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Increasingly incorporated into curricula worldwide, Global Citizenship Education (GCE) is a complex and evolving area of education. As the significance of GCE in the classroom grows, so does the need for insight into professional development for GCE educators. Given that many approaches to GCE have typically stemmed from 'global North' contexts, it is particularly important to research this area from 'global South' perspectives. This paper contributes by reporting on a study conducted in an initial teacher education setting in Ghana. The study aimed to investigate prospective teachers' viewpoints on GCE. It sought to explore aspects including how pre-service teachers understood the orientation, meaning and relevance of GCE teaching and their views on the debates surrounding GCE's underlying approaches and values. Participants were 16 pre-service teachers who had taken GCE courses during their degree programmes at a university in Ghana. Data were collected through three focus group discussions and analysed qualitatively. In-depth analysis of the rich data suggested that participants had generally positive perceptions about GCE, whilst observing challenges and tension in the relationships between local, national and global issues. Whereas some were of the opinion that GCE had a neocolonial orientation, focusing on Western elements over other cultures, others expressed the view that GCE content could be reoriented to address local issues as well. Although participants felt that greater practical experience could strengthen their learning, they believed they had obtained adequate skills in terms of content and theory for the teaching of GCE. The study draws attention to the need for educators to be supported from an early stage and throughout their career journeys with professional development in GCE that invites exploration, critical thinking and challenge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1995 South African Citizenship Act in conjunction with s3 of the South African Constitution enshrined a free and equal Citizenship for all South Africans. The initial legislation inclined toward the inclusive, allowing dual citizenship and a number of other exceptions to reintegrate those who had lost citizenship under the Apartheid Regime. This paper argues that since 1995 there has been a slow but steady move to restrict access to citizenship through the legislative amendments of 2004, 2007 and 2010 and the Department of Home Affairs' unduly restrictive interpretations of the law in formal regulations and policies. The evidence suggests an agenda of 'shrinking the state' or, at the very least, an inclination to keep South Africa for South Africans. The paper argues that, as citizens, we ought to keep a sharp eye on this trend and respond to its political nature through political channels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes a study of South Africans' national perception and alignment to the dimensions of active citizenship, social cohesion and national pride. The study covers the 2017–2018 period and is based on a survey undertaken with a nationally representative sample. It identifies ten segments in the South African population that each point to distinct patterns of behaviour, attitude and opinion. Each segment displays a particular predisposition towards integration, social engagement and participative citizenship. The segmentation is defined by social and psychological characteristics and not demographics, although it offers demographic data on the composition of each group. The derived model yields significant insight into the national trajectory in the spheres of politics, civil society and the economy. It illuminates the dynamics of South Africa's pluralistic society and offers a platform for further political, social, economic and market research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizenship is essentially a legal formality that denotes membership of a state. However, it should contain an emotional element for individuals to willingly identify themselves with the nation-state. The absence of such emotion often prompts bloody conflicts where people attempt to carve independent entities of power by fragmenting the nation-state. Youth, with their inherent zest for grand ventures, are often keen participants and even initiators of such conflicts. Citizenship therefore should entail an active process of emotional engagement especially of youth in order that sustainable solidarity may be fostered. Sri Lanka stands as an ideal case study in this regard, demonstrating the terrible consequences of the isolation of youth – whether real or perceived – from the collective identity of the state and the equally powerful impact they can have when properly integrated into the state mechanism. This paper discusses Tamil youth disillusionment in Sri Lanka that manifested itself in a vicious ethnic conflict in juxtaposition with the role of Sri Lankan youth as agents of peaceful change in a post-war nation-building context. In drawing a conclusion, the paper discusses the importance of active civic engagement of youth in building ‘One Nation One People’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the links between Bangkok's smoking skyline and the political and economic aspirations of North Eastern Thais. The author proposes that much of what was at stake during the 2009 and 2010 political upheaval was closely tied to a constricted sense of citizenship apparent in the frustrated political and economic aspirations expressed by North East Thailand's urban poor. Through an ethnographic analysis of the experiences of residents of Khon Kaen's railway communities as they participate in a new housing project, the paper explores the obstacles that poor citizens encounter when they try to 'become right with the law' and 'unite' in the name of 'developing' themselves, their communities, their cities and their nation. In reflecting on the politics of belonging that arise during this project, the author's analysis reveals how hard these citizens work to comply with laws and to take part in national development projects, even when many of those same laws and processes frequently work against them. The author argues that, although coups and mass mobilizations form the most public faces of the current political moment, they simply reflect more pernicious, complex forms of the everyday politics facing poor citizens. Indeed, these frustrated aspirations expose the links between Bangkok's burning shopping malls and the charred provincial government buildings of the North East (Isan). The analysis suggests that the events of 2009 and 2010 were not an uprising against the state, but rather a movement demanding recognition and the opening of the political and economic order to the poor as full citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Youth citizenship is now on the international agenda with African countries increasingly interrogating their national perspectives on citizenship andcitizenship education. In this emergent field of research, African scholars arebeginning to challenge the prevailing (Western) theories of citizenship and democracy. Purpose: The aim of this paper is to contribute an African perspective to the study of citizenship education by exploring the political influences and meanings that shaped citizenship education in Kenya, and how these have evolved from independence to the present day. Data and Methods: This article is based on a documentary analysis of key policy-related documents, complemented by an analysis of some critical historical moments in the life of Kenya as a postcolonial nation. The policy-related documents include government policy documents, as well as political statements, speeches, development reports, technical commission reports, media articles, research publications and reports, education syllabi and curriculum documents. Main Findings: Post-independence, the Kenyan government focused on rethinking the colonial concept of citizenship in line with its political-cultural traditions, encouraging new notions of belonging, of civic virtues and of duties in relation to nation-building and economic development. Social Ethics and Education (SEE) programmes in schools were established and then later removed from the secondary school curriculum. Conclusions: This paper yields important insights into the international and national political agendas that shape Kenya's notions of active citizenship. It indicates the tensions which vulnerable and fragile states such as Kenya experience in negotiating their citizenship education agenda, whilst attempting to win foreign investment and aid for their economy, and whilst addressing regional and ethnic inequalities and high levels of poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Citizenship, nationalism, human rights and democracy are four terms and concepts that are inextricably linked. In Kuwait, the status of citizen is based on nationality, gender and age, with women, children, naturalised citizens, expatriates and bidoon (stateless people) denied many freedoms, rights and services. Citizenship is defined by some, feeling and practice. In Kuwait, the denial or limitation of the first makes the latter two all but impossible. Purpose: In this paper, I discuss the tensions between citizenship, nationalism, human rights and democracy within the Kuwaiti context and then explore how these are mirrored in the tangling of terms within the Kuwaiti national curriculum. Particular attention is paid to the Constitution and Human Rights (CHR) module, which introduced a form of national democratic citizenship education to the secondary curriculum (grades 10, 11 and 12) for the first time in 2006 but was then rescinded to grade 12 only by the 2009-2010 academic year. Students' perceptions of the concepts and their learning will form an important part of the analysis. Methodology: The student voices come from student research workshops carried out as part of a case study of a Kuwaiti government school. These workshops were carried out in the spring terms of 2009 and 2010 with grades 10, 11 and 12 classes; a total of approximately 180 students were involved. In small groups, students were asked to reflect on posters on what they learned in school about citizenship, human rights and democracy. Their responses were translated, coded and categorised by theme. The grade 11 posters were selected for this paper, as they provide a contrast between the 2009 students, who took the CHR module, and the 2010 students, who did not. Quotes that were selected forinclusion in this paper were those that had themes echoed by several other students. Conclusions: The CHR module shifted the focus from education for national citizenship to education for democratic national citizenship, as reflected in the contrasting student responses in 2009 and 2010. However, the module also inadvertently brought to the surface the inconsistencies and tensions between several of the concepts it was meant to educate about. This caused students to develop criticality, and, alongside their learning on human rights and politics, wasa potentially strong trigger for change from below. Its swift withdrawal fromthe curriculum, however, shifted the focus of citizenship education back tonationalism and patriotism. It also rendered students less equipped to effect change - a result that the more sceptical may believe was intended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the condition of women as political agents in Lebanon in the context of legislation and political participation. It focuses on the effect of the Civil War on women's conditions of living in Lebanon, and their lives in the post-war period. War had negative effects on women, reinforcing their patriarchal subjugation, furthering their economic deprivation, and diverting attention from issues like women's rights, which have only added to women's political and social marginalization. The war also had a positive effect on women as it opened up new avenues for them to participate in public life. This paper analyzes gender relations in Lebanon through the frameworks of social change and the rise of civil society, but also emphasizes the challenges facing women in post-war Lebanon, where they are still governed by patriarchal values that hinder their political participation and their identification as full citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper explores issues of the educational marginality of migrant children in urban settings in two cities in China. The numbers of urban migrants exceed 100 million and are growing as China modernizes. This is creating tensions between residents and recent arrivals who lack residential registration and access to public services. As a result, migrant children often attend informal, private and usually unregulated schools of low quality organized by their communities. These tend to reinforce social stratification and reproduce marginality across the generations. The paper argues that state failure to provide basic education risks a growing divide between urban residents and recent migrants that has social consequences that must be addressed to remove discriminatory practices and resolve potential conflicts between hosts and migrant communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for an approach to researching citizenship and democracy that begins not from normative convictions but from everyday experiences in particular social, cultural and historical contexts. The paper starts with a consideration of the ways in which the terms 'democracy' and 'citizenship' have been used in the discourses and approaches taken within mainstream studies of citizenship and democracy, drawing attention to some of the conceptual blind spots that arise. We call for more attention to be paid to contextual understandings of the politics of everyday life, and to locating state, ngo and donor rhetorics and programmes promoting 'active citizenship' and 'participatory governance' within that politics. It is this kind of understanding, we suggest, that, by revealing the limits of the normativities embedded in these discourses, can provide a more substantive basis for rethinking citizenship from the perspectives of citizens themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the ways in which Arab/Palestinian high school students in Israel negotiate their civic and national identities. The paper draws upon qualitative data that included semi-structured interviews and focus groups with 20 students in an Arab Muslim high school. It focuses on the ways in which they make sense of the notion of citizenship and negotiate their position as Arab/Palestinian Muslim citizens in a Jewish state. The paper attempts to go beyond common conceptualisations of political identities of the Arab/Palestinian minority in Israel. It suggests that Arab/Palestinian students are aware of the politics of citizenship in Israel and draw upon different discourses of citizenship and meanings of inclusion in defining their belongings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In constructing a framework for the participation and inclusion in political life of subjects, the Enlightenment also produced a series of systematic exclusions for those who did not qualify: including 'idiots' and 'primitive races'. 'Idiocy' emerged as part of wider strategies of governance in Europe and its colonies. This opened up the possibility for pedagogy to become a key technology for the transformation of the savage, uncivilised Other into the citizen. This paper explores the transformative role of pedagogy in relation to colonial discourse, the narrative of the wild boy of Aveyron - a feral child captured in France in 1800 - and the formation of a medico-pedagogical discourse on idiocy in the nineteenth century. In doing so, the paper shows how learning disability continues to be influenced by same emphasis on competence for citizenship, a legacy of the colonial attitude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores concepts of multiple and nested identities and how these relate to citizenship and rights, and the implications of identities and rights for active citizenship education. Various theoretical conceptions of identity are analysed, and in particular ideas concerning multiple identities that are used contingently, and about identities that do not necessarily include feeling a strong affinity with others in the group. The argument then moves to the relationship between identity and citizenship, and particularly citizenship and rights. Citizenship is treated non-legalistically, as one of the locations of belonging. The paper draws on three successive categorisations of citizenship rights: by T.H. Marshall in the 1950s, Karel Vasak in the late 1970s and John Urry in the 1990s, and is illustrated in part by the development of European citizenship in parallel to national identity. This is then linked to how contemporary citizenship education might use the exploration of contested rights as a way of developing practical enactive skills of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Education in Israel is often described as caught between two ends: state-formation and nation-building. In the last decade civic education in Israel has been undergoing some changes. The civic compulsory curriculum for state high schools was unified across all educational sectors in Israel with the aim of creating a more inclusive, universal civic curriculum that would be used as a platform for creating a common civic culture. The tension between state-formation and nation-building, between universalism and particularism, thus, has become even more prominent where civic education is concerned. To a significant extent, civic education in Israel is one place where contesting messages about the meaning of membership in the Israeli collective are negotiated and debated. This paper explores the tensions between inclusion and exclusion and between universalism and particularism as they emerge from the official civic education curriculum in Israel. It does so by examining the representations and positions of the Palestinian citizens in the official discourse of civic education. The analysis suggests that civic education in Israel at best represents an ambivalent stance that is caught in the tension between inclusion and exclusion. But more often than not, it still reproduces the marginal position of the Palestinian minority in Israeli society. In light of this, this paper concludes by discussing the possible implications these dual messages might have for Palestinian students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Proceeding from Lord Acton's insight that "exile is the nursery of nationality," this paper examines a peculiar historical instance of dislocation as a relevant matrix for the articulation of national identity. I inquire into aspects of the elaboration of French national consciousness among French émigrés of the revolutionary period in Russia, approaching the subject at two levels: first, the maîtres à danser, the run-of- the- mill émigrés who abandon cosmopolitan certitudes or pretensions of a "monde français" and abstractions of dynastic loyalty, in favour of nostalgic attachment to a tangible paine, very much at odds with the Russian otherness into which they have been thrust. Second, the maîtres à penser, those émigré thinkers in whom the Revolution provokes a reconsideration of established universals and who conceptualize Russia in terms of a project to reconcile universal and particular or national values. I examine the dilemmas and ultimate failure of such a projection by focusing on the work of Joseph de Maistre. On both levels, the historical case studied here is an exemplification of the proposition that nationalism is founded on a disenchantment with the world, and that physical estrangement from both the world to which one believes oneself to belong as well as spiritual estrangement from the world in which one treads, may provide a critical context for defining collective identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Umhlanga is a ceremony celebrating virginity. In South Africa, it is practiced, among others, by the Zulu ethnic group who live mainly in the province of KwaZulu Natal. After falling into relative disuse in the Zulu community, the practice of virginity testing made a comeback some 10 years ago at around the time of the country's first democratic election and coinciding with the period when the HIV pandemic began to take hold. In July 2005 the South African Parliament passed a new Children's Bill which will prohibit virginity testing of children. The Bill has been met with outrage and public protest on the part of Zulu citizens. Traditional circumcision rites are also addressed in the new bill but are not banned. Instead, male children are given the right to refuse to participate in traditional initiation ceremonies which include circumcision. This paper asks why the practice of virginity testing is regarded as so troubling to the new democratic order that the state has chosen to take the heavy-handed route of banning it. The paper further asks why the state's approach to traditional male circumcision has been so different to its approach to virginity testing. Finally, the paper asks what these two challenging cases in the country's new democracy tell us about the nature of liberal democratic citizenship in South Africa 10 years after apartheid's formal demise. Résumé L' umhlanga est une cérémonie qui glorifie la virginité. En Afrique du Sud, elle est pratiquée entre autres par les zoulous, groupe ethnique présent principalement dans la province du Kwazulu Natal. Après un abandon relatif par la communauté zouloue, la pratique du test de virginité a fait un come back il y a environ une dizaine d'années, à peu près au moment des premières élections démocratiques du pays et de l'apparition de l'épidémie de VIH/sida. En juillet 2005, le parlement sud africain a adopté une nouvelle loi de protection des enfants qui interdit les test de virginité. Cette loi s'est heurtée à l'indignation et aux protestations publiques de citoyens zoulous. Les rites traditionnels de la circoncision sont également abordés par la nouvelle loi sans toutefois être interdits. En revanche, les enfants de sexe masculin ont le droit de refuser de participer à des cérémonies rituelles d'initiation, parmi lesquelles la circoncision. Cet article s'interroge sur les raisons pour lesquelles le test de virginité est considéré comme troublant par le nouvel ordre démocratique, au point que l'état a choisi la méthode forte de son interdiction. Il va jusqu'à demander pourquoi l'approche de la circoncision masculine traditionnelle par l'état est si différente de celle du test de virginité. Enfin, l'article s'interroge sur ce que ces deux enjeux dans la nouvelle démocratie de ce pays nous disent sur la nature de la citoyenneté démocratique et libérale, dix ans après la disparition officielle de l'apartheid. Resumen Umhlanga es una ceremonia en la que se celebra la virginidad. En Sudáfrica es practicada entre otros por el grupo étnico Zulú que vive principalmente en la provincia de KwaZulu Natal. Después de caer en desuso en la comunidad Zulú, la práctica de la prueba de la virginidad volvió a aparecer hace unos diez años en el momento en que el país celebraba sus primeras elecciones democráticas y coincidió con el periodo en que la pandemia de VIH/sida empezó a causar estragos. En julio de 2005, el parlamento sudafricano aprobó una nueva propuesta de ley del menor que prohibe hacer la prueba de la virginidad a menores. Esta nueva ley ha provocado indignación y protestas en gran parte de los ciudadanos zulúes. Los ritos tradicionales de circuncisión también se abordan en la nueva ley pero no están prohibidos. En lugar de eso se concede a los niños el derecho a negarse a participar en las ceremonias tradicionales de iniciación que incluyen la circuncisión. En este ensayo se plantea la pregunta de por qué el nuevo orden democrático considera tan problemática la práctica de las pruebas de virginidad para que el Estado haya optado por la estricta vía de la prohibición. Asimismo se plantea por qué la postura del Estado con respecto a la circuncisión masculina tradicional ha sido tan diferente a su planteamiento sobre las pruebas de la virginidad. Para terminar, en este documento se examina qué significado tienen estos dos problemáticos casos en la nueva democracia del país para la naturaleza de la ciudadanía democrática y liberal en Sudáfrica, diez años después de la desaparición del apartheid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After joining the EU, major changes in the legal and political systems of the Baltic States are of immediate importance. The position of the Baltic States was unique compared to other candidate countries, and having gained independence only twelve years ago, the need to retain and safeguard sovereignty and independence was deemed particularly important. The enlargement of the EU introduced changes to vital concepts such as sovereignty, independence, citizenship, and democracy to the formulation of the constitutions of the Baltic States, and their subsequent accession. Simultaneously the EU's own constitution was being formulated, with little power accorded to the candidate countries -- compared to existing member states -- to modify the constitutional conditions of the accession. This paper analyses the position of the Baltic States regarding their accession to the EU, in particular, their viewpoint on the EU Constitution as it relate to their own constitutional, societal, and political values. The participation of the Baltic States in the European Convention is addressed. The paper concludes with an analysis of the question of whether the ideas of the Baltic representatives have been included in the final draft of the EU Constitution, and its possible implications for the Baltic States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to develop a more sophisticated notion of multiculturalism in Britain. It starts by examining the philosophical basis of the Crick Report on citizenship education to resolve the theoretical tension between liberal and multicultural approaches to the subject. To achieve this resolution, it compares the Crick Report to the Parekh Report on the Future of Multi Ethnic Britain, published on 11 th October 2000. The Parekh report is then used to critique the Crick report and re-theorise the practical imperatives of multicultural citizenship education. I claim that the Crick report, typical of liberal analyses, is suspicious of departure from the presumption of a unified social structure, and represents citizenship education as the imposition of a uniform standard applied to all groups and peoples. On this basis it is claimed that, although the Crick Report's conception of citizenship fails to adequately take account of cultural difference, it need not do so, as there is room within liberal approaches to citizenship education for a recognition of difference. The paper explains how such a resolution can be effected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, Asset-based Community Development (ABCD) is presented as an alternative to needs-based approaches to development. Following an overview of the principles and practice of ABCD, four major elements of ABCD are examined in light of the current literature on relevant research and practice. This involves exploring the theory and practice of appreciative inquiry; the concept of social capital as an asset for community development; the theory of community economic development; and lessons learned from the links between participatory development, citizenship, and civil society. The paper outlines how ABCD both reflects and integrates trends in these areas, and stands to benefit from the insights generated from this work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with questions of identity, citizennship and social change as these are experienced by young people in the UK today. In the course of recent changes to the context and content of youth transitions the notion of citizenship has come to the fore as a means of discussing young people's move into independent membership of society. Debates about citizenship in the UK currently encompass a range of complex themes -- competency, responsibility and active (community) participation -- which go beyond an understanding of citizenship as a simply technical or legal term. In this paper we adopt a broad conceptualization of citizenship in order to explore the identity work that young people engage in as they negotiate their way through to social majority. In particular, we consider how young people's need for space, and their emergent sense of place, are aspects of a citizenship identity which young people 'learn', work at and negotiate over in their leisure time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper outlines the theoretical and empirical starting-points for a research project addressing the role of parents' organizations in the education system. It argues that a study of relationships conducted between homes, schools and parents' groups and organisations has the potential to illuminate key concepts an education, considering as examples `citizenship' and `community'. The paper as divided into three main sections. The first briefly describes the study's background, its scope and methodology. The second section considers the use of some of Antonio Gramsci`s work in providing a theoretical starting-point with which to explore the construction and maintenance of hegemonic discourses surrounding parenting. The concluding section of the paper widens the discussion to consider two key concepts, community and citizenship. It is argued that the discursive positioning of these concepts, in other words, how they are understood and defined, influences the ways in which relationships between parents and the education system are perceived and constructed. This is illustrated with reference to readings of `citizenship' and `community' which emphasis, not consensus and homogeneity as in traditional definitions, but conflict, difference and multiplicity. The paper concludes that there is a continued need for empirical data focusing on everyday citizen and citizen-state interactions. Such reveal how individuals live within, and understand and experience these relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: As the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) gears toward full regional integration by 2015, the cross-border mobility of workers and citizens at large is expected to further intensify in the coming years. While ASEAN member countries have already signed the Declaration on the Protection and Promotion of the Rights of Migrant Workers, the health rights of migrants still need to be addressed, especially with ongoing universal health coverage (UHC) reforms in most ASEAN countries. This paper seeks to examine the inclusion of migrants in the UHC systems of five ASEAN countries which exhibit diverse migration profiles and are currently undergoing varying stages of UHC development. Design: A scoping review of current migration trends and policies as well as ongoing UHC developments and migrant inclusion in UHC in Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand was conducted. Results: In general, all five countries, whether receiving or sending, have schemes that cover migrants to varying extents. Thailand even allows undocumented migrants to opt into its Compulsory Migrant Health Insurance scheme, while Malaysia and Singapore are still yet to consider including migrants in their government-run UHC systems. In terms of predominantly sending countries, the Philippines's social health insurance provides outbound migrants with portable insurance yet with limited benefits, while Indonesia still needs to strengthen the implementation of its compulsory migrant insurance which has a health insurance component. Overall, the five ASEAN countries continue to face implementation challenges, and will need to improve on their UHC design in order to ensure genuine inclusion of migrants, including undocumented migrants. However, such reforms will require strong political decisions from agencies outside the health sector that govern migration and labor policies. Furthermore, countries must engage in multilateral and bilateral dialogue as they redefine UHC beyond the basis of citizenship and reimagine UHC systems that transcend national borders. Conclusions: By enhancing migrant coverage, ASEAN countries can make UHC systems truly 'universal'. Migrant inclusion in UHC is a human rights imperative, and it is in ASEAN's best interest to protect the health of migrants as it pursues the path toward collective social progress and regional economic prosperity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In many countries, working towards a truly inclusive national citizenship means deconstructing hegemonic structures that are deeply entrenched. Moving outside of the borders toward a global citizenship hints at giving up on what has been a long road toward multicultural citizenship. Abalance between including and empowering diverse populations within borders as a part of citizenship education is critical. Likewise, future citizens must be prepared to conceive of a borderless world and interact with cultures different from their own. Literature that empirically examines the relationship between global citizenship and multicultural citizenship is sparse. This paper explores this tension, using the case of Germany. Purpose: The overall aims of this study were to explore German teachers' valuesand beliefs about citizenship education in light of new citizenship and immigration laws, and in light of European and global influences, as well. Design/method/sample: A qualitative research design was employed to capture arange of German social studies teachers' views on citizenship, diversity and education. Interviews were conducted with 43 teachers from five different states across Germany. The constant comparative method of analysis was used to analyse these data. Findings: The analysis suggests the existence of four major themes: 'Peaceful Europe', and 'Rejection of Europeanisation', 'Christian like us' and 'Multicultural = European'. Taken as a whole, these categories show that the teachers did engage with both multicultural and global citizenship ideas, but they did so ina manner that created limits on both concepts. European citizenship emerged as a means of comfortably addressing diversity and, perhaps unintentionally, disenfranchising non-ethnic Europeans present in the classroom from accessing this concept of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasing participation in social, economic, and community life is considered to be one of the defining principles of an inclusive society and a key aspiration for the Australian Federal Government. Central to this principle is the ability to build the capacity of individuals and groups to develop connectedness, and to engage in decision-making. Participation such as this improves individual well-being and the well-being and prosperity of the communities in which individuals learn, work and play. A prerequisite for participation, inclusion, and informed citizenship is the ability to develop knowledge from information about the social, economic, and community dimensions through which modern Australian society is constituted. While the concept of social inclusion is broad and extends to all sectors of the Australian community, this paper focuses on a particular sector of Australian society - new arrivals, termed settlers' - and explores the concepts of social inclusion and exclusion and information poverty. It then describes research currently under development which will examine how settlers reconcile their own cultural information practices and understandings about information with their experiences in their adopted country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is a near unanimity on the need for participation, there is as yet no such agreement on the type and degree of participation to be adopted in projects. One thing that has never been doubted is the fact that local people have not been accorded their rightful recognition and respect by most intervention agencies, hence the failure of some projects. So, how does a project that seeks to address issues of citizenship, participation, and accountability using a variety of participatory methodologies fare, especially against the backdrop of a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, and politically complex society like Nigeria? This paper examines the use of these methodologies, highlighting issues drawn out, and the successes and limitations of the findings for future research. Effective as the methods appeared to be, there were many questions and issues unanswered beyond the immediate mandate of the project, which beg for attention in order for the communities to move towards genuine development and stop open display of sometimes misplaced aggression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Illegal migration— also known as clandestine, undocumented or irregular migration—appears frequently in contemporary popular and political discourses; yet there is relatively little theoretical literature on the phenomenon. Nearly all academic and other discussions of the topic take as axiomatic that illegal migration is a 'problem', without pausing to question its rapid rise to prominence and the underlying issues that may be involved. It is the aim of this paper to search a little deeper into the historical and structural factors germane to the phenomenon: little attention will be paid to detailed empirical matters, since such information is available elsewhere. I start with some definitional issues then, taking an overview of the history of migration controls, I proceed to a discussion of the complex structural factors that have contributed to the emergence of illegal migration as a putative 'crisis' in the developed world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents research findings from an ethnographic study carried out with 24 low-income youths (ages 14-16) living on the economic fringes of urban inner-city Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada. Our primary aims are: to expose the stratified subcultural articulations of citizenship as they are expressed, through language and symbol, by the young people within our study; and to demonstrate how critiques of (neo-)liberalism in political thought, when combined with a cultural sociology of youth, might alter our subcultural reading of young people's conceptions of citizenship under the dynamics of radical social change. Our ultimate goal is to develop a more nuanced sociological examination of the ways in which young people deploy and utilize the language of citizenship as part of their own cultural struggles, exacerbated in times of state retrenchment, to classify themselves and others as one method of achieving visibility and legitimacy in urban concentrations of poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between architecture and civil participation by specifically looking at the formal attributes of Rabin Square in Tel Aviv, its development as a public urban space, its nationally symbolic meaning, and its civic role. A major conclusion of this study is that public assembly and the physical space in which it occurs are indivisible, revealing architecture’s unique contribution to the shaping of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One problem faced by teachers of citizenship is that ‘politics’ is negatively valued. The concept is actually ambiguous in value. The paper sets out a neutral, a negative, and a positive meaning of the term. It then goes on to explore the way that even on the positive construction there can seem to be ethical problems with politics. This explains both aspects of numerous projects to ‘depoliticise’ society and government, and to depoliticise citizenship education. But, the alternatives mean that we lose important political values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between the egalitarian ideology of the Greek polis and the development of the complex, self-contained courtyard house. The polis was a 'corporate' state in which power was shared among a body of nominally equal citizens, rather than being centralized in the hands of an individual or small group. Elevating the citizen male to the status of head of an independent household, free from outside interference or ties of patronage, was one of the ways in which this equality was fostered; the enclosed form of the courtyard house advertised its owner's autonomy and adherence to shared moral codes, and thus his eligibility for access to power. The preference for new housing to be arranged in regular grid-plans also suggests a desire to avoid kin-based patterns of residence, replacing them with a new kind of solidarity based on membership of the citizen group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social justice is a key concept in current education policy and practice. It is, however, a problematic one in its application to schooling. This paper begins with a critique of the account of social justice offered by Gewirtz followed by an alternative philosophical notion based on the perfect world argument and the just society where equality is to the fore. This leads on to an exploration of what it is to be an educated citizen, consideration of the just school and discussion of the place of the school as an instrument for attaining social justice. The conclusion draws attention to the importance of the policy web as a way of developing coherent and unified policy designed to achieve social justice for all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of academic achievement and educational and occupational mobility constitute mainstream educational sociology. The key questions and main findings within these research traditions are identified, emphasizing both stable cross‐national generalizations as well as cross‐national contexts which lead to variable outcomes. To illustrate, family background is clearly related to academic achievement cross‐nationally, but there is much cross‐national variation in the relationship between achievement and aspirations. A comparative cross‐national perspective adds to our understanding of how and why standard educational variables are related to one another. To revitalize the sociology of education, however, requires going beyond its established research traditions. In this spirit the second part of this paper explores questions about the changing logic of citizenship and its ‘terms of inclusion’ implications for schooling. I also examine the rise of valorized diversity and its influence on the changing character of universities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last few years there has been a renewed interest in questions of citizenship and in particular its relation to young people. This has been allied to an educational discourse where the emphasis has been upon questions concerned with ‘outcome’ rather than with ‘process’– with the curriculum and methods of teaching rather than questions of understanding and learning. This paper seeks to describe and illuminate the linkages within and between these related discourses. It advocates an inclusive and relational view of citizenship-as-practice within a distinctive socio-economic and political, and cultural milieu. Drawing upon some empirical insights from our research we conclude that an appropriate educational programme would respect the claim to citizenship status of everyone in society, including children and young people. It would work together with young people rather than on young people, and recognise that the actual practices of citizenship, and the ways in which these practices transform over time are educationally significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many contemporary sociologists suggest that a feature of modern life is that the practices and identities associated with ‘place’ are eroded. The local no longer matters in everyday life as it once did. Some national governments are persuaded of the possibility of an urban dystopia of Orwellian dimensions, and have found a response in theories and rhetorics of social capital, citizenship and communitarianism. They have instituted strategies to address an imaginary of harmonious local communities. In this paper I examine one such government intervention and show how four schools in Tasmania, Australia, took up the invitation to strengthen ties with their local communities. The projects reveal that the local still exists and matters, but they also hint at other possibilities. I argue that by working with a ‘place‐based’ curriculum to assist young people in building local networks and engaging productively with their local neighbourhoods, schools might provide important resources for identity‐building and learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines citizenship-based arguments for work-conditioned welfare and basic income. I argue that the most common citizenship-based justifications for work requirements—the paternalistic and civic republican arguments—are flawed because of their selectivity, and that the only defensible citizenship-based justification for work requirements is the socialist model, which enforces work requirements universally on all. I offer as a liberal alternative a radically pluralist notion of citizenship, with a kind of universal economic suffrage at its core, to justify an unconditional basic income in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines a neglected dimension of the debate about post-national citizenship by focusing on the articulation of citizenship demands at the level of the region. More specifically, it analyses the pressures for, and the constraints on, the project of social citizenship within Mercosur. Drawing on primary research in Argentina, the article identifies a number of initiatives that attempt to infuse Mercosur with a social agenda. I argue that the significance of these initiatives is that they represent the first coherent attempt to articulate a citizen-centred model of new regionalism in Mercosur. But I also suggest that a formidable combination of obstacles lies in the path of this alternative project of regional governance. Finally, I explore the consequences of excluding issues of citizenship, rights and welfare from the agenda of regionalism, highlighting in particular the possibility of societal rejection if region building remains empty of social meaning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on theories about the importance of national identity to ethnicity, this paper presents a case study of a region where national contests were intimately tied to personal identity. In the mid-nineteenth century, southern Colorado, long a part of Spain and then briefly Mexico, was conquered by the expanding United States. Material remains and historic documents attest to its residents' ensuing struggles over place, identity, and citizenship. Bilingual newspapers proclaimed that the region's Hispanics, who continued to call themselves Mexicanos , were just as ‘American’ as residents of other new US territories. Yet much of their material culture was rooted in centuries-old Hispanic traditions. The archaeology of a late nineteenth-century Mexicano site in the region provides an example of how material culture, social ties, and landscape were mobilized by people for whom a former nationality became an ethnic identifier. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Character education is a specific approach to morals or values education, which is consistently linked with citizenship education. But how is it possible for a heterogeneous society that disagrees about basic values to reach a consensus on what constitutes character education? This article explores how character education has returned to the agenda of British education policy, having been largely neglected since the 1960s in response to unsatisfactory attempts at character education going back to the nineteenth century. Between 1979 and 1997 Conservative governments attempted to reverse a perceived decline in moral standards, established State control of the schools curriculum, imposed on State schools the duty to provide for moral and other development, and established a National Forum which attempted to articulate a set of consensus values in education. Labour has extended these developments in the curriculum, introduced compulsory citizenship education, and its White Paper of September 2001 speaks of ‘education with character’. The character and virtues Labour seeks to promote through schools are pragmatic and instrumental in intention, linked to raising pupil school performance, meeting the needs of the new economy, and promoting democratic participation. Otherwise the vision is pluralistic and evades explicit directives, and there is no explanation or analysis of its theoretical basis. The question of how agreement can be reached on what counts as character education may benefit from Sunstein's analysis of how law is possible in a heterogeneous society –‘incompletely theorized agreements on particular cases’ allow for common laws without agreement on fundamental principles. Many schools in fact operate in this way, but such a consensus is not entirely stable and runs the danger of teaching character education as a series of behaviour outcomes taught in a behaviourist fashion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current conceptions of citizenship favour public involvement in dialogue on controversial issues such as GM food. `Students with higher levels of civic knowledge are more likely to expect to participate in political and civic activities as adults' (Kerr et al 2003, p. 4). Young people need to be aware of the nature of controversy and be able to see how arguments are constructed to sway our opinions it' they are to he fully scientifically literate. A survey of the literature suggests that the principles and methods relating to the teaching of controversial issues are themselves controversial. Fins irony is more relevant to teachers now than ever before. In England, the teaching of `Citizenship' has been compulsory for students aged 11-16 in the state sector since September 2002. As it is currently framed, `Citizenship' includes education for sustainable development and the teaching of the nature of controversy. This paper explores the issue of teachers' readiness to use controversial issues in the classroom, and reports on research involving focus groups and questionnaires. We suggest that many teachers are under-prepared and feel constrained in their ability to handle this aspect of their work. We conclude by offering a set of foci for developing Support materials to help teachers he more effective at teaching controversial issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, there has been an increasing drive towards the promotion and development of enterprise education in Scottish schools. This has involved much debate about the nature of enterprise and how it may be addressed and applied within primary and early secondary school settings. The recent renewed interest in citizenship education and New Labour's drive towards creating a ‘third way’ between capital and welfare has opened up new and wider debates about educational practice. This paper examines the enterprise and citizenship agendas, drawing upon evidence from the English National Curriculum model and recommendations recently published in Scotland, and opens up new debates about the potential for enterprise education to contribute towards the citizenship agenda in Scottish schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Too often the minimum wage is conceived of as a small policy measure that will be of benefit to only a small segment of the labor market while imposing costs on another segment of the labor market. Unexplored, however, are the larger philosophic questions that such a small measure may actually raise. One such issue is the relationship between the minimum wage and democratic principles. In this paper I argue that the minimum wage furthers the ends of democratic society in that low-wage workers may achieve greater equality of standing with their piers to the extent that income inequality is at all lessened; their autonomy as individuals is enhanced through higher wages, which in turn enables them to claim the benefits of citizenship and participate more effectively in the democratic process; and it fosters greater economic development in that it raises the overall structure of a region and perhaps the productivity of that region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the teaching of citizenship in schools and focuses on the monarchy as an example of one issue often ignored within curriculum discourse. We argue that to conflate subjecthood and citizenship in unacknowledged ways may serve to perpetuate the status quo and is potentially unhelpful to the development of young people's critical thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This paper examines and compares recent citizenship education policy documents from France and England and explores the extent to which they encourage inclusive or exclusive concepts of national identity and citizenship. Current policies are being developed in a context of perceived disillusionment and political apathy amongst the young. Whilst citizenship education has traditionally aimed to prepare young people to take their place in adult society and a national community, today the notion of a single national identity is increasingly questioned. Using framing questions from the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) survey of civic education, we examine programmes of study in each country to determine the extent to which they promote human rights as shared values, make positive references to cultural diversity, and conceptualise minorities. We consider the potential of citizenship education thus defined to contribute towards the development of justice and equality in society and challenge racism and xenophobia. We note the strengths and limitations of each approach to education for citizenship and suggest what each might gain from the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the significance for citizenship education of claims that Western society is undergoing a major cultural reorientation, known by its protagonists as postmodernism, which is said to have wide-ranging implications for knowledge, morality, politics and individual identities In particular, the posited changes raise doubts about the future of citizenship, and the discussion reviews two responses to these questions Heater's optimistic proposal for a return to the classical ideal, and Wexler's pessimistic assessment of the prospects for citizenship in a society dominated by television and the consumption of images A third perspective is suggested, based on the expansion of the idea of citizenship from civil, political and welfare entitlements to greater participation in the cultural and economic dimensions of everyday life It is argued that such a concept can reform a comprehensive and coherent approach to citizenship, and a successful curriculum in citizenship education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) gears toward full regional integration by 2015, the cross-border mobility of workers and citizens at large is expected to further intensify in the coming years. While ASEAN member countries have already signed the Declaration on the Protection and Promotion of the Rights of Migrant Workers, the health rights of migrants still need to be addressed, especially with ongoing universal health coverage (UHC) reforms in most ASEAN countries. This paper seeks to examine the inclusion of migrants in the UHC systems of five ASEAN countries which exhibit diverse migration profiles and are currently undergoing varying stages of UHC development. A scoping review of current migration trends and policies as well as ongoing UHC developments and migrant inclusion in UHC in Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand was conducted. In general, all five countries, whether receiving or sending, have schemes that cover migrants to varying extents. Thailand even allows undocumented migrants to opt into its Compulsory Migrant Health Insurance scheme, while Malaysia and Singapore are still yet to consider including migrants in their government-run UHC systems. In terms of predominantly sending countries, the Philippines's social health insurance provides outbound migrants with portable insurance yet with limited benefits, while Indonesia still needs to strengthen the implementation of its compulsory migrant insurance which has a health insurance component. Overall, the five ASEAN countries continue to face implementation challenges, and will need to improve on their UHC design in order to ensure genuine inclusion of migrants, including undocumented migrants. However, such reforms will require strong political decisions from agencies outside the health sector that govern migration and labor policies. Furthermore, countries must engage in multilateral and bilateral dialogue as they redefine UHC beyond the basis of citizenship and reimagine UHC systems that transcend national borders. By enhancing migrant coverage, ASEAN countries can make UHC systems truly 'universal'. Migrant inclusion in UHC is a human rights imperative, and it is in ASEAN's best interest to protect the health of migrants as it pursues the path toward collective social progress and regional economic prosperity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]