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China has evolved into an important provider of resources for developing countries, encompassing capital, know-how and expertise. China has also actively worked to strengthen diplomatic ties with developing regions since the early 2000s. Against this backdrop, the governments in many developing countries have moved to incorporate China as a significant factor in their geopolitical and geoeconomic considerations. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP), Turkey has also sought to foster relations with China, particularly since the early 2010s. This pursuit has been further triggered by Ankara's strained relations with the United States and the European Union. Turkish political leadership envisions China as a potentially crucial partner that could enhance the country's autonomy in relation to the West. While this expectation has not entirely materialized so far, there is an ongoing debate regarding the extent to which China can potentially be a transformative actor in Turkey's position within the international order. This paper contributes to this debate by locating Turkey-China engagement within a broader context of China's power and influence in the developing world. The paper suggests that the potential for Turkey's cooperation with China is likely to remain relatively limited for the foreseeable future. This is not only due to Turkey's deeply rooted ties with the West, but also because of the nature of China's global power, which is more partial and not as deep as commonly assumed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the practice of international election observation in the Commonwealth Caribbean was affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. Many countries were faced with the decision on whether to conduct or delay elections during the pandemic. Between March 2020 and June 2022, 10 out of 12 Commonwealth Caribbean countries held elections. All these countries, except for Barbados, have had their elections observed by at least one regional or international organization during the last two decades. The closure of borders and the various quarantine requirements had practical implications for maintaining this trend during the pandemic. Most countries that regularly invite international observers did not have their pandemic held elections observed. This paper considers the reasons for the absence of observers in some elections and explores the adjustments observer groups have had to make during the last two years. The discussion also explores how Caribbean countries were able to indicate their commitment to holding free and fair elections in the absence of observers. For the countries that had observers, the discussion examines how these missions navigated issues of cost, shorter invitation periods, challenges in international travel, the recruitment of suitable observers and local pandemic protocols and conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mainstream literature on global cities tends to explain the internationalization of cities almost exclusively from the perspective of recent developments in global capitalism, developments that have put cities at the heart of an increasingly globalized, financialized, and deregulated world economy. The internationalization of these so-called global cities is seen as a response to, and is conditioned by, external, and mainly economic, exigencies. Research on the foreign relations of city governments has followed in this tradition, with a predominant focus on the global drivers and manifestations, as well as the systemic implications of this phenomenon. Little academic attention has been given to the domestic contexts within which city governments develop and exercise their international agency. This paper is inspired by the emergence of alternative accounts in the global cities literature, which have underscored the importance of the domestic context in making sense of the contemporary internationalization of cities, to analyze the domestic sources of the City of Johannesburg's foreign relations from 2011 to 2016. While acknowledging Johannesburg's global cities ambition as a major driver of the city government's international relations during this period, we identify and analyze a set of local and national factors that equally inspired and conditioned the city's foreign engagements. These include the huge socio-economic and spatial divide that continues to define the city, the influence of the ruling African National Congress (ANC) and its doctrine of progressive internationalism, as well as the then mayor's internationalist outlook and domestic political ambitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's coastal cities have been playing a pivotal role in international relations through culture, commerce, and connectivity since the hoary past. In modern times, coastal cities such as Mumbai (formerly Bombay) on the Arabian Coast and Kolkata (formerly Calcutta) on the Bay of Bengal have been active actors in international affairs. While Mumbai has been the hub of international trade and commerce, Kolkata has been the junction of cultural bonhomie with Bangladesh and Southeast Asian countries, which gained more traction due to cross-border movements of technology, information, education, trade and finance, and artistic tools bolstered by the New Economic Policy beginning in the early 1990s. Indian states and metropolitan cities are enhancing their positions in international affairs with tangible gains. Mumbai is referred to as India's financial capital and the home to the headquarters of great global business houses and financial organisations. Similarly, Kolkata is known as the cultural capital of India (Sri Aurobindo, Tagore, Shanti Niketan, Bengali folk art and culture etc.) and a destination for foreign tourists, artists and curious researchers. This paper examines the growth and impact of city diplomacy in India through the prism of federalism in advancing local interests in international politics. It attempts to assess the role of Indian cities from a comparative perspective in the conduct of city diplomacy from economic and cultural aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s economic resurgence augurs the possibility of a recalibration in the global balance of power. Many contend that this process is already underway in East Asia – specifically in relation to the South China Sea. In other parts of the world, China’s growing footprint is discernible through infrastructure projects, under Beijing’s Belt and Road initiative. Does China leverage its economic power to realise its interests by forcing smaller nations to accept conditions and agreements which are not in the latter’s interests? This paper examines whether evidence to this effect is visible through a case study of Sri Lanka. The island’s geographic location – astride the Indian Ocean Sea Lanes of Communication – continues to draw the attention of regional and extra-regional powers. Sri Lanka’s constraints in size and poor pace of economic development also grants leeway for India (the regional hegemon) and China to leverage bilateral ties in their interest. Is there evidence to suggest that China has utilised port infrastructure to realise its national interests at the expense of Sri Lanka? Or, has Sri Lanka managed to thread a fine line between the two Asian powers: the neighbouring regional hegemon – India; and the resurgent great power – China? Does the truth lie somewhere in between? This article delves into these questions by examining the approaches and stances which Sri Lanka has adopted towards both nations, particularly during President Gotabaya Rajapakse’s government, from 2019 leading up to the end of 2021. By doing so, it aims to shed light on how Sri Lanka handled bilateral ties with both Asian powers as well as the degree of Sino-Indian competition visible within the island’s port infrastructure landscape. It concludes that the decisions reached with regard to port infrastructure projects represent a mixed picture. A key finding is the ability of domestic interest groups to shape Sri Lanka’s foreign policy during this period, which has significantly dented the island’s ties with other regional allies such as Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to discuss the situation of Mauritius in the post-colonial geopolitical configuration of the Indian Ocean. The island nation, a former British colony that has been independent since 1968, is today confronted with geopolitical issues that place it within a dilemma. Its recent allegiance with India, through preferential trade partnership, makes claiming sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago which was part of its territory before independence complicated. There is in an ongoing conflict with Great Britain and, indirectly, the United States on this contentious issue. At the same time, Mauritius needs to consider China’s influence in the region since it partners with most of the independent nations on matters of economic development. Mauritius itself has established an important trading platform through Chinese assistance. Concurrently, the Mauritian relationship with the United States cannot be compromised as it has been the major trading partner since 1794 with an embassy established in 1968. Hence, trapped between economic ties from all the partners engaged in the Indian Ocean, Mauritius strives to maintain its neutrality, while also being obliged to accept that its location, size and influence might not be enough to contest against past and emerging superpowers. To this end, the power games remain as complex as ever in the Indian Ocean when seen from a Mauritian perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration is a common phenomenon in Africa as citizens migrate within the continent for several reasons including education, family, employment, trade, and investment. Significant numbers of African migrants travel to the Middle East in search of economic opportunities. With the intensification of globalisation and the advancement of technology, human mobility across international borders is expected to rise in the coming decades. Despite challenges of international migration, migrants play a significant role in destination countries as they boost working-age population; contribute to revenue generation through taxes; contribute to human capital development; and enrich technological progress. Countries of origin increasingly appreciate their Diaspora communities due to remittances and migrants' skills. The growing number of African migrants calls for a strategic partnership between Africa and the Middle East through a multilateral forum that will enhance policy consultation and coordination for the benefit for both sides. The paper analyses intra-African migration, migration patterns from Africa to the Middle East and Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, drivers of migrations, migrants' positive contributions and challenges; national and Africa's Regional Economic Communities (RECs) responses in protecting the migrants. Key recommendations including the strengthening of free movement policies is critical Africa in ensuring that rights of African migrants are protected within Africa; working towards improving migration data to inform policy; enhancing interregional cooperation between Africa's RECs to enhancing the potential of intra-African migration; and fast-tracking the establishment of an effective multilateral forum for Africa and the Middle East for enhancing policy consultation and coordination to guarantee their common interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The five new Central Asian States that emerged from the fall of the Soviet Union began a process of State capacity building and the rule of law in their territories. Even though each one has its particularities, the continuity of autocratic political systems is a common factor among them. The privileged geographical position of Central Asia as a mandatory step between Europe and Asia, and its fundamental role in the energy security of world great powers, make the region increasingly important within the political and economic dynamics of the current International System. This might be a factor of analysis that affects changes and configurations in the political arena. This paper examines the extent to which external factors influence domestic politics by drawing on the theoretical background of authoritarian regimes and democratic transition, historical liaisons after the fall of the Soviet Union, as well as external factors such as security affairs, international trade, infrastructure projects in oil and gas pipelines, and competence for scarce water resources in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2015, local governments of 30 Mexican states have joined the National Open Government Partnership to enhance openness through mechanisms of transparency, accountability and citizen participation. The objective of this paper is to analyze the frameworks promoted by the State Government of Michoacán on public participation since the adoption of an open government policy. To achieve the objective, press releases from the Michoacán State Government's page were collected and subsequently examined through a framing analysis. Findings indicate that this subnational government has framed public participation in two ways: as a democratic advance and as a transfer of responsibilities to citizens. At the same time, there is a recognition of new public and private actors sharing public decisions with the government. Despite the progress found in this subnational context, the authors warn of serious risks due to the absence of clear rules for the implementation of mechanisms for public participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Colombian internal conflict case provides useful scenarios, realities and dynamics for nourishing the debate between those who treat internal and interstate conflicts as disconnected or totally independent phenomena and those who argue the frequent links between them. This policy paper is situated in the latter school of thought, and from that angle I shall argue the usefulness of perceiving the nexus between intrastate and interstate conflicts, and its applicability to the Colombian internal conflict. The paper highlights the importance of taking into account the strong nexus in order to prevent international disputes that put regional security at risk; it also suggests that the current Colombian peace process represents an historic opportunity for Colombia -and a great challenge for the Colombian society-while at the same time being an opportunity for thinking about a shared future in the South America region, which challenges the Colombian state and its performance at the international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the latest years, one of the major concerns with political systems around the world is what some authors have called the "democratic recession". Some recent discussions on these issues focus on the capacity of the state to respond to the demands of its citizens. This paper studies the relationship between state capacity -understood as state performance on areas such as providing security, justice administration, tax collection and guaranteeing rights-, and support for democratic principles and Colombia's regime. The empirical results show that lower levels of assessment of state's capacity are associated to lower levels of support for democratic principles and performance. These results are discussed in the context of the peace agreements between the Colombian government and the FARC guerrillas, as well as the implications posed by this relationship in regards to the challenges and opportunities for post conflict Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National governments are keenly aware of the need for investment in space. Canada, as a formal cooperating state in the European Space Agency (ESA), and Germany, as a leading member state of ESA, are interlinked in Europe's space endeavours. Beyond ESA, Germany and Canada additionally have a strong history of bilateral cooperation on a range of space projects. This paper discusses the novel interdependencies between clear national and now supranational space policies, using the examples of the Canada-European Union (EU) Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA). The agreement covers most aspects of the EU-Canada bilateral economic relationship and includes space. The paper focuses on international space policies, strategic bilateral co-operation, and technical accomplishments. It takes a closer look at German-Canadian collaboration in space programs and offers some reflection on the effect of both the EU and ESA's transatlantic involvement in space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will present the author's views on the use of outer space, and the impact of space activities on terrestrial undertakings. The main focus of this essay will be on satellites, which have radically changed the way we communicate, and also how we perceive our planet. The influence of South American countries on space activities and space policy will be surveyed. The military use of satellites will not be considered in depth, except to provide a context for the development of satellite technology. Rather, this paper focusses on satellites - Earth observation / remote sensing and communications, on the impact they have had, and continue having in our daily lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores potential and actual applications of space technology, particularly satellites in the context of sustainable development. The introduction explores the concept of sustainable development from a multilateral perspective and the framework of Rio+20 and the post-2015 development agenda. The paper then introduces space technology and its uses in economic growth, energy, food security, environmental surveillance, including coastal regions, with special emphasis on environmental disasters and the concept of resilience, and the social and welfare uses of humanitarian tele-medicine and tele-education and ways to overcome the digital divide. he conclusion gives recommendations to improve satellite capacity and an analysis of the systemic synergies between space technologies and "green industries" that may lead to tandem growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The member States of Mercosur are currently negotiating a Trade Agreement with the EU, as part of the process towards a comprehensive bi-regional Association Agreement. In 2016, the EU and Mercosur members exchanged offers, followed by a negotiation round. The next round will be held in October 2017; while awaiting for political developments, it is worth anticipating some challenges to come, especially from a legal perspective. Both actors have a multilayered system for decision-making, requiring the consensus of a multiplicity of governmental actors and thus enabling them to convey. Furthermore, current dialogues consider a broad range of issues, which were also covered by different EU's agreements with other trading partners. These agreements received critiques from the civil society, which are worth to reflect upon, considering that the trade agreement is due to impact the general negotiation for the bi-regional Association Agreement. The paper develops this reflection from a twofold perspective: that of the institutional nature of EU and Mercosur and that of the democratic deficit in the overall negotiation process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper seeks to determine whether the use of Private Military and Security Companies strengthens military institutions and the provision of security or, on the contrary, questions the monopoly of the legitimate use of force and generates new challenges to the current role of the military. It analyzes three main realms within the military sphere where the presence of PMSCS may have a direct impact: the exercise of the monopoly of the use of violence, the professionalization of the military, and the process of enrollment of new recruits. The paper highlights that the presence of PMSCS does not affect the continuity of the state's monopoly of the legitimate use of force. It also argues that although PMSCS perform certain activities that enhance the provision of security in a state, the military should always be prepared to overtake those activities delegated to PMSCS and should avoid becoming excessively dependent on private companies to execute them. Likewise, the paper sustains that the privatization of security distorts the conception of professionalism put up front by CMR theorists. Finally, the paper states that the presence of PMSCS obliges today's military to strengthen its recruitment strategies and consolidate a sound enrollment process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constructivist approaches to regionalism underscore the role of identity and institutions in explaining the unfolding of regionalist projects. Constructivism emphasizes relationships of mutual reinforcement between collective identity and regional institutions once these institutions are created. Identity and institutions are often seen as mutually constituted and caused, but constructivist analyses of regionalism conceptualize these relationships in different manners. Through revising the ontological differentiation between relationships of constitution and causation, this paper shows that constructivism faces serious challenges in providing explanations for the unfolding of regionalism. This paper reviews a number of constructivist approaches that conceptualize in different ways the relationships of constitution and causation between collective identity and regional institutions. While some approaches suggest that regional institutions can be caused by a pre-existing collective identity, some others assert that collective identity can be caused by the creation of regional institutions, where the causes of such creation remain open to other factors. The aim of this paper is to reflect on the capability of constructivism to simultaneously provide constitutive and causal explanations for the unfolding of regionalism. The paper shows that constructivist approaches to regionalism tend to be confusing in the differentiation between constitution and causation, and the consequence is that constructivism usually falls into 'under-explanation' or 'under-specification' in meeting the end of 'explaining' why and how regionalism unfolds. In turn, the paper suggests that constructivism needs to broaden and specify more deeply the conceptualization of causal relationships in this case in order to provide better explanations for the ways in which regionalism develops. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Central Bank (ECB) has received a lot of criticism for its too little, too late performance to ease market pressures during the economic crisis. At the same time, the ECB and the Federal Reserve (Fed) have managed the new economic realities that have emerged in the international context differently. Despite the criticisms, the European Central Bank is the European Union institution that has assumed more control due to the new model of economic governance of the EU. Why did the Federal Reserve act so nimbly and quickly to calm the markets, while the ECB was so cautious in managing monetary policy? The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative analysis of the management of interest rates and other monetary policy measures undertaken by the Central Bank and the Federal Reserve during the economic crisis, as well as to understand the changes in the context of the ECB and the emergence of its authority within the European Union's economic governance model since 2011. Thus, in order to carry out a scrupulous exposition, we will also limit the time frame of this study to the 2007-2014 period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asymmetry in warfare is not a new phenomenon. Historically, it has been observed that on various occasions there has been a marked difference in the relative military power and strategy of the warring states. However, in the post 9/11 era, it has been observed that the character and nature of war itself is changing particularly amid the wars between state and non-state actors. The usage of unconventional tools and tactics, be it guerrilla warfare or terrorism or irregular warfare or any other forms are becoming more synonymous with non-state entities. All this is leading to a composition of warfare in which a non-state actor is using asymmetric methods to target the state's vulnerabilities to achieve disproportionate effect. This paper debates the notion of Asymmetric Warfare, the characters of actors involved and the nature of the state's response in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The technological benefits of space hardware are universally recognized. One is hard pressed to find an area of the world where satellite dishes for television reception, satellite use for data transmission, or the Global Positioning System (GPS) for multiple purposes are not utilized. But utilization of commercial or of other countries' space assets does not equate to being a space-faring nation. Space-faring nations have, to varying degrees, their own capabilities. The importance of status as a space-faring nation comes from two sources: not having to rely on others for access to the benefits of space assets, and prestige that can translate into geopolitical influence. Beyond users and space-faring nations, there are those countries actively asserting space leadership in some form, whether regional or global. What pushes countries to go beyond being a space-faring nation and assert leadership potential, including potentially engaging in an implicit or explicit space race, is techno-nationalism, which for the purposes of this paper refers to nationalism that becomes the impetus for technology development as an indicator of geostrategic power. It is often triggered by a threat or perception of a threat, including a threat to perceived leadership. Techno-nationalism carries with it an inherent quest for leadership, by some definition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the European Union's global role as a main international actor on the basis of the components of power, the dimensions of global governance and its prospects as a regional project to manage to have a reading of their participation in the future international system. Within these future prospects, the role of the soft power of the EU will be highlighted as a civilian and normative power in global governance with new actors, interests and divergent values. his work is based on the hypothesis that the relational shift of power in international society is causing geopolitical and geo-economic dynamics conflicting with approaches to an effective multilateralism. hen the paper tries to answer or at least tries to shed some light on questions such as: Can the EU maintain its relevance as an international player in this changing world? Will it maintain relevance in their values and interests as a regional project? Should European international advocacy strategy be based simply on the field of soft power and effective multilateralism? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores potential and actual applications of space technology, particularly satellites in the context of sustainable development. The introduction explores the concept of sustainable development from a multilateral perspective and the framework of Rio+20 and the post-2015 development agenda. he paper then introduces space technology and its uses in economic growth, energy, food security, environmental surveillance, including coastal regions, with special emphasis on environmental disasters and the concept of resilience, and the social and welfare uses of humanitarian tele-medicine and tele-education and ways to overcome the digital divide. The conclusion gives recommendations to improve satellite capacity and an analysis of the systemic synergies between space technologies and "green industries" that may lead to tandem growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an instrument of the Colombian market-led land reform, the Comprehensive Land Subsidy (SIT) provides for land entitlement to poor peasants and smallholders tied to the development of rural production projects, through a communal property regime in certain cases. Through the case study of Sandrana y Samaría, this paper seeks to analyze the extent to which this land reform instrument and its implementation conditions create the necessary framework for productive and community development based on the acquisition of a land title. To that end, the study focuses on the logic of the main aspects of this policy instrument in the context of the Colombian land reform policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Water is a natural resource fundamental for quality of human life. Nevertheless, there are more than one billion people in the world without access to safe drinking water. The water crisis is mainly a crisis of governance, and corruption is one of the principal underlying factors. Due to the characteristics of water supply, the sector must be regulated. However, there are informational asymmetries in regulation, which are a cause of regulatory failures and make the sector more prone to corruption. In Colombia, water supply regulation has a legal structure that aims at stimulating participation, transparency, accountability and integrity. But, there is a significant gap between legal provisions and practice. This paper reviews the Colombian regulatory framework with the aim to identify such gaps and propose ways to strengthen the framework in order to safeguard the delivery of an efficient service to the users. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political reform of 2003, has been the most important in electoral matters made after the 1991 Constitution. The phenomena of "microempresas electorales", "operación avispa" and personalization, brought about a need to reform and reorganize the system and political parties with two fundamental changes: the electoral formula and the electoral barrier. Since the adoption of the reform there have been four elections in Colombia, two regional (Assembly and Council in 2003 and 2007) and two national (Senate and House of Representatives in 2006 and 2010), which have had mechanical effects on the party system at both the national and sub-national levels, and have "reorganized" the political forces in each legislature. The overall objective of this paper is to observe the effects of the reforms on the national party system in both the first (2006) and second (2010) wave of elections, specifically about the representativeness of the system, taking into account their context and political situation. We conclude that the change in the electoral formula and the imposition of the electoral barrier managed to reorganize the parties and therefore political competition without affecting system proportionality, as its detractors had claimed. Although this aspect had no significant variation, factors such as electoral density lead to other questions over the Colombian electoral system such as the necessity (or not) to think about a new reform that points to a change in the electoral districts and therefore in the levels of representation of the system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the changes occurred since the vi EU-LAC Summit, in Madrid in May 2010, on the relationship between the European Union and Latin America. A change continued with the CELAC-UE Summit, held in January 2013, which presents evidence of bi-regional strategy and the full import of the most significant commitments to build that relationship: regional integration and social cohesion. Latin America and the European Union should strengthen their bond and extrapolate on other institutions and settings of the current post-Cold War geopolitical order. A scenario where they share views and concerns and whose response, in any case, must come from a joint position and shared perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows the results of the research during my master that focused on analyzing the structure of patronage networks in implementing the "Families in Action program" as spaces for the accumulation of symbolic and political capital for benefit of internal and external stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains the determinants of legislative action; furthermore it is a study of the Colombian Senate from 2006-2010 where the goal is to discuss the factors that influence the initiation of national bills. In Colombia, the political reforms of 1991, 2003 and 2009 have sought to overcome the particularistic legislation and transform in some way, political representation. In this sense, we estimate the propensity of legislators to initiate national bills as a function of the party structure, the party genesis including the existence of closed lists and seniority. The analysis suggests that the regional anchor of the traditional parties, departmental chiefs and the election system have discouraged national proposals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new institutionalism has become a dynamic field of work in political science. This paper shows how the new institutionalism, in its heterodox version, has taken up the research program of old institutionalism, while orthodoxy has incorporated the methodological developments of behaviorism and rational choice. The result is an approach that provides a framework for analyzing the multiple problems of politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]