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The article presents the situation, dilemmas, and political activities of Arab exiles and students in Germany between 1933 and 1945. The author discusses the question of individual moral culpability, describes the pressures and exploitation experienced by Arabs in National Socialist Germany, and presents the consequences of their stay in Germany for their later lives, careers, and thinking. The Egyptian journalist and political activist, Husni al-Urabi, is mentioned, along with Arab students in Berlin.

Abstract The paper deals with a challenging issue of cooperation between civic organizations in Europe that are engaged in anti-extremist activities. The author defines and conceptualizes transnational cooperation of civic society against extremism, briefly outlines the historical development of transnational non-governmental anti-extremist cooperation in Europe, analyses contemporary pan-European anti-extremist networks in Europe, and selects other forms of anti-extremist cooperation in Europe. The case study is dedicated to the Platform of European Memory and Conscience

Time devoted to the total of paid plus unpaid work has hardly changed since the middle of the twentieth century. But while there is little gender difference in this total, and the paid/unpaid balance has narrowed substantially over the period, men still do a higher proportion of paid work. This remaining differential contravenes John Rawls' “Principle of Fairness” in a gender context: it leads to an unjustifiable divergence in earnings capabilities on a scale that might, for example, explain the “gender wage gap”. This paper is based on analysis of a collection of 522,000 days of time-diary evidence covering adults aged 20-59 from 52 nationally representative surveys from 13 developed countries between 1961 and 2011. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses a paper which lays out a historical scenario to explain forms with vrddhi-looking long vowels in the root which are sporadically observed in some nominal forms in Latin. Topics covered include (derivational) compounds in Latin such as convicium 'angry noise' and suspicio 'suspicion' and simplex adjectives like sacri- pertaining to the sacred (place/rites) and acri- 'sharp', the vowel lengthening in nominal compounds, and vowel lengthening in simplex adjectives.

The aim of this paper is to revise the etymology of the Greek verb ἡγá½³ομαι. It has been derived from a verbal root *seh2g/ĝ-, and this point does not pose any special problem. However, this derivation raises some morphosyntactic difficulties that are to be addressed here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The suffix *-nt- is taken for granted as a Caland suffix in two of the most recent and important works on the Caland system, those by Nussbaum (1976) and Rau (2009), but other authors have entirely ignored the suffix, usually treating alleged examples rather as participles.1 This paper re-examines the morphological, syntactic and semantic evidence for a category of *-nt- adjectives associated with the Caland system distinct from the categories of active present and aorist participles. I also consider several forms in Indo-Iranian which have not previously been considered as potential Caland adjectives: citánt-, śucánt-, tujánt-, bhrā́jant-, sáhant-, pṣant-. Morphological and syntactic evidence shows that no single form must be analysed as a Caland adjective in contradistinction to anything else; on the other hand, the combined weight of evidence supports the supposition that a synchronically distinct adjectival suffix *-nt- did exist in ProtoIndo-European. The morphological evidence for a distinction between Caland adjectives and participles in -nt- however also suggests that there may be a deeper connection between the two at a Proto-Indo-European stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Past scholarship has made almost no mention of the effects in the Indo-Iranian languages of ‘laryngeal coloring', the putatively Indo-European development according to which */e/ is ‘colored' into */a/ or */o/ by an adjacent */h2/ or */h3/, respectively. And for good reason: the merger of nonhigh vowels in Proto-Indo-Iranian would have effaced these distinctions in any case. In this paper I survey the etyma in which laryngeal coloring could have interacted with Proto-Indo-Iranian palatalization, which (in part) preceded the merger of nonhigh vowels, and find that palatalization in almost every case has not occurred to inputs involving */Keh2/ or*/Keh3/, where coloring may be assumed to have taken place. This strongly suggests that laryngeal coloring – not as a discrete ‘sound change', but as a phonological rule which requires additional sound changes (such as palatalization) before it can ‘show itself' by affecting the distribution of phonemes in the lexicon – was present in the early stages of Proto-Indo-Iranian, giving further support to the hypothesis that laryngeal coloring was a feature of Proto-Indo-European itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses a paper which examined the discrepancy between the syntax of Greek and Lycian texts found on the faces of a four-sided stone stele called the Létôon Trilingual Stele in Turkey. Topics covered include the synoptic method applied to the interpretation of the Létôon Trilingual, an analysis by Laroche and Metzger which showed that the syntax of the Greek text does not match the syntax of the Lycian one, and the semantics of the Lycian text and Greek text.

This article discusses a paper which looked into why object agreement which is not found in any other Anatolian language developed only in Lycian. Topics covered include the semantic concepts of uniqueness and totality, the triggers of object agreements such as definite noun phrases, proper names and anaphoric/cataphoric pronouns, and the no object agreement triggers like indefinite noun phrases and demonstrative descriptions. Also mentioned is the diachrony of Lycian object agreement.

The paper explores representations of economic reform in Czechoslovakia immediately before and after the fall of the centrally planned economy in 1989/90. By what means was the concept of rapid economic transition towards a liberal market setting mediated into the academic and the public sphere? How did it achieve wide public consent? In the first part, the paper analyzes the Czechoslovak academic discussion about perestroika in the late 1980s, where a rapid liberal transition was cast by a distinct group of younger scholars as the only possible way of reforming the socialist economy. Their training was based above all on Paul A. Samuelson’s canonical textbook Economics, which presented this discipline almost as a natural science with universal standards. Immediately after 1989/90, when some of these scholars assumed executive positions within the new Czechoslovak government, what were at first purely economic ways of reasoning merged with certain images of the national past, creating a mixture of liberal economic knowledge and national exceptionalism. ∗ ∗ ∗ Der Aufsatz beschäftigt sich mit den Begriffen, Konzepten und Darstellungen der ökonomischen Reform in der Tschechoslowakei unmittelbar vor und nach dem Ende der zentralen Planwirtschaft 1989/90. Wie wurde das Konzept eines schnellen Übergangs zur liberalen Marktordnung vermittelt – zum einen in der akademischen Sphäre, zum anderen in der größeren Öffentlichkeit? Wie kam es, dass dieses Konzept breite Unterstützung erhielt? Im ersten Teil geht die Studie der akademischen »Perestroika«-Diskussion in der Tschechoslowakei der späten 1980er-Jahre nach, wo das Konzept einer raschen liberalen Transformation Fuß fasste, vermittelt von einer kohärenten Gruppe jüngerer Wissenschaftler. Besonders geprägt waren sie von Paul A. Samuelsons vielfach aufgelegtem Lehrbuch »Economics«, das die Wirtschaftswissenschaften als eine Art Naturwissenschaft mit universellen Standards präsentierte. Nach 1989/90, als einige dieser Ökonomen Positionen in der neuen tschechoslowakischen Regierung übernahmen, erweiterte sich die zunächst allein auf die Wirtschaft bezogene Argumentation, indem sie bestimmte Interpretationen der nationalen Vergangenheit mit einbezog. So entstand eine Mischung von ökonomischem Wissen und historischen Narrativen, die die stattfindende Transformation als den einzig möglichen Weg zu legitimieren half.

Abstract Based on a protest survey conducted in October 2021, this paper will have a close look at a Corona protest organized by the Polish antivaccination movement. The focus of interest is the question of who joins such an event and why. In doing so, the data paint a picture of protesters who place their individual rights above pandemic-related restrictions. The attitude felt by many in this movement is one of disdain for the danger posed by the virus, which stems from a greater distrust towards established institutions and, not least, finds expression by a strong approval of Corona- related conspiracy narratives.

The paper examines expertise and policy in the field of plague prevention in the Soviet Union from the 1920s to the 1950s. It argues that anti-plague schemes underwent significant transformations during that period due to the gradual development and establishment of new research institutions and practices. During the early years of Bolshevik power, reactive intervention figured as the core strategy in anti-plague policy. In cases of plague epidemics, the state intervened in the daily lives of people using brute methods, similar to those of the forced collectivisation. Military and police forces as well as medical experts played a key role in the early history of anti-plague policy. After World War II, prevention became the strategy of choice. As a network of research institutions developed, new representations of the plague emerged. Plague, which had been considered as an alien disease for a long time, now became acknowledged as an endemic burden. The paper presents sources from state and party archives in Russia and Azerbaijan. ∗ ∗ ∗ Der Aufsatz entwirft eine Zeitgeschichte der Vorsorge, die sich für den hygienepolitischen Übergang von Praktiken der Intervention und Krisenbewältigung zu Praktiken der Prävention interessiert. Am Beispiel der Pestvorsorge in der Sowjetunion wird erstens ein Prozess der Institutionalisierung, Professionalisierung und Verwissenschaftlichung dargestellt. Zweitens werden die Eigenheiten des sowjetischen Falls herausgearbeitet. Die dortige Pestbekämpfung war bis in die 1930er-Jahre von Interventionen geprägt, die aus einem Repertoire repressiver, im Kontext der Zwangskollektivierung etablierter Maßnahmen schöpften. Der Umgang mit der Pest war nicht mit Aufklärung verknüpft, sondern mit Geheimhaltung. Die Einrichtung eines Netzwerks wissenschaftlicher Forschungsstätten führte zu einem Wandel im Umgang mit der Seuche. Dies war eingebettet in parallele Diskurse über administrative Grenzen und geographisches Wissen. Der Aufsatz stützt sich auf Quellen aus Staats- und Partei-Archiven in der Russischen Föderation und der Republik Aserbaidschan.

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The case study examines the career of British politician and imperial official John Pope Hennessy. Using this example, the author seeks to elucidate the concept of an imperial biography, which he defines as biographies of socially and geographically mobile elites within an empire. He also discusses the historiography of British imperialism, the alternate example of British colonial statesman Edward John Eyre, and the use of network analysis in the study of colonialism and imperialism.

Dieser Beitrag geht der Frage nach, wie Migration durch Statistik sozial relevant wird. Welche Kategorien kommen dabei zum Einsatz? Zuerst wird die historische und wissenssoziologische Perspektive erläutert. Im zweiten und dritten Teil werden historische Umbrüche in der Kategorisierung von Migration am Beispiel der amtlichen Statistik im Deutschen Kaiserreich und in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland skizziert. Der Fokus verschob sich von Migration als Ein- und Ausreisebewegung zu Migration als Alteritätszuschreibung (gestützt auf die Kategorie »Migrationshintergrund« ab 2005). Vor diesem Hintergrund wird im letzten Teil gezeigt, wie sich vergangene und aktuelle Kategorisierungen von Geflüchteten mit der Migrations- und Integrationssemantik verbanden bzw. verbinden. Über die Rekonstruktion der semantischen Brüche und Kontinuitäten hinaus dient die historische Kontextualisierung dem Ziel, heute gängige Kategorien für Migration und Flucht besser reflektieren zu können, die in der Wissenschaft, Politik und Verwaltung verwendet werden. * * * How do statistics contribute to the social making of migration? What categories are involved in this process? The first part of the article outlines the historical and sociological perspective on knowledge adopted here. In the second and third parts, historical ruptures and continuities in migration categorisation are traced, looking at official statistics in the German Empire and the Federal Republic of Germany. In the German Empire, migration was used in official statistics as a category describing the movement and mobility of people. Since 2005, the term ›migration background‹ (Migrations­hintergrund) has been used in Germany as a category for the description of people themselves. The final part of the article therefore analyses the connections between this semantics of migration and integration on the one hand and past and present categorisations for refugees on the other. Besides reconstructing historical and semantic shifts, the paper aims to historically contextualise and thus reflect on the categories that are used to speak about migration and flight in research, administration and politics today.

This article is based on a new archival find from the papers of foreign correspondent Louis P. Lochner. It proves the existence of a secret German-American cooperation between Associated Press (AP) and the ›Bureau Laux‹, an agency of the SS and the German Foreign Office, during the war years 1942–1945. With the permission of the Roosevelt administration, AP and the Bureau Laux exchanged photos via diplomatic pouch on a daily basis until spring 1945, first via Lisbon and from 1944 via Stockholm as well. Approximately 40,000 photos were swapped in this way between the war enemies while the battles of the Second World War were fought and the Holocaust was taking place. In Berlin, the AP photos were presented daily to the highest Nazi leadership. They were then also used for anti-American and anti-Semitic propaganda in the German press. Conversely, thousands of Nazi photos received by AP New York via Lisbon and Stockholm were printed in the American and international press. This article sheds new light on both AP as a news and picture agency and on foreign reporting during the Nazi era and the Second World War. * * * Der im vorliegenden Aufsatz präsentierte Quellenfund aus dem Nachlass des Auslandskorrespondenten Louis P. Lochner belegt eine geheime deutsch-amerikanische Kooperation zwischen Associated Press (AP) und dem »Büro Laux«, einer Agentur von SS und Auswärtigem Amt, während der Kriegsjahre 1942–1945. Mit Genehmigung der Roosevelt-Administration tauschten AP und Büro Laux bis zum Frühjahr 1945 täglich per Diplomatenpost Fotomaterial aus – zunächst via Lissabon, ab 1944 auch via Stockholm. Schätzungsweise 40.000 Fotos wurden so zwischen den Feinden übermittelt, während die Schlachten des Zweiten Weltkrieges geschlagen wurden und der Holocaust stattfand. In Berlin war das AP-Fotomaterial für die oberste Führung des NS-Regimes bestimmt; zudem wurde es für antiamerikanische und antisemitische Propaganda in der NS-Presse genutzt. Umgekehrt gelangten durch den Austausch Tausende Fotos aus der NS-Bildproduktion jener Jahre in die amerikanische und internationale Presse. Der Aufsatz gibt neue Einblicke in die Unternehmensgeschichte der Bild- und Nachrichtenagentur AP sowie in die Mechanismen des Auslandsjournalismus der NS-Zeit.

After 1989, commentators heralded the ultimate triumph of the capitalist market over its last major opponent, the socialist plan. However, crisis-ridden economic transformations in the former GDR and Eastern (Central) Europe were still to come. What did economists, politicians and the managers of these processes mean when they spoke about the introduction of markets? This paper focuses on conceptions of markets in the context of the German Treuhandanstalt (Trust Agency, founded in 1990) and analyzes a group of historical actors that are traditionally criticized as ›executors‹ of Western ›neoliberalism‹ on an ›experimental ground‹ in Eastern Europe. Their concepts and understanding of markets were not homogeneous; some of them conceived markets as an idealized final state, while others viewed marketization as a radical, destructive process. A closer analysis of contemporary Treuhand expert interviews, which were commissioned by the Treuhand in 1992/93 and recently rediscovered, reveals a broad spectrum of individual conceptions of markets within the practices of daily life during Eastern Germany’s transformation. ∗ ∗ ∗ Nach 1989 feierten Kommentatoren den finalen Triumph des kapitalistischen Marktes über seinen letzten Widersacher, den sozialistischen Plan. Aber die krisenhaften Wirtschaftsumbauten in der ehemaligen DDR und in Ost(mittel)europa standen noch bevor. Was meinten Ökonomen, Wirtschaftspolitiker oder Manager dieser Umbauprozesse eigentlich, wenn sie von Märkten sprachen? Der Beitrag richtet den Blick auf Vorstellungen im Kontext der 1990 gegründeten Treuhandanstalt und fokussiert Akteure, die in der Rückschau oft als marktgläubige »Exekutoren« des westlichen »Neoliberalismus« auf einem östlichen »Experimentierfeld« kritisiert werden. Deren Marktkonzeptionen fielen keineswegs einheitlich aus; sie konnten einen idealen Endzustand oder aber einen radikalen Prozess meinen. Auch der Glaube an die Gestaltbarkeit von Marktmechanismen erwies sich als wechselhaft. Eine Analyse zeitgenössischer Experteninterviews, die 1992/93 im Auftrag der Treuhand geführt wurden und jetzt wiederentdeckt werden konnten, offenbart schließlich ein breites Spektrum an individuellen Marktdeutungen aus der Alltagspraxis der ostdeutschen Transformation.

Modeled after the Soviet propaganda magazine SSSR na stroike (›USSR in Construction‹, published 1930–1941, 1949), the Japanese overseas propaganda photo magazine FRONT (1942–1945) provided visual propaganda for the so-called ›Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere‹, a concept that was proclaimed in 1940 and served to disguise Japan’s quest for hegemony in Asia. Employing the aesthetics of Russian Constructivism and Socialist Realism of SSSR na stroike, FRONT created a visual aesthetic that could be termed Japanese Co-Prosperity Realism. Its dynamic and modernistic design was a transculturally inspired practice by Japanese photographers, graphic designers, journalists and producers of visual media, some of whom had been left-wing intellectuals or had lived and worked in the Soviet Union. In a comparative perspective, this paper carves out the political, cultural and gendered semantics of the (in)visibility of power, political religion and ethnic diversity that such aesthetics entailed. It explores some of the shifting backgrounds against which photographic techniques were enacted, from their avant-garde beginnings to their application in authoritarian regimes. ∗ ∗ ∗ Die sowjetische Propagandazeitschrift »SSSR na stroike« (»UdSSR im Bau«, 1930–1941, 1949) diente als Vorbild für die japanische Auslands- und Fotoillustrierte »FRONT« (1942–1945). Letztere lieferte die visuelle Propaganda für die »Großostasiatische Wohlstandssphäre«, ein Konzept, das 1940 verkündet wurde und den japanischen Herrschaftsanspruch in Asien verschleiern bzw. beschönigen sollte. Mit Anleihen des Russischen Konstruktivismus und Sozialistischen Realismus aus »SSSR na stroike« schufen die Macher von »FRONT« eine visuelle Ästhetik, die man »Realismus der japanischen Wohlstandssphäre« nennen könnte. Dessen dynamisches und modernistisches Design war das Ergebnis einer transkulturell inspirierten Praxis japanischer Fotografen, Grafikdesigner, Journalisten und Produzenten visueller Medien, von denen einige ehemals linke Intellektuelle waren oder in der Sowjetunion gelebt hatten. In vergleichender Perspektive arbeitet der Aufsatz die politischen, kulturellen und geschlechtlichen Semantiken der (Un-)Sichtbarkeit der Macht, politischer Religion und ethnischer Vielfalt dieser visuellen Ästhetik heraus. Die sich wandelnden fotografischen Techniken werden im jeweiligen Kontext diskutiert, von ihren Avantgarde-Anfängen bis zu ihrer Nutzung in autoritären Regimen.

In the 1970s, resilience appeared as a way of describing the ability of a system to respond flexibly to stresses. Instead of following the linear ideal of recovery, the resilient system would reorganise. The concepts of stress and resilience emerged in the material sciences in the early 19th century and found their way into psychology and ecology in the 20th century. The article sketches the development of the ideal of the multi-stable system that can cope with incalculable and discontinuous changes. Following the history of fracture mechanics in the 19th century, of trauma research in the 1950s and of stress ecology in the 1970s, the paper traces how stress and resilience became systemic concepts that embraced quantities as diverse as human personality and the physical environment. Special attention is paid to the concept of anticipated failure. Whether human being, technology or environment – system failure became the condition for the self-optimisation of the system that would emerge stronger from crises and catastrophes. Collapse was no longer seen as a problem undermining the modern identity but as the engine of evolution. ∗ ∗ ∗ In den 1970er-Jahren wurde Resilienz zu einem Begriff für die Fähigkeit eines Systems, flexibel auf Stress zu reagieren. Statt nach einer Störung dem linearen Ideal der Erholung zu folgen, sollte sich das resiliente System neu organisieren. Die Konzepte Stress und Resilienz stammen aus der Materialforschung des 19. Jahrhunderts; im 20. Jahrhundert wanderten sie in die Psychologie und in die Ökologie. Der Beitrag skizziert die Entstehung des Ideals multistabiler Systeme, die auch unberechenbare, diskontinuierliche Veränderungen bewältigen sollten. Entlang der Geschichte der Bruchmechanik des 19. Jahrhunderts, der Traumaforschung der 1950er-Jahre sowie der Stressökologie der 1970er-Jahre wird gezeigt, wie sich Stress und Resilienz zu Systembegriffen ausweiteten, die so unterschiedliche Größen wie die menschliche Persönlichkeit und die irdische Umwelt erfassten. Diskutiert wird insbesondere die Vorstellung des antizipierten Versagens. Ob Mensch, Technik oder Umwelt – das einkalkulierte Systemversagen wurde zur Bedingung für die Selbstoptimierung des Systems, das aus Krisen und Katastrophen gestärkt hervorgehen sollte. Der Kollaps wurde nicht mehr als ein das moderne Selbstverständnis unterlaufendes Problem gedeutet, sondern als der Motor der Evolution.

How do human beings behave in a disaster? How can populations be governed in extreme situations? These were some of the questions that drove the activities of several American, partly army-funded, research groups during the 1950s, ’60s and ’70s. These groups were interdisciplinary but mainly interested in sociological questions. In the US and abroad, they studied the stress reactions of individuals and groups in tornados, blizzards and racial riots, as well as during laboratory simulations. Analysing some of their publications and internal documents, this article explores the research goals and findings of social science disaster research and their application. The researchers’ activities must be interpreted in the context of the Cold War and of changing conceptions of danger. However, the paper shows that their work was by no means fully determined by the political agenda of their sponsors – they followed their own research interests, producing results that sometimes deeply questioned the intentions and policies of their patrons. ∗ ∗ ∗ Wie reagieren Menschen auf Katastrophen? Wie lassen sich Bevölkerungen in Extremsituationen führen? Mit diesen Fragen beschäftigten sich in den 1950er-, 1960er- und 1970er-Jahren mehrere US-amerikanische, teilweise durch die Armee finanzierte Forschungsgruppen. Sie waren interdisziplinär zusammengesetzt, aber mehrheitlich soziologisch ausgerichtet. Innerhalb wie außerhalb der USA studierten sie das Stressverhalten von Individuen und Gruppen in Tornados, eingeschneiten Autobahnraststätten und »racial riots« sowie ergänzend in Laborsimulationen. Anhand zeitgenössischer Publikationen und interner Akten werden in diesem Aufsatz die Erkenntnisinteressen und Untersuchungsfelder der sozialwissenschaftlichen Katastrophenforschung, ihre Befunde und deren Nutzung dargestellt. Die Tätigkeit der Wissenschaftler/innen stand im Kontext des Kalten Kriegs und eines sich verschiebenden Gefahrensinns. Dabei ließen sich die Forscher/innen keineswegs vollständig politisch vereinnahmen, sondern verfolgten durchaus eigene Interessen und gaben mitunter Antworten, die den Intentionen der Auftraggeber zuwiderliefen.

The automation of industrial production has received surprisingly little attention among historians. Based on a case study of Hall 54 at the Volkswagen plant in Wolfsburg, this article considers the limits of (complete) automation in the 1980s. Hall 54, opened in 1983, was at the time heralded as a ›model of technological progress‹. In a move followed with great interest around the world, VW promised to automate 25 percent of the complicated final assembly. However, the robots, initially celebrated, quickly proved deficient. This paper analyses the relationship between man and machine and how it was assessed at the time. The case study illustrates the ostensible rediscovery of human superiority compared to machines and shows the limits of complete automation in final assembly, which to this day is considered too complicated for robots. Nevertheless, these experiences did not lead to the renunciation of automation in principle, but rather to an ›adjusted automation‹. ∗ ∗ ∗ Die Automatisierung der industriellen Produktion hat innerhalb der Geschichtswissenschaften bislang erstaunlich wenig Aufmerksamkeit gefunden. An einem Fallbeispiel, der Halle 54 bei Volkswagen in Wolfsburg, widmet sich der Aufsatz den Grenzen der (Voll-)Automatisierung, wie sie in den 1980er-Jahren sichtbar wurden. Die Halle 54, eröffnet 1983, wurde zeitgenössisch als »Modell des technischen Fortschritts« bezeichnet. Hier hatte VW in einem weltweit beachteten Versuch die komplizierte Endmontage zu 25 Prozent automatisiert. Die anfangs gefeierten Roboter erwiesen sich jedoch schnell als fehlerhaft. Der Beitrag analysiert insbesondere das Mensch-Maschine-Verhältnis und dessen damalige Bewertung. Das Fallbeispiel verdeutlicht zum einen die aufgeregten Diskurse der 1980er-Jahre um eine scheinbare Wiederentdeckung menschlicher Überlegenheit gegenüber der Maschine; zum anderen zeigt es die Grenzen der Vollautomatisierung in der Endmontage, die bis heute als zu schwierig für Roboter gilt. Gleichwohl führten diese Erfahrungen nicht zu einer prinzipiellen Abkehr von der Automatisierung, sondern vielmehr zu einer »angepassten Automatisierung«.

Angela Davis was one of the leading intellectual figures in the African American movement for freedom and equality in the United States. When Davis was imprisoned between 1970 and 1972, the GDR organized a broad solidarity campaign for her, which was initiated by the SED regime and mobilized by its mass organizations. This campaign illustrates an important transnational dimension in the history of the GDR, in which Davis was appropriated as ‘our comrade’. The paper shows the significance the campaign attained in the context of East German efforts for international recognition as well as internal legitimacy. After her acquittal, Davis visited the GDR in 1972 and 1973 and was staged as a socialist heroine. However, this should not only be understood as an expression of propagandistic efforts, but also as part of a genuine Cold War everyday culture in the GDR. ∗ ∗ ∗ Angela Davis war eine der intellektuellen Leitfiguren der afroamerikanischen Bewegungen für Freiheit und Gleichheit in den USA. Als sie von 1970 bis 1972 inhaftiert war, gab es in der DDR eine breite Solidaritätskampagne, initiiert von der SED-Führung und mobilisiert durch die Massenorganisationen. Diese Kampagne verweist auf eine transnationale Dimension in der Geschichte der DDR; Davis wurde als „unsere Genossin“ vereinnahmt. Der Beitrag zeigt, welche Bedeutung die Kampagne im Rahmen der internationalen Anerkennungsbestrebungen der DDR hatte, welchen Stellenwert sie aber auch innenpolitisch gewann. Nach ihrer Freilassung besuchte Davis 1972 und 1973 die DDR und wurde als sozialistische Heldin präsentiert. Dies ist nicht allein als Ausdruck propagandistischer Steuerung zu verstehen, sondern zugleich als Teil einer genuinen Alltagskultur des Kalten Kriegs in der DDR.

How did the technological ability to manipulate the sounds of weapons affect warfare in Europe during the twentieth century? The article first observes the role of warfare sounds in Europe prior to the First World War. The focus here is on the connection between the large-scale use of artillery and rapid-fire technologies and the development of sonic perceptions of ‘sounded power’ during the late nineteenth century. The second part discusses the introduction of ‘soundless weapons’ during the First World War. The horror of ‘silenced power’ as a force undermining the long-term tradition of ‘sounded power’ on the battlefield is exemplified by the case of gas warfare in the First World War and its long-term influence in Germany during the Weimar Republic and National Socialism. The paper points to existing gaps in research regarding the role of sound and silence on the battlefield, and further argues that although the notion of ‘silenced power’ was more prevalent in the first half of the twentieth century its potential horror could not be ignored after 1945. ∗ ∗ ∗ Wie hat die technische Möglichkeit der Manipulation von Waffengeräuschen die Kriegführung im 20. Jahrhundert beeinflusst? Der Artikel beschäftigt sich zunächst mit der Rolle von Kriegsgeräuschen in Europa vor 1914. Der Schwerpunkt liegt dabei auf der Verbindung zwischen dem umfänglichen Einsatz von Artilleriefeuer und der auditiven Wahrnehmung klanglicher Macht (sounded power) im 19. Jahrhundert. Sodann wird die Einführung geräuschloser Waffen im Ersten Weltkrieg diskutiert. Die schreckliche Wirkung schallgedämpfter Macht (silenced power) wird am Beispiel des Gaskriegs im Ersten Weltkrieg und dessen Nachwirkungen während der Weimarer Republik und der NS-Herrschaft erläutert. Der Artikel nennt zudem Lücken in der Forschung zur Rolle von Klang und Stille auf dem Schlachtfeld und argumentiert, dass die erschreckende Bedeutung schallgedämpfter Macht, die vor allen Dingen in der ersten Jahrhunderthälfte präsent war, auch nach 1945 nicht ignoriert werden konnte.

In 1928 the Rockefeller Foundation financed a Social Science Research Section (SSRS) at the American University of Beirut. This article uses the story of the SSRS to argue that the interwar years in the Middle East were a germination period of development and modernization theory and practice. The period was one of transition: Ottoman influences lingered into the age of European colonialism while decolonization gathered pace and international actors increasingly spoke up. The SSRS reflected this transitionality. Firstly, it was institutionally part of a new university-foundation-development-missionary complex that would build a social science empire by connecting Western and Middle Eastern networks. Secondly, its political aim was to guide decolonization. Finally, the SSRS addressed the epistemic problem of being Western in the now decolonizing non-West by terming its research /proto-development sites 'laboratories' and insisting that its research was universally valid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1917 to 1924, groups of German children were sent on Erholungsreisen (vacation journeys) to German-speaking villages in Transylvania. These trips were organized jointly by nationalist associations in Germany and their partners in Transylvania, who hoped to reinforce bonds between Germans abroad and the Mutterland. The success of the 1917 trip contrasts with the failure of later campaigns. Empathy between Reichsdeutsche and Ausländsdeutsche was immediately intelligible in the context of a common war effort, but later trips foundered a divergence of opinion about where charity was needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the end of the twentieth century, most descendants of the Berlin missionaries in South Africa had become integrated into Afrikaans-speaking white society to the extent that they could “pass” as Afrikaners, many of them also selfidentifying as such. The complex undertones of German-South African identity become apparent when looking into early twentieth century projects run by missionaries and their sons with the aim of ingratiating themselves with the Afrikaner establishment as “twin souls” - German-Afrikaners. This article makes use of Afrikaans and German popular magazines, and German-South African works of fiction (short stories as well as novels), not in the first instance for their literary quality, but rather for the extent to which these media served as performative spaces in which German-South African men could act out their various social roles and contemplate the convergence between different identities assumed for different occasions. Particular attention is paid to the “backstage” of female domesticity, and how the construction of the ideal German Hausfrau continued to anchor male “occasionalism” well into the twentieth century, until this sublimated figure became too problematic when seen in the context of other local possibilities, often embodied by Afrikaner women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The introductory essay engages with recent work on the myriad groups of German speakers that flourished outside the borders of the German nation-state between the 1880s and the 1930s. Since the end of the Second World War, scholars have treated the notion of the Ausländsdeutsche (German expatriates) with considerable ideological suspicion. This essay, however, argues that a German history that moves beyond those prejudices and integrates these communities of German-speakers into a more inclusive historiography offers us the chance to create a dialog between German national history and the histories of the nations and regions in which German cultures took hold and, to use the language of the times, where German colonies were founded. The integration of these German spaces and their diverse communities into our historical narratives offers us the chance to fashion a more inclusive notion of German history, one that effectively decenters the role of the German nation-state by recognizing the inherently polycentric character of German nationhood during this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the formation of the Teddy Boy youth subculture in postwar Great Britain. The creation of counterculture group identity through fashion is described, the influence of late 19th-century working-class fashion on the subculture is identified, and social change wrought by the subculture is examined. Information is offered on the role of suburbanization in increasing occupation of public spaces such as movie theaters, streets, and theater halls by young people in the 1950s as well as the adoption of coolness into youth culture.

Historians study the long-term workings of time as evidenced in the past. Hence the discipline was shaken by Einstein's radical new physics of relativity (1905/1916), which denied time’s independent reality. Three phases of response are analysed: First, old grand narratives were undercut by a new cultural relativism and an analytical prioritisation of space and synchronic structures. Second, there was a revived interest in time as a cultural variable in its own right. Third, historians rebutted a frontal challenge from postmodern scepticism and theories of atemporalism. Now a restored awareness of the power of time within the space-time continuum is fostering a significant “temporal turn”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses a study which looked into the distribution of the 3rd sg. endings such as *-to and *-o of the Indo-European middle present. Topics covered include the thematic suffixes, simple thematic presents, reduplicated presents and nasal presents of PIE 3 sg. middle allomorph *-to in Anatolian and Indo-Iranian languages. Also mentioned are the root athematic presents and other present stem formations of PIE 3 sg. middle allomorph *-o in Tocharian, Germanic and Hittite languages.

The article presents an obituary for German historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler.

The article examines the social function of the private acquisition of state-controlled rural property in late 19th-century Prussia by Germans. Attempts by immigrating German colonist landholders to "civilize" Prussia are described, nationalist and racist elements of the desire to "Germanize" the eastern regions of the country against the perceived threat of Polish ethnic overrun are analyzed, and the reinforcement of the existing social hierarchy through the actions of the German state is analyzed. The use of the Prussian colonies as test cases for chemical fertilizers and other soil amendment techniques as well as for German governance is examined.

The essay discusses the economic impact of World War I from the perspective of the broader history of globalization in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Topics addressed include the historiography on early twentieth-century economic history, inflation caused by the war, and efforts to reconstruct international economic relations after the war.

The essay discusses attitudes toward World War I in the United States before the country's official entry into the war. Topics examined include attitudes toward the German attack on and occupation of Belgium and efforts to provide civilian relief there, spearheaded by the Committee for Relief in Belgium (CRB), a charitable organization, conflicting expectations regarding racism and civil rights among African Americans, and the efforts of the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (JDC) to provide aid to Jews in Russia.

A biography of Ottoman governor and grand vizier Avlonyalı Ferid Pasha is presented. Issues addressed include his upbringing and early political career in the peripheral provinces of the Ottoman Empire, which led him from his native Albania via Crete, Greece, and the Balkan Peninsula to the central government of the Ottoman Empire, his life and career as representative of the broader career patterns of political elites in the Ottoman Empire, and Ferid Pasha's political loyalties between his Albanian heritage and his role in Ottoman politics.

The article discusses the creation and eventual economic disintegration of the sterling area, which focused on Great Britain and former and current British colonies and which stabilized the international monetary system after World War II. Topics include the relation of the sterling area to the Bretton Woods foreign exchange system, the influence of the area on international trade in relation to British exports, and the impact of a 1967 devaluation of the sterling on the sterling area. The relation of the sterling area to monetary integration is noted.

The article discusses the end of the gold standard as a standard for foreign exchange rates from 1929 to 1936 as an aspect of the Great Depression. Topics include the relevance of the end of the gold standard to the Eurozone sovereign debt crisis beginning in 2009, the reinstatement of the gold standard during the interwar period, and the economic effects of the end of the gold standard. The impact of the end of the gold standard on economic recovery is noted in light of the work of economic historians Barry Eichengreen and Jeffrey Sachs.

The article deals with the nexus between Jewish immigration to the Federal Republic of Germany and legal definitions of German ethnicity (Volkszugehörigkeit). It claims that the recognition of Jewish immigrants as Germans was continuously negotiated between different bureaucratic and societal actors struggling over the power to define who is a German. Examining the production of national belonging in practice, it breaks open the “black box" of the often alleged “ethnocultural" and “descent-based" German perception of nationhood. The fluid boundary between “German" and “Jewish" immigrants was only fixed in 1991 with the creation of the separate category of “Jewish quota refugee." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay highlights the recent developments in the study of Arab responses to Fascism and Nazism between 1933 and 1945. It analyzes old approaches and paradigms that have emphasized the sympathy and collaboration of Arab leaders and forces with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. In criticizing these dominant research trends, the essay argues that it is mostly memories and political narratives produced in a later period which were responsible for such scholarly misunderstanding. This essay describes the politicization brought about by the establishment of Israel and the ensuing Palestinian-Arab-Israeli conflict on scholarly historical interpretations. It also brings new evidence and innovative research to the fore, demonstrating that many mainstream political leaders, intellectual forces and movements actually rejected and opposed the totalitarianism, racism, and imperialism of Nazism and Fascism in the public spheres. This introduction suggests new directions for further research on this critically important subject in Middle Eastern History. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Allegations concerning the Palestinian national movement's wall-to-wall support of Fascism, and specifically Nazism, are currently being voiced in political contexts as well as in allegedly neutral scholarly contexts. It has become fashionable to recognize Mufti Amin al-Husayni's close collaboration with Mussolini and Hitler as characteristic of the entire Palestinian movement.1 Most researchers disregard the variations between factions within the movement and particularly the significant transitions experienced over time by advocates of Fascism and Nazism. A close reading of contemporary Palestinian newspapers indicates the complex and dynamic attitude of the Palestinian public toward Fascism andNazism, which was contingent to a great degree on the evolution of Palestinian national identity in particular and Arab identity in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with fascist propaganda towards the Maghrib. It mainly addresses the question of whether fascist propaganda in the Maghrib, which was targeted to reach every social stratum, was effective. It also aims at elucidating in which way the nationalist forces tried to turn the fascist initiatives to their own advantage, in the context of the anti-colonial struggle in Algeria,Morocco and Tunisia. The first section discusses the reasons of the little concern expressed by Fascism to the Maghrib in its first decade. The following parts analyze fascist propaganda in its varied structure and forms starting from the conquest of Ethiopia in 1935/36, an event which marked a turning point in fascist attitude towards the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting with a brief survey of the historiography on Fascist Italy's policy in the Middle East, the article argues that the approach of Mussolini's regime is best understood through an examination of the interrelationship between ideology, foreign relations and colonial considerations. Hence, it focuses on the impact of three central and at times conflicting forces which shaped Italian policy : the ambitions and goals commonly linked to Fascist ideology (expansionism, vitality, the desire for colonial outlets and a self-sufficient, autarkic empire); traditional foreign policy considerations vis-à-vis the other European Great Powers with special emphasis on Britain and France; and the aspiration to prevent dissent in and to encourage the development of Italy's colonies in Africa which bordered the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Middle Eastern policy adopted by Fascist Italy, in light of diverging historical interpretations of its extent and its ideological background. It is the author's view that Italian interests were influenced by Fascist expansionism, traditional considerations of foreign politics in Europe, and Colonialist interests. The article describes the pro-Italian propaganda efforts in the Middle East and North Africa, the deterioration of Italian relations with Great Britain and France, and the pro-Islamic measures implemented by Italian authorities. Italian involvement in Libya is mentioned.

Harold Macmillan's “Wind of Change" speech of February 1960 is widely regarded as a defining moment in the history of British decolonisation. Indeed the words themselves have become shorthand for the sweeping changes that transformed the political and ideological landscape of the post-imperial world. What is less understood is the complex reaction of white British settler communities to Macmillan's message. This essay explores the rhetorical afterlife of the “wind of change" as a means of gauging the settler-colonial dimensions of decolonisation. By tracing its ambivalent usage among settler communities in South Africa, Rhodesia, Kenya, and further afield in Canada, Australia and New Zealand, it is argued that the wind of change acquired distinctive settler connotations as a synonym for the dissolution of white Commonwealth solidarity. The wind of change challenged long held assumptions that had governed the political, social and cultural networks of “Greater Britain", and confronted its constituent communities with unprecedented dilemmas of self-definition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the role of trust relationships in the system of surveillance created for the observation and control of non-white anti-colonialists active in early twentieth-century Europe. It focuses on three different social settings. The article first analyzes the authorities' attempts to gain the trust of people from the colonies, and the strategies that anti-colonialists developed against state intrusion. Second, the development and effect of internal distrust in anti-colonialist groups is studied. The final part looks at the role of trust in the ambiguous and complex relationship between non-European police informants and their white superiors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]