacity of clinicians and responses to families who are navigating the serious and challenging impacts of family violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares the approaches to poverty elimination adopted by the UK government White Paper on international development and the Australian government's review of its overseas aid programme (Ausaid Review). Both documents adopt sustainable poverty reduction/elimination as the key policy leitmotiv of overseas aid policy. However, a difference of approach is in evidence. The UK White Paper ventriloquizes the DAC and World Summit social policy targets and ambitiously elevates its own departmental policy and values to that of government policy overall--though without specifying the instruments by which this consistency can be assured. The silence on the resource implications of the overriding objective of poverty elimination, in terms of budgetary provision, could create a credibility gap between intentions and programme implementation. The Ausaid Review, on the other hand, hones its cutting edge on the complex, often self-serving array of development programmes that are often lacking in focus and harboured from external scrutiny by an overprotective bureaucracy. The Review suggests the adoption of a single value statement of 'poverty reduction through sustainable development' by which all programmes should be judged. The predominantly Australian-based tertiary education scholarship programme is criticized for pandering to domestic educational constituencies and reflecting a weak linkage to poverty reduction. However, in the final analysis the narrow geographical focus of the programme, the privileged status of PNG and the level of tied aid remain substantially intact--despite serious question marks over their poverty content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing interest in how policy processes can better incorporate the values of the communities they serve, yet policymakers face numerous challenges when they seek to embed values into policies. This paper builds on existing values research to develop a bespoke policy values framework for Australia, based on the popular notion of a 'fair go'. While the fair go is often associated with a narrow set of equality and procedural justice values, we show that it has a much wider range of historical and contemporary meanings, which taken together provide a useful starting point for understanding policy values important to Australians. We apply our framework to two policy domains—housing and immigration—to show that it offers an effective heuristic to help policymakers understand key value priorities and conflicts in these policy areas. The paper provides theoretical insights regarding the role of values in policymaking and offers a practical tool for use when designing, implementing, and evaluating policies. Points for practitioners: Community values should inform public policy decision‐making in a democracy. However, incorporating values into policy is difficult because of the wide range of different values to consider, the need to manage tensions and conflicts between values, and the time pressures often faced by policymakers.The popular and enduring notion of the 'fair go' embodies multiple value positions, which cover a range of different values that matter to Australians, making it a good basis for an Australian policy values framework.Our fair go values framework is designed to serve as a heuristic for policymakers when designing and evaluating public policies. It is not intended as a comprehensive guide to value debates in all policy areas, but offers a starting point for quickly appreciating the key value priorities and conflicts in relation to a policy issue. Policymakers should wherever possible follow up with detailed research to understand the complex value debates of different policy issue areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Australian Government's attempts at national urban policy have been sporadic and inconsistent, under the constraints of constitutional, financial, ideological and political factors. This paper concerns the recent resurgence of national urban policy under the rubric of "smart cities" adopted by the Turnbull Government and carried on by the incumbent Morrison Government. It investigates how this round of smart cities agenda articulates with Australia's political tradition of national urban policy to seek continuity and change, through comparing historical policies, unpacking major smart cities programmes, identifying explanatory factors and critically commenting on its innovation and legacy. Drawing upon these analyses, this paper argues that understanding the smart cities agenda needs to move beyond the political, ideological "to‐and‐fro" pendulum to national urban policy observed in history. Rather, it resonates with a globalised policy norm established upon the city‐based global integration and competition, driven by an imperative of transitioning to a knowledge economy and pursuing innovation capacity. It is too early to judge whether the smart cities agenda will bring changes to Australian cities in the way it wishes, since it involves long‐term infrastructure investment and urban development projects. However, a comprehensive and consistent national urban policy to govern the Australian system of cities and towns has not been established yet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western democracies are experiencing a widespread shift towards greater recognition of transgender rights in public policy, yet the timing of change differs across states. To explain this variation, I present a novel theoretical framework called "policy momentum." Unlike existing work on policy diffusion, which typically emphasizes domestic or international processes, I theorize how the combined pressure from each level creates the conditions for policy change to occur. Empirically, I contrast the creation of national human rights policies to protect transgender individuals in Canada (2017) and Australia (2013). Using process‐tracing and within‐case analyses, and drawing on elite interviews, primary documents, and Hansard records, I demonstrate the decisive interaction of subnational legislative changes with an emerging global norm to produce transgender policy change. This paper thus contributes to our understanding of LGBTQ+ public policy while also providing a framework for explaining the conditions for cross‐national policy change more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) has a long history of realising value from data assets supported by our strong governance and analytical capability. Recent changes to technology, government policy and the complexity and volume of our data holdings have put increasing pressure on our existing processes for data collation, analysis and sharing/release. While the AIHW has already put in place a number of initiatives to respond to the changing demands on data, some slow response times have resulted from new developments required to meet some of the complex challenges posed by Multi‐source Enduring Linked Data Assets (MELDAs) such as the National Integrated Health Services Initiative (NIHSI). The learnings we are taking forward will provide smoother pathways for newer MELDAs such as the National Disability Data Asset. This paper outlines the new challenges faced with appropriately managing MELDAs, and the learnings of the AIHW have taken forward in realising value from this new type of data asset along with how MELDAs, such as the NIHSI, can be applied to address social policy questions in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the strategic interests that inform deforestation policies in Australia, and the variance in policy selections over time. A theory of deliberate policy disproportionality is used to analyse 20 years of regulatory reform in Queensland, focusing on the Vegetation Management Act (VMA) 1999. Application of the framework to this case suggests that political executives were prone to deliberately adopt (dis)proportionate policies as a strategic response to either manage or capitalise on stakeholder support or opposition to any proposed legislative change. The high variance in (dis)proportionate deforestation policies is attributed to how political executives respond to claims made by competing constituencies regarding the costs versus benefits of successive reforms. During key reform phases, policy under‐reaction was the norm, and political executives intentionally limited the scope and effectiveness of the VMA 1999 due to perceived impacts on the agricultural sector. Political executives were highly responsive to the emotional investment of rural constituents and averse to introducing policies that required difficult trade‐offs. Elections offered strategic opportunities for delivering more proportionate policies that balanced public environmental benefits with economic impacts, as evidenced by a conditional deforestation ban introduced between 2004 and 2012 and reinstated in 2018. Points for practitioners: Variance in Queensland's deforestation policy over time can be attributed to the intentional decisions by political executives to limit or expand the scope of regulations as a strategic response to stakeholder expectations.Political executives were responsive to the costs versus environmental impacts/benefits of any deforestation reforms, but prone to policy under‐reaction when the priority was managing the emotive reactions from rural constituencies.More proportionate regulations, such as the partial deforestation ban of 2004, aimed to balance environmental benefits with compensation for landholders but were only implemented when electorally beneficial.Stakeholders have a significant influence on disproportionate deforestation policy design and governments will need to manage competing claims to deliver more durable policy outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses spatial microsimulation to calculate small area poverty severity and headcount poverty in Australia using the Foster-Greer-Thorbeck method. The estimates of poverty severity across Australia, and for certain subgroups of the population, are then compared with headcount poverty rates. Areas of difference are highlighted, and the reasons for some of these differences are investigated further. Because the spatial microsimulation gives unit record data on incomes in each small area, we can compare the microsimulated income distributions for the small areas to see what drives the difference between headcount poverty and poverty severity. We find that the headcount poverty rate is in the same quintile as poverty severity for 63% of people in Australia. The headcount poverty rate tends to be lower than poverty severity in areas where there is extreme poverty, and this is confirmed by looking at the microsimulated income distribution of areas where the differences were greater. This may be because poverty severity is giving greater weight to the extreme poor compared with headcount poverty. There were very few areas where the headcount poverty was higher than poverty severity. Looking at older single people, the picture was very different. Only 36% of aged single people were in the same quintile. In many areas, the headcount poverty was much higher than poverty severity. Areas where the headcount poverty rate was higher than the poverty severity tended to be areas where there were a number of people very close to the poverty line, which is common for aged single people on a pension. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent months in Australia there has been extended debate about whether the age pension, particularly with regard to single pensioners, is sufficiently high to allow older Australians to attain an acceptable standard of living. This is an important policy consideration given Australia’s rapidly ageing population. By using microdata and microsimulation models, this paper examines the national and spatial impacts on the distribution of poverty among older single people of an increase in the single age-pension rate. This paper shows that the cost of increasing the single age-pension to 66 per cent of the couple-age pension rate would be about $A1.3 billion and would benefit about 824,000 single age-pensioners. Further, it is estimated that such an increase would reduce poverty rates for lone older persons from 46.5 per cent to 36.5 per cent, a 10-percentage point reduction. Looking at the spatial distribution of such benefits, the effect of the policy change seems to be generally stronger in capital cities, and in bands of rural areas in New South Wales and Victoria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper was to study advancing the water‐energy nexus in the context of urban metabolism and to extend past literature reviews to capture water and energy integration policy. The use of water for energy generation and energy for water treatment are a couple of examples of this nexus that have been well‐documented over the years. This paper answers operational and policy questions related to integration while comparing nexus efforts in two countries at the forefront of this discussion: the United States and Australia. Barriers to successful integration include gaps in data collection and lack of a consensus model for integration advancement. The study found that jurisdictions can take advantage of opportunities to consolidate the nexus by adopting new technologies that create efficient and cost‐effective ways for delivering a sustainable output by changing the way inputs are utilized. They could also develop a tracking system to measure the results of their efforts and evaluate if targeted outcomes are being achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Homelessness services and policy have historically tended to be organised by an explicitly conditional logic, wherein people experiencing homelessness must prove their "housing readiness" before accessing settled housing. This model has been robustly challenged in recent decades by "housing‐led" approaches that ostensibly eschew conditionality and prioritise the rapid rehousing of people experiencing homelessness. Various countries now include housing‐led approaches in the national policy frameworks, including Australia, which overhauled its approach to homelessness in 2008, and Scotland, where a housing‐led approach is supported by a legal right to housing for homeless households. Notwithstanding this policy shift, conditionality remains an enduring feature of responses to homelessness in both jurisdictions. This paper sheds light on this phenomenon by comparing the Australian experience with that of Scotland. We demonstrate how conditionality remains a feature of both jurisdictions; however, there is greater effort in Scotland to identify and minimise conditionality, whereas in Australia it is able to persist relatively unchallenged. We conclude with some reflections on what Australia can learn from Scotland's relative success, highlighting the importance of a national‐level policy framework and an adequate affordable housing supply. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Economic Society of Australia has made the decision to stop producing hard copies of its journals in an effort to reduce paper and plastic usage and cut costs. Starting in January 2024, all financial members of the society will have free access to the journals through the society's website. The article also mentions that the 52nd Australian Conference of Economists will be held in July 2024 at the University of Adelaide, with Professor Leonardo Bursztyn as one of the keynote speakers. Additionally, the text pays tribute to the late Professor Max Corden, a highly respected economist known for his contributions to international economics and Australian economic policy. The first part of the text provides an overview of Max Corden's career and his impact on Australian public policy. The second part is an obituary for Brian Parmenter, a colleague of the author, highlighting his personality and contributions to economic modeling. The author also shares personal experiences working with Brian and describes his coaching and mentoring abilities. The text concludes with a summary of Brian's employment history. [Extracted from the article]

Background While inclusive research has become an important stream in research with people with intellectual disabilities, there is a tension between the possibly empowering research process and the strength of the research itself to make social change happen. In this paper, we explore the contribution of two inclusive qualitative research studies in Australia and the Republic of Ireland to change in policy and legislation. Materials and methods Both studies used qualitative methods including life stories and focus groups to explore the issue of sexuality and relationships. In both studies, people with intellectual disabilities were actively involved in undertaking the research. Results Both studies revealed that it was difficult for people with intellectual disabilities to express their sexuality openly or to form adult relationships. Conclusions Both studies were used by people with intellectual disabilities and their supporters to promote change in which they had a heard voice. Accessible Abstract This paper is about how people with intellectual disabilities and their supporters can use research which they have done to change policies and laws that affect them. When people with intellectual disabilities are doing research it is called inclusive research.We write about two research studies which were about the sexual lives and relationships of people with intellectual disabilities. One research study was in Australia and one was in the Republic of Ireland.In the Australian study, Living Safer Sexual Lives, 25 people with intellectual disabilities told their life stories and talked about sexuality and relationships.In the Irish study people with intellectual disabilities told life stories and talked with other people with intellectual disabilities about their sexuality and relationships in groups. These are called focus groups.In this paper we explore 4 questions that arose from these studies. Question 1. What impact does doing research have on the people who are involved in it? People with intellectual disabilities in Australia were members of the group that guided the research. They were partners in its design, in deciding what questions should be asked about sexuality and relationships., and thinking about what was found out. They became involved in making films about the study. They learned a lot about research, sexuality and relationships and became members of a government committee to change policy about sexuality and people with disabilities. In Ireland people with intellectual disabilities involved in doing the research talked together about their lives. They then talked with 16 groups of people with intellectual disabilities about their relationships and sexuality. They learned about research and about sexuality and developed plays about their experiences., Question 2. To what extent can inclusive research change policy and practice? In Australia the research led to a change in government policy about sexuality and people with disabilities. The new policy clearly stated people with disabilities had rights to relationships and to a sexual life. It set out rights and responsibilities for people with intellectual disabilities and service providers about relationships and sexuality. It took a long time to get a change in policy and people with intellectual disabilities were part of the getting the change to happen. In Ireland there is a law which says that it is illegal to have some forms of sex with people with intellectual disabilities. From the research people with intellectual disabilities became involved in talking with government about changing this law so that it gives them more rights to a sexual life. The law has not changed yet but the voices of people with intellectual disabilities are now being heard., Question 3 When does research shift into being advocacy? How does this happen? People with intellectual disabilities in both studies became advocates to get change to happen. Partly this was because they had become more 'expert' about sexuality and relationships and the policy and law. They were angry at what they had found out in the research and wanted to get change to happen., Question 4 What added value does including people with intellectual disabilities as researchers give to the research? People with intellectual disabilities had knowledge and experience that made it possible for the research in both Australia and Ireland to happen. They were important in how the research was done and what was done with it after it was finished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governments frequently develop policies that are strategic in nature. Strategic issues at the national level are those requiring long timeframes for impact, coordinated approaches across multiple tiers of government, are cross-sectoral, and require systemic approaches to design and implementation. Yet the process of how national strategic polices are developed and implemented in Australia is unclear, and largely unattended in the literature. This paper provides a foundation to understanding the characteristics of strategic polices and approaches to their development. Five national policies are compared (National Competition Policy, National Strategy for Ecologically Sustainable Development, the Strategic Roadmap for Australian Research Infrastructure, Australia in the Asian Century, and the National Food Plan) and discussed. An analytical framework is constructed and key attributes of strategic policy identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to inform the design of individualised funding schemes via an examination of discourses and experiences of choice related to people with psychosocial disability. Mind Australia, in partnership with Deakin University, interviewed 22 individuals with psychosocial disability who are recipients of individual funding packages in three National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) trial sites across Australia. This research involved examining the policy and assumptions of choice under the NDIS, as well as the experience of undertaking choice through individualised funding arrangements which position people with psychosocial disability as consumers in a market place of service provision. The findings demonstrate that choice is an ongoing activity and that at every stage personal, programmatic and market barriers impact individuals' capacity to maximise choice. The intent of government policy to provide choice to individual funding recipients based on an optimally functioning market place with empowered self‐actualising individuals collides with a complex reality where barriers abound at every stage of the choice making process. Enhancing choice making of people with psychosocial disability within the NDIS requires governments and services to explicitly address the personal, programmatic and market‐based barriers to choice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops the concepts of the climate discourse complex, and national climate policy regime, in order to analyse significant patterns in Australian national climate politics over the twenty-five years from 1988 to 2013. Six major discursive fields - scientific, ethical, economic, technological, political/legal, and 'everyday life'- contribute to the ensemble of discourses that constitute a climate discourse complex. The climate discourse complex in turn serves to frame and discipline climate debate and the articulation of a national climate policy regime. The composition of Australia's climate discourse complex has been dominated by the economic discursive field. Debates over 'old' and 'new' economic discourses have been the key drivers of and constraints on the trajectory of Australia's climate policy regime for much of the period under consideration. These debates have diminished and sometimes marginalized the influence of scientific, ethical and other discourses, contributing to Australia's weak mitigation ambition. The paper also suggests that significant changes in Australian climate discourses and Australia's climate discourse complex have largely been initiated by factors external to Australia, with the major shift occurring in the period 2006/2007. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the impact of policy shifts on disaggregated health expenditure-GDP relationship in Australia. In contrast to previous studies the disaggregation is at the level of type of service delivered and not at the level of source of expenditure. Our results show that the subcomponents of health expenditure exhibit different patterns of behaviour at both cointegration and unit root stages once policy shifts or structural breaks are allowed in the empirical analysis. When the possibility of structural break is allowed we find a significant long-run relationship between subcomponents of aggregate health expenditure and GDP that is not observed when break is not allowed. The underlying reasons for the occurrence of breaks and policy lessons are discussed subsequently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper was to provide clues to the industry and the academia on how best to approach the challenge of managing ethics in the tourism supply chain. To achieve this objective, the paper provided a case study of how the Australian government has responded to concerns about unethical practices in the tourism supply chain from China to Australia. A series of best practice recommendations were provided following a review of both the demand side and the supply side processes. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Improving collaboration by public sector agencies is an important element of many public sector reforms. Common approaches include introducing responsibilities under legislation and policy decisions, the provision of information and guidance, and strengthening third-party oversight. To identify how collaboration is being practised, this paper reviews evidence from over one hundred reports by Auditors-General and Ombudsmen in Australia and New Zealand to identify key attributes of collaboration, and assesses these further by examining three reports in detail. It concludes that problems that have been known for many years continue to constrain public sector effectiveness. Although continuing existing approaches may assist in improving collaboration, the paper argues that there is a need to adopt more systematic approaches to organisational capacity for collaboration. It further identifies that changes in the external environment such as technology-based innovation may demand rapid progress and change in relation to collaboration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past two decades have witnessed the application of new forms of conditionality to Australian social security policy. This paper argues that a distinctive feature has been the attempt to link receipt of government benefits to parental behaviour in order to address concerns about the welfare of children. With a view to providing a framework that can help to inform debates regarding the merits of these new forms of conditionality, this paper outlines the historical antecedents and philosophical framework of new conditionality. The paper also examines three pertinent Australian social security initiatives: the Maternity Immunisation Allowance, the Improving School Enrolment and Attendance through Welfare Reform Measure, and Compulsory Income Management. The paper concludes with some consideration of the potential pitfalls of new conditionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like many other regional powers in the Asia‐Pacific, Australia is a middle‐sized state wedged between two great powers, the United States (US) and the People's Republic of China. While Australia continues to rely upon the US alliance for security, China remains its biggest trading partner. Over the past two decades, Australia's public foreign policy discussions have centred upon Australia's "China Choice" in the context of growing strategic rivalry between these dominant powers. This debate has sought to grapple with the options available to Australia in managing its relations with an increasingly assertive China and an unpredictable US. This article examines the public debate on China policy since the election of the conservative Liberal‐National Coalition government in 2013. It argues the appropriateness of a pragmatic foreign policy in relation to the engagement of great powers has been the central question in Australia's China debate. Yet what constitutes pragmatic action in relation to Australia's China policy is varied and based on differing understandings of how middle‐sized states can and do seek to cope with structural shifts. The paper also argues, however, that an emergent anti‐pragmatist tradition has recently emerged that reflects the unprecedented challenges facing Australian foreign policy and presents "pragmatism" as a threat to Australian sovereignty, principles, and values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The residential aged care industry in Australia will expand rapidly over the next 10 years leading to substantial increases in government expenditure. Recent and future reforms are likely leading to changes in the structure of the industry with a potential impact on quality of care. The purpose of this paper is to stimulate broader public debate, based on the available evidence, about the preferred structure of this important industry. It examines the literature on the impact structure has on the quality of services and compares this with a fresh analysis of current trends. The paper argues that future policy should be evidence based and explicit about the structure of the industry that will emerge from current policy reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: As a country largely free of the corruption that bedevils the defence procurement of many of Australia's Asian neighbours, it is generally assumed that Australia's national security interests, together with value for money, are the paramount criteria for Australia's defence procurement. This is an assumption, however, that deserves critical interrogation, particularly with respect to the influence that domestic politics can have on strategic decisions. This article investigates the Australian government's 2016 decision to acquire land‐based anti‐ship missiles. To do so, it adapts Putnam's two‐level game to a defence policy context, enabling the incorporation of both realist and domestic political factors, including the influence of interest groups. I find a plausible case that the influence of the resources sector and constituents of Australia's northwest, as well as the corporate interests of the Australian army in asserting a greater role in Australian defence strategy, may have been significant in the decision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we argue for a systems perspective as the theoretical and analytical basis of national innovation ecosystems. Drawing on the system concepts of holism, emergence and open systems features, we analyse the national innovation ecosystems of Australia and Singapore. The analysis of national innovation ecosystems is based on five dimensions of policies: human capital investment and the availability of professional labour, infrastructure, private–public sector collaboration, support for funding and commercialization and innovation corporate culture. We find both countries' national innovation ecosystems to have aspects of holism, emergence and being open systems; however, the extent of these features varies between the two countries in terms of the five dimensions of national innovation policies that we focus on. The paper provides implications for theory and practice particularly for policymakers to consider systems perspective in order to properly design and also gain benefits from national innovation ecosystems. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the wide range of roles that Government veterinarians play both in Australia and globally. The paper was presented as a plenary session at the National Australian Veterinary Association Annual Conference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on infrastructure spending and unemployment in Australia. The Australian government's policy package had several components. The first was a recognition that high economic growth was required if significant inroads into unemployment were to be achieved. Given the government's beliefs about the likely outcomes for labour productivity and the labour force participation rate, it was thought that a real growth rate of 4.8 per cent would be required to achieve the target unemployment rate of 5 per cent by 2001. The Green Paper and the subsequent White Paper were pretty vague as to exactly how such a long stretch of high economic growth was to be achieved, placing a lot of faith on microeconomic reform and improving the quality of labour through training reform. However, it was also recognised that high growth by itself was not sufficient, and that a policy of active labour market programs directed at the long-term unemployed and those at high risk' of becoming long-term unemployed would be necessary to reduce long-term unemployment. The Job Compact was an extensive raft of active labour market programs which included an expanded wage subsidy scheme, training programs and case management of the chronically unemployed and which placed an obligation on targeted individuals to participate in the scheme to retain unemployment benefits.

It is generally accepted among Australian economists that high rates of growth of wages at various times over the last decade have made the achievement of full employment and lower rates of inflation more difficult. Fear of a further acceleration of wage growth has also been a policy constraint. It is when one attempts to go further that considerable disagreement becomes evident. From a labor market viewpoint, there does not seem to be a consensus as to the answers to the two broad questions that should be addressed. First, how important are wage changes relative to other factors that depress employment and add to the inflation rate? Second, how does government policy impinge on the process that generates wage changes? To do justice to both of these in a paper as short as this one is difficult, so I shall focus most of the paper on the second question.
The relationships between government policy and wage changes are particularly important at this time. For most of the last decade, successive governments have operated a national wages policy, which to a large degree has been based on the indexation of wages for past price changes. The latest experiment, the Prices and Incomes Accord, is the centerpiece of the current government's employment and inflation policy, and, after almost two years of wide community and media support, the key principles upon which it is based are suddenly being questioned.[1]
Our prime endeavor, therefore, will be to build up sufficient understanding of the wage determination process so that some evaluation can be made as to the effectiveness of these national wage policies. This turns out to be a remarkably difficult task which generates considerable concern in our mind that the data may not be sufficiently rich to serve as a basis for sound judgments. It does appear, however, that the effect of a given level of unemployment upon wage changes has consistently weakened over the last decade. Why this should be so is a major... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on three studies conducted in Australia, Canada and Ireland which explore the factors influencing research utilisation in the child protection sector in each country. The paper recognises that research uptake is complicated by a number of factors. It also acknowledges critiques which cite the equally significant influence of ideologies, context, unpredictability, time constraints and political expediency. However, all three studies recognised the increasing importance of evidence-based practice. The methods used in the three studies were not identical but the frameworks used were sufficiently similar to enable the classification of both common and dissimilar barriers and facilitators to research use. Those which they identified were categorised into four types: individual, organisational, environmental and characteristics relating to the nature of research material. Implications were identified for policy makers, service providers and research producers. The point was made that we now live in a period where unprecedented means of knowledge transfer and exchange provide unique opportunities to improve the lives of children and families. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Key Practitioner Messages Avail of opportunities to attend learning events., Draw on research findings when conducting assessments, writing reports, devising intervention plans, evaluating programmes and tendering for funding., Establish links with research centres., Become involved in the conduct of research., Support colleagues (champions) who display particular interest and motivation in the use of research evidence by recognising and/or rewarding effort., Avail of opportunities to undertake further study that includes a research component. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Policy Studies Journal is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Across the developed world, including Australia, public policymaking now rests heavily on commissioned reports generated by for-profit consultants, contrasting starkly with the earlier customary reliance on the civil service to provide informed policy advice to political decision makers. Dependence on commercial consultants is problematic, especially given the moral hazards involved in 'hired guns' providing support for policy 'solutions' desired by their political paymasters. This paper provides a vivid illustration of some of the dangers flowing from the use of consultants by examining the methodology employed by KPMG in its empirical analysis of the pecuniary consequences of proposed municipal mergers as part of the New South Wales' (NSW) Government's Fit for the Future local government reform program. We show that the KPMG (2016) modelling methodology is awash with errors which render its conclusions on the financial viability of the NSW merger proposals fatally flawed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to contribute to the debate over the efficacy of voluntary agreements versus regulation, and uses a study of the Livable Housing Design initiative to deliver voluntarily new-built accessible housing in Australia. We first probe why regulation has become such a significant component of government policy making, and then ask why political campaigns focus on this issue as a strategy for reform. We refer to research by disability activists, which claims that the voluntary approach has failed and regulation is necessary. Amongst our conclusions are: (1) that the disjuncture between policy rhetoric and outcome can be attributed to the power of lobbyists, reliance on the private market to address inequality, and antipathy to regulatory enforcement; and (2) that there is a need for greater interrogation of the language deployed in policy texts to identify whether they are crafted to maintain the government's legitimacy or to deliver purposeful change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dominant perspective in the literature linking governance, globalization and public policy argues that globalization undercuts state capacity, weakening a government's ability to effectively regulate its domestic affairs. This paper shows otherwise with special reference to the Australian experience in financial regulation. It challenges the conventional wisdom that the Australian state is weak and cannot adopt anticipatory industrial policies. This paper argues that the adoption of the ‘twin peaks' model of financial regulatory arrangements is an example of the existence of government-led steering in Australia which can adopt a proactive approach to financial regulation by steering and coordinating policy networks. ‘Governance through hierarchy’ in the financial services industry may be a function of the government's political entrepreneurship; its skill in setting and implementing an agenda; and an ability to create new policy communities and networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous family life has been a key target of family and child policies in Australia since colonisation. In this paper, we identify four main policy eras that have shaped the national and state policy frameworks that have impacted Indigenous families: the protectionism, assimilation, self‐determination and neoliberalism eras. Our analysis of these national and state policy frameworks reveals an enduring and negative conceptualisation of Indigenous family life. This conceptualisation continues to position Indigenous families as deficient and dysfunctional compared with a white, Anglo‐Australian family ideal. This contributes to the reproduction of paternalistic policy settings and the racialised hierarchies within them that entrench Indigenous disempowerment and reproduce Indigenous disadvantage. Further, it maintains a deficit paradigm that continues to obfuscate the positive aspects of Indigenous family life that are protective of Indigenous well‐being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we investigate majority‐culture attitudes to multicultural policy in Australia. Drawing on relative deprivation (RD) theory, we explore whether resistance to multicultural policies and initiatives is related to individual and/or group‐based grievance claims of discrimination. To assess RD, we asked 517 Australian‐born people who identified as White Australians to rate (a) levels of discrimination toward their own group, toward themselves personally as a consequence of their group membership, and toward immigrants to Australia, and (b) feelings of injustice and anger associated with such discrimination. Our findings show that, while perceptions of discrimination toward majority‐culture Australians are commonplace, perceptions of discrimination toward immigrants are more so. We also found that higher ratings of group‐based RD of Australians relative to immigrants, but not individual deprivation relative to immigrants, predicted opposition to multicultural policies and initiatives. Moreover, perceived group‐based RD mediated the link between national identification and opposition to multicultural policies. The findings highlight, for the first time, the importance of group‐based grievance claims by majority‐culture members in opposing or supporting multicultural policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the growing literature on poverty dynamics in Australian households. The results reveal that a range of life-changing events, household head, partner and demographic characteristics have an impact on both the likelihood of remaining poor and slipping into poverty. These findings have important implications for Australian policymakers: tertiary education and employment are key factors in keeping households out of poverty; having a disability or living in outer-regional or remote areas increases the probability of becoming poor and remaining in such a situation; and finally, life-changing events, especially becoming separated, can lead households into persistent poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Australian National Water Initiative (NWI) builds on the foundations of earlier water reforms, attempts to correct earlier errors in both policy and its implementation, and seeks to better define some of the policy aims with the benefit of hindsight. However, despite the deliberate effort to improve on earlier reforms, the NWI still embodies a significant economic paradox. Although policymakers have shown their faith in the market insofar as allocating water between competing agricultural interests is concerned, they have not shown the same degree of faith in the ability of urban users to respond to price signals. This paper attempts to shed at least some light on this question by examining the responses of a number of State governments across Australia to the NWI. The paper specifically explores the rationale for non-price regulation in the urban context but challenges the long-term viability of this approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A key feature of water policy reform in Australia has been the separation of water access entitlements from land titles and the establishment of markets for water. However, the separation of water entitlements from land failed to account for a number of characteristics that were implicit in the joint right. This has given rise to a number of third party effects as water is traded in an incomplete market. This paper describes four third-party effects of water trade; reliability of supply, timeliness of delivery, storage and delivery charges, and water quality and examines policy responses to address these effects. The discussion draws on the concepts of exclusiveness and rivalry to determine the applicability of property rights and other solutions to the third-party effects of trade. It is likely that many of the third-party effects of trade discussed in this paper do not warrant policy intervention at the national or state level, but intervention at the local level may be warranted. The costs of addressing some third-party effects may outweigh the benefits. Where there are significant gains from trade, the existence of these third-party effects should not been seen as a reason to impede trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines some effects of the pursuit of neoliberalism on regional development policy and practice in Australia, and in particular on the activities and effectiveness of regional development organisations. The paper interprets data from a survey of 505 regional development organisations across Australia through the framework of Jessop's contribution to state theory and his identification of four key trends in economic management under neoliberalism. Regional development policies are seen as a response of governments to electoral pressure from regions, but a response that is constrained by the dominance of neoliberal ideology. The objectives of regional development are predominantly economic, but are often limited to the role of facilitation and the provision of information. Some responsibility for regional development has been shifted downwards to regions, but the effectiveness of the organisations given this responsibility is reduced by the short-term and competitive nature of much of their funding, the lack of coordination between regional development actors at the local level, the proliferation of agencies and the competition between them. The paper concludes that regional development agencies in Australia are in many ways a product of neoliberalism, since they represent one way in which governments can be seen to be responding to regional pressure for assistance but they can do so without incurring significant costs. Yet regional development bodies are also a victim of neoliberalist thinking, since it denies them the resources and the powers they need to be more successful in their work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper defines the state's apparatus as a site of power and contestation. This view enables contingency in the realm of government to be taken seriously. Accordingly, the paper takes a critical view of the idea of neoliberalism as a general global process. The paper reviews Paul du Gay's history of the state's apparatus, including his nostalgia for bureaucracy and his disdain for entrepreneurship. The paper contrasts du Gay's stylised take with a study of shifts in institutional structures and behaviours in Australia's state apparatus since the mid 1970s leading to the present period of Howard neoliberalism. The paper positions these shifts in the context of Coombs-led institutional reform in Australia; it examines the potential for institutional resistances and responses; and draws implications for how we view institutions as having agency in the political processes of state apparatus reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional economic policy-makers are increasingly interested in the contribution of creativity to the economic performance of regions and, more generally, in its power to transform the images and identities of places. This has constituted a ‘cultural turn’, of sorts, away from an emphasis on macro-scale projects and employment schemes, towards an interest in the creative industries, entrepreneurial culture and innovation. This paper discusses how recent discourses of the role of ‘creativity’ in regions have drawn upon, and contributed to, particular forms of neoliberalisation. Its focus is the recent application of a statistical measure — Richard Florida's (2002) ‘creativity index’— to quantify spatial variations in creativity between Australia's regions. Our critique is not of the creativity index per se, but of its role in subsuming creativity within a neoliberal regional economic development discourse. In this discourse, creativity is linked to the primacy of global markets, and is a factor in place competition, attracting footloose capital and ‘creative class’ migrants to struggling regions. Creativity is positioned as a central determinant of regional ‘success’ and forms a remedy for those places, and subjects, that currently ‘lack’ innovation. Our paper critiques these interpretations, and concludes by suggesting that neoliberal discourses ignore the varied ways in which ‘alternative creativities’ might underpin other articulations of the future of Australia's regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper puts the role of research into perspective in the policy-making context. It points out that there are differing 'policy' goals of government and the use of research might be vital for one element, e.g. health policy, but of lesser significance in, say, international policy. The paper then goes on to describe case studies of where research has had a major impact on government decision making in Australia in the past 2 years, notably in the area of proposed changes to the marketing and sale of alcoholic beverages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on path to full employment in relation to Australia. Employment arises because there is a lack of collective will. It does not arise because real wages are too high or aggregate demand too low. These are only proximate causes, if causes at all. The lack of collective will has been the principal casualty of the influence of rationalism. In this paper the proximate cause of unemployment is shown to be a persistent deficiency of aggregate demand. But the underlying cause is that the rise of free market ideology has meant that people are no longer prepared to bear some costs themselves to ensure others have employment. The only way people will return to full employment is if the costs and benefits of economic activity are shared. The public sector must be the vehicle to restore the collective will. In this paper, it is argued that the solution to persistent unemployment is for the Government to act as a Buffer Stock Employer, plus the reintroduction of incomes policy. Further deregulation of the wages system cannot be justified.

This paper uses eight waves of Australia Household, Income and Labour Dynamics data to study the issues of state dependence and the short‐run and long‐run response to health shocks on the labour market. We consider six alternative panel data binary dependent variable models with different ways of modelling labour market dynamics and individual heterogeneity. We find that the key results with regard to labour market dependence and the impacts of health shocks are sensitive to model specification and pooling of male and female samples with differences as large as sixfold. Specification analysis is conducted and favours the dynamic fixed effects logit model for separate male and female samples. Methods for evaluating dynamic response paths to a one‐time health shock for binary outcomes are also suggested and results are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I argue that we have been amiss in diagnosing the role played by government, which has exacerbated the housing problems afflicting low-income households in Australia. However, I argue further we have placed too much faith in the capacity of managerial interventions to ameliorate what are far more deep-rooted and systemic challenges. It is suggested that researchers need to adopt a more critical account of the conduct of contemporary government policy making, one that casts aside a view of the State as a benevolent agency whose primary objective is to ameliorate the conditions of the disadvantaged. Instead, the State should be understood as an agency that sustains the conditions necessary for the finance industry, developers and real estate agents, along with well-off householders and landlords, to reap profits. The political economy of Australian housing, in its current incarnation, performs a form of reverse welfarism that exacerbates social inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gough Whitlam's Labor government came to office in December 1972 with a vast and transformative reform agenda, at the heart of which was a fundamental policy shift in Aboriginal affairs away from assimilation and toward self‐determination, described by Whitlam as; 'Aboriginal communities deciding the pace and nature of their future development as significant components within a diverse Australia'. Whitlam's commitment to self‐determination reflected the United Nation's International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which refers to the right of all peoples to 'freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development'. Whitlam made it clear that Aboriginal Affairs would be a priority of his government with the establishment of the first separate Ministry for Aboriginal Affairs and his government introduced a suite of path‐breaking policies for Aboriginal people. Pat Dodson, the inaugural chairperson of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation, later described the change in policy and intent under Whitlam as, 'a transforming sentiment in this country for Aboriginal people'. This article explores the key features of Whitlam's Indigenous policy and argues that Whitlam's commitment to self‐determination was a unique and radical policy reframing in Indigenous affairs not seen before or since. These advances were wound back by the conservative government of Malcolm Fraser and the 'transforming sentiment' soon reverted to one of 'self‐management' and unarticulated assimilation. This article explores the key elements of the Whitlam government's commitment to self‐determination, described as 'Aboriginal communities deciding the pace and nature of their future development', as the defining feature in Indigenous policy. The paper argues that Indigenous self‐determination was a unique policy reframing specific to the Whitlam government which was rapidly over‐turned by the Fraser conservative government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: This paper will review progress towards the identified targets within the Australian government policy document commonly known as 'Closing the Gap' and examine the role of nurses in supporting its implementation. Background: Australia is not alone in seeking to address the health inequity between Indigenous and non‐Indigenous people. Globally such health inequities are similar and require interventions supported by governments in conjunction with health and education systems to affect desired change. For this reason, it is timely to undertake a review of progress on the impact of the Closing the Gap initiative. Sources of evidence: The Australian national partnership agreement and subsequent annual performance reports issued between 2010 and 2017. Discussion: Targets set within the Australian government national partnership agreement have had a range of success. Those targets not on track require significant long‐term investment to ensure their success. Nurses as a large professional group are powerful advocates to speak up and support policy change that affects disempowered social groups. Conclusion: Long‐term social change takes time, yet without the commitment of Australian Governments through effective policy and economic support, the inequity in the health of Indigenous people will continue both now and in the future. Implications for health and social policy: Nurses, as the largest health professional group, are uniquely placed to support and implement social change at all levels of health care (primary, secondary and tertiary) and to lobby government to amend policy alongside those who are disempowered. Implications for nursing practice: Health promotion and education programmes that are led by nurses can make an impact to health disparities within groups who are most at risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evidence shows population ageing to be historically a product of economic development, closely associated with high living standards and national affluence. Nonetheless, fears that an aged population leads to economic stagnation and public bankruptcy are widespread. In justification for cuts to public programs and the transfer of costs and risks from the state to individuals and families, the projections of social expenditures, in particular those based on ageing, are frequently identified as overgenerous and unsustainable in many G20 countries such as Australia and New Zealand. Claims based on intergenerational research methodologies and frameworks, a relatively new and innovative approach to using data projections, have proven to be important in these policy debates. This paper explores the application of these new technologies to understanding the impact of ageing on the economy in the globalised world of the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]