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In recent years, industrial metropolises in China have experienced a surge in proactive planning initiatives aimed at developing high-rise industrial structures, commonly known as "Industry's Going Upstairs (IGU)." This study argues that the IGU represents a distinct form of urban verticality that is neither motivated by capitalist speculation nor sustainability prompts but rather by local states' intervention to ensure economic resilience and enhance innovation capabilities. This study presents the case of Shenzhen to demonstrate how the adoption of the IGU initiative is catalyzed by concerns over manufacturing sectors' out-migration and the effects of volatile US-China relations on the city's competitiveness. In light of these circumstances, Shenzhen has embraced the ambitious IGU initiative as a practical approach to reverse the trend of deindustrialization while sidestepping the lengthy process of industrial land redevelopment. The paper concludes by emphasizing the need for a comprehensive understanding of political-economic factors that drive urban vertical expansion and their potential consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A dominant interpretation of the twentieth-century U.S. city is one of declension, wherein cities contracted following a number of profound ruptures. At these moments, neoliberalism began its ascent, disconnecting the historical processes that created the city from the current policies and realities of American urban centers. By documenting the histories of urban agriculture in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, this essay seeks to complicate this declensionist narrative while highlighting the overlooked role that food production played in the growth of a major urban center—all the while providing a usable history for efforts to renew the twenty-first century city. Even during the height of industrial expansion in Milwaukee, urban agriculture played a significant role in the economic, social, and spatial development of the city. Then, as both deindustrialization and responses to such phenomena began to dramatically affect Milwaukee by the 1960s, urban agriculture remained a viable tool for urban redevelopment, one employed by both public- and private-sector actors well into the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The commentaries introduce some important challenges to our provocation, and in other ways, take our critique even further and in new directions. Rather than addressing each commentary sequentially, we structure our response to the commentaries around a few key critical themes that emerged across the group. These are: a) The need to retain post-industrialism as a conceptual framework for understanding urban processes, spaces, lives and change; b) for also differentiating between de-industrialisation and post-industrialisation; and c) for carefully deconstructing (and listening to) who, how, and why post-industrialism is used (i.e., whose voices, stories, histories are included or excluded? What political intentions lie behind the use of post-industrial and related terms such as 'left-behind?'), with specific attention to the structures and experiences of race, class, and gender. In other words, the focus needs to be on the discursive and symbolic power, politics, and cultural sensitivities when the notion of post-industrialism is evoked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Luger and Schwarze's critical unsettling of postindustrial is a presciently welcome one. For some years now, I—and others—have become increasingly uncomfortable with referring to and describing the locations of our research as "postindustrial." The main focus of this commentary is on the facets of Luger and Schwarze's (2024) arguments as they relate to nonmetropolitan deindustrializing urbanisms in the North Atlantic in an attempt to develop how we better conceptualize, understand and do justice to and with such spaces. The main thrust of the contribution is for the affective intensities and traumas of deindustrialization to be brought into closer analytical dialog with the profusion of processes associated with, in particular, "organized abandonment" and "neoliberal urbanism." If classed experiences and knowledge shape these dialogs, there remains hope for urban studies to contribute to an emergent multiethnic class politics around commonalities of contemporary as well as historical class violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this response to Luger and Schwarze I concur that the meaning and application of the "post-industrial" is imprecise. In particular, I argue that current manifestations of the concept background the role of racism at generating the landscapes often solely attributed to deindustrialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author comments on an article on the value of the post-industrial concept for urban studies. He discusses the significance of a careful conceptualisation of post-industrial and the distinctions between related concepts, as well as the importance of the objects of study in examining critiques of post-industrialism in relation to gender and race and other structuring forces. He explores key arguments that can be taken from deindustrialisation to further refine the post-industrial concept.

Keywords: deindustrialization; post-Soviet urban; socialist legacy; socialist modern; Soviet planning; Tolyatti EN deindustrialization post-Soviet urban socialist legacy socialist modern Soviet planning Tolyatti 936 941 6 06/07/23 20230701 NES 230701 Novikov, Sergey Sher, Max (2019). Treating the Soviet Union as exclusively totalitarian and identifying Stalin's rule with the USSR also conflicts with the research of Alexei Yurchak, Jochen Hellbeck, Stephen Kotkin, Sheila Fitzpatrick, and many others who present Soviet experience as multidimensional and chronologically varied. As Sechi and Cera underline, although company towns were a key element of Soviet ideology, this type of urban settlement is not unique to the USSR or state socialist countries. 6 Jeremy Morris, "Notes on the "Worthless Dowry" of Soviet Industrial Modernity: Making Working-Class Russia Habitable", I Laboratorium: Russian Review of Social Research i 3 (2015): 25-48; Alexandrina Vanke, "Masculinities, Bodies and Subjectivities: Working-Class Men Negotiating Russia's Post-Soviet Gender Order", in I Masculinity, Labor and Neoliberalism: Working-Class Men in International Perspective i , ed. [Extracted from the article]

Whereas union power flourished as never before in the 1930s (during the New Deal when financial and banking system had been strongly regulated), unions changed their strategy in the 1980s in times of financial deregulation when new financial institutions (i.e., institutional investors) emerged. Union membership erosion in the U.S. is well documented - reflected by a continuous decline in trade union density rate that started in the early-1960 - resulting in a decline in unions' power in both their organizing and bargaining capacity. As a result, through shareholder activism, unions have contributed to a change in the balance of power between investors and executives, not without direct consequences on jobs and wages though. [Extracted from the article]

In the Post-industrial Era, there has been an apparent weakening of the relationship between class and voting in the U.S., with lower class voters becoming less likely to support the Democratic Party. We argue that this reflects that lower class status predicts liberal economic attitudes, but conservative views on cultural and racial issues, while the parties are consistently liberal or conservative, creating conflicts for many voters. How do voters settle such internal conflicts? We argue that the salience that voters attach to these different types of issues determines how policy attitudes, and indirectly class, shapes voting. Using ANES and GSS data since the 1970s, we find that class consistently predicts economic and cultural/minority policy attitudes, and that lower class voters who place more salience on economic issues, and upper class voters for whom cultural issues are more salient, are more likely to support the Democratic Party in presidential elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This shareholder activism was a significant departure from the traditional tools that unions used to represent workers, particularly collective bargaining, and legislative and political action. The number of workers covered by union-negotiated pensions is a fraction of what it once was; indeed, many plans are barely staying afloat as their populations age and they are not replenished by contributions from younger workers. For instance, a union seeking wage increases for workers at a large hospital might court public support by arguing that such improvements will benefit all workers in that community. [Extracted from the article]

This article argues that in order to engage sociologically with the future the discipline needs to rediscover its historical imagination. It makes three main points. First is the idea that sociology needs to be more historical and to illustrate how this has been done well before. Second, it explores ideas, concepts and theories used in thinking about the past, which are in turn useful in organising how we imagine the future – in particular nostalgia, and especially that surrounding industry. Finally, it offers ways of thinking about the sociologically mediated relationship between past, present and future through the burgeoning field of deindustrialisation studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The true crime genre has become synonymous with the serial killer. As such, other narratives dealing with different types of violent criminal subjects have been overlooked in academic and media analyses. The following article explores a subgenre of true crime which has been overlooked—the life story of the violent criminal or "hardman biography." However, in acknowledging the hardman, the discussion also reveals his presence across fact/fiction boundaries and a range of cultural terrain. Following a discussion of the cultural space this figure occupies, I turn my attention to hardman stories which exist predominantly in the local imaginary and focus on one such text which tells the story of a violent protagonist and cultures of crime and violence in the North of England in the late 1980s and early 1990s. In so doing, I focus on how this text animates cultures of violence and marginality left in the wake of deindustrialization and economic decline, combining this with relevant theoretical and ethnographic work. I conclude by arguing that the text is a further example of the way in which popular criminology can complement and advance academic criminological understandings of crime and violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work interrogates the long-held assumption that captive Africans exited slavery exhibiting psychological damage that blocked their progress as free men, women and families. As a counter narrative to the deficit perspective on Black life, the literature on extreme poverty and fluctuating unemployment patterns are summarized to show how the importance of social class has too often been underestimated, and the assumed negative, psychological effects of slavery, overestimated. Post WWII economic trends of the 1940s and 1950s are highlighted. The contemporary political economy of Black people is shown to reveal a diunital, paradoxical pattern, with many educated Blacks having access to life among the elite or top 10%, while less educated Blacks are forced to live in extreme poverty that approximates a modern caste system. The Black experience with poverty, tracked from Emancipation up to the present, is best explained by economic rather than psychological causes and dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-2008 era saw a return of the manufacturing fetish, the idea that manufacturing constitutes the flywheel of growth without which no nation can thrive. Across the Global North and South, voices are calling to reverse deindustrialization and revive manufacturing. While today deindustrialization is met with anxiety, in the 1930s economists predicted deindustrialization but interpreted it as a liberating process leading to a post-industrial age based on material abundance and widespread economic security. Far from delivering this vision, deindustrialization actually produces a precarious economic order driven by labour precarity, economic stagnation and lost development opportunities for the Global South. What can be termed the Baumolian and Kaldorian frameworks, attribute this precarious reality to services' inability to replace manufacturing as a growth engine given their technologically stagnant nature. However, this article argues that, by focusing on the technical aspects of service economies, such views overlook the social limits of the capitalist economy and its historically specific conception of wealth, value. As capitalism matures, productivity becomes an increasingly inadequate form of augmenting social wealth as it results in great increases in physical output but counterintuitively undermines the expansion of value. Capitalism is underpinned by a secular movement towards declining dynamism, as it increasingly struggles to maintain its former economic vigour. Stagnation and heightened labour precarity are not merely the product of tertiarization but symptoms of capitalism's declining trajectory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the growing trend of labor organizing among tech workers in the United States. It acknowledges the significant power that tech workers hold in the industry and the recent increase in collective actions. The article also explores the complex class position of tech workers and the potential implications of unionizing in a capitalist market. Despite the historically unfriendly environment for unions in the tech industry, there has been a rise in tech union activity, with notable events like the Google walkout in 2018. However, these unions still represent a small portion of the industry. The article discusses the issues driving tech worker mobilizations, such as compensation and job security, and the challenges they face in organizing. It also draws parallels between tech workers and past labor movements, highlighting the efforts of the Alphabet Workers Union and the Communications Workers of America. The article concludes by considering the potential impact of tech worker unions on the industry and the unique perspective of tech workers that makes them suitable for unionization. [Extracted from the article]

Can union worker or future union worker interests be served by acting as union investors? Shareholder activist scholarship has mostly examined the firm and investor characteristics that elicit shareholder activism, but I Labor in the Age of Finance i focuses on the role of labor unions as activist investors. Union leverage came primarily from the roughly $3 trillion worth of company equities owned by largely joint labor-management defined-benefit pension plans. [Extracted from the article]

Based on 52 qualitative interviews with working-class individuals, this paper explores the social and economic decline of a coastal locale referred to as High Town in Teesside in the North East of England. First, the paper outlines how the locality expanded as a popular seaside resort under capitalism's post-war period. It then assesses how the seaside existed together with industrial work, offering stable employment opportunities, economic security and a sense of community. Next, the article documents the shift to neoliberalism in the 1980s, specifically the decline of High Town's seaside resort, the deindustrialization process and therefore the 2015 closure of High Town's steelworks. It explicates how this exacerbated the locale's economic decline through the loss of industrial work's 'job for life', its diminishing popularity as a coastal area and the further deterioration of the town centre. The paper concludes by suggesting that High Town has lost its raison d'être under neoliberalism and faces difficulties in revival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the constraints to growth derived from the balance of payments and the external sector as the area in which the dependency of Latin American countries is most clearly expressed, application of the contributions of dependency theorists concerning external restrictions to growth in Argentina shows that the fate of surplus value in this economy is a key factor in the explanation of its dependent nature. Considerando las restricciones al crecimiento derivadas del balance de pagos y el sector externo como el ámbito donde se expresa más nítidamente la relación de dependencia, la aplicación de los aportes de la teoría de la dependencia referentes al problema de la restricción externa al crecimiento en la Argentina muestra que el destino que se le da al plusvalor en esta economía es un elemento clave para explicar su situación de dependencia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on data collected from a multimethod ethnographic study to contribute to debates on the production of territorial stigmatisation through the analysis of Shirebrook, UK: a small post-industrial mining town in Derbyshire, which now houses the distribution centre and warehouse of Sports Direct, recently the subject of high-profile scrutiny in the UK over working conditions. Combining semi-structured interviews, participant observation and the analysis of documentary sources, I argue that the territorial stigmatisation of Shirebrook does not emanate from a single source. Rather, multiple institutions and agents converge in the co-production of stigma. The analysis draws attention to local antagonisms and hierarchies in the production of stigma, demonstrating how relatively powerful actors 'below' do not simply resist or deflect stigma onto less powerful others, but influence the way that territorial stigma operates, problematising Wacquant's top-down conceptualisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines trade union decline in light of concurrent changes in the demographic and sectoral composition of labor markets. Drawing on classical sociology and contemporary scholarship on work and employment, the author theorizes that the emergence of post-industrial work settings coupled with more socially diverse workforces make labor organizing more difficult than prior research recognizes. Operating through various mechanisms, these factors are thought to hinder the development of solidarity among workers and direct employment growth toward previously unorganized parts of the economy. Using panel data on 18 countries from 1960 to 2015, these ideas are tested with regression models that capture labor market changes indicative of post-industrial capitalism—measured by changes in deindustrialization, foreign-born population, and female share of employment. The results support the theoretical argument, with counterfactual estimates suggesting that labor market changes occurring between 1960 and 2015 reduced union density by 9 to 13 points for the whole sample. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: climate change; deindustrialization; green economy; industrialization; labor; neoliberalism EN climate change deindustrialization green economy industrialization labor neoliberalism 14 20 7 06/05/21 20210401 NES 210401 Despite 2020's record fall in carbon dioxide emissions - largely due to extensive and repeated "lockdowns" of cities, plus dramatic decreases in air travel and the use of motor vehicles[4] - the world is far from making the changes necessary to avert climate catastrophe. The report also found that 135 Eskom officials are linked to Eskom vendors, which have conducted business with Eskom worth at least R6 billion ($412 million) - an average of around R45 million ($3 million) each. A clearer look at the roots of Eskom's fiscal crisis and international energy trends indicates that Eskom's unbundling and the related expansion of the REIPPPP will potentially exacerbate South Africa's energy crisis rather than help to resolve it, and deepen the country's already dire unemployment rate. I B ... South Africa's state-owned power utility, Eskom - which generates over 90 percent of energy consumed in the country - is in deep crisis. b i It is in this context that some are promoting the "unbundling" of Eskom, a measure initially imposed by the World Bank as a condition of debt relief. [Extracted from the article]

The unique public-private structure of the American welfare state enabled our healthcare institutions to process the dislocation and damage of industrial job loss and the ensuing expansion of inequality, into the form of patient demand for healthcare services - in turn expanding those institutions dramatically in the 1970s and 1980s even as the welfare state in general fell under severe attack. In this regard, the growth of the healthcare system closely parallels the expansion of the carceral state over the same period, and indeed shares an ultimate origin with it - the management of elements of a displaced, surplus population.[5] I B Long before the pandemic, the healthcare system was where American society exported social problems in hopes that someone would take care of them. b i This state-managed influx of demand turned the mainly private healthcare system into an enormous labor market anomaly. Keywords: deindustrialization; health care; labor; social welfare; women workers; working class EN deindustrialization health care labor social welfare women workers working class 54 61 8 06/05/21 20210401 NES 210401 Graph: Leo Gomez. And as sociologist Rachel Dwyer shows, the care economy in general - of which health care is the largest subset - has accounted for an absolute majority of new low-income jobs over the last several decades.[9] The healthcare industry, fueled by inequality, is cannibalizing the economy and generating low-wage work systematically. [Extracted from the article]

As the North West coast of Tasmania, Australia, has deindustrialised, the region's unions have lost membership, power and relevance. This process of deindustrialisation opens up possibilities for the unions to become involved in regeneration as regional development actors and, by moving outside the workplace and engaging with the community, renew and revitalise themselves. But many unions have found it difficult to move beyond their traditional forms of action and relationships. This article uses the concept of lock-in, and draws on semi-structured interviews, two forums and a workshop, to detail the way the North West coast unions attempted to break from the confines of the workplace and out into the community. Their attempts to do this were uneven and contested. They were, to varying degrees, locked-in and constrained by their traditional relationships with politicians and their own members. At another level they were locked-out from participating in regeneration decisions by long standing relationships between governments and business and their antagonism towards the unions. Although the unions attempted to reimagine themselves, there remained a pattern of regional lock-in where long-standing relationships continued and limited and hindered the unions' ability to participate in regeneration debates and activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The redevelopment of the Bankside area in central London was proposed in 1943, yet substantive regeneration was only achieved toward the end of the century. This article analyzes the processes whereby a postwar industrial, then deindustrial, locality evolved into a popular leisure and residential quarter. It argues that strategic plans for the area engendered only incremental and piecemeal redevelopment. Change was principally driven by industrial decline, government building policies, and the availability of finance, and, since the 1990s, by private-sector investment and culture-driven regeneration. Tensions and conflicts arose over the direction of, sometimes controversial, redevelopment. The locality's principal building, Bankside power station, inhibited the realization of early redevelopment plans, but, as Tate Modern, was instrumental in the cultural and social transformation of the area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: banking; capital; development; finance; industry; investment; labor; production; speculation; capitalism; deindustrialization; equality; outsourcing EN banking capital development finance industry investment labor production speculation capitalism deindustrialization equality outsourcing 20 31 12 02/20/21 20210101 NES 210101 Graph: Photo illustration by Aaron Lenchner. On the one hand, we have vested primary authority for the I issuance i and I modulation i of our supply of investment capital - the national money supply - in federal instrumentalities.[8] On the other, we have delegated primary responsibility for the I allocation i of our publicly generated investment capital to private sector lending institutions licensed by public authority.[9] "Public capital, private management" has long been our mode of financial hybridity. The only way to get public capital allocation right, and thus to get credit modulation and long-term productive investment right, is to manage public capital (Labor's Capital) publicly and private capital privately. [Extracted from the article]

This article presents an intergenerational study of 28 skilled working-class men's life stories of negotiating social mobility in the wake of deindustrialization. This contributes to emerging qualitative research that aims to build a framework that understands the personal tensions social mobility creates for individuals. In this study, the tensions that men experienced were not exclusively the consequence of 'habitus clivé', i.e. men feeling a dislocation from their working-class backgrounds as they climbed the occupational ladder. Men's tensions also arose from internalizing the generational pressure to improve their occupational position. Pressed by these competing tensions, men developed a ' getting-on outlook' over their careers, which meant that each generation pursued upward social mobility while also seeking to have the integrity of their working lives authenticated by their parents. To build on habitus, Bertaux and Bertaux-Wiame's description of the 'dual tension' is advanced as a means to frame the conflict between belonging and individuality that social mobility provoked. This article suggests this 'dual tension' could be reduced by families in a process named 'authentication'. 'Authentication' reflects intergenerational dialogues and practices developed by the younger generations to have their achieved status recognized as in keeping with their family background. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deindustrialized cities often struggle with developing a new economic base and place-based identity while also honouring the memory of the industrial past. In this process, local governments have used cultural branding and iconic architecture to present their city as a tourist destination and attractive location for capital investment. Such regeneration strategies have been critiqued as elite projects, divorced from a local sense of place and the everyday realities of residents experiencing 'industrial ruination'. Yet, this need not always be the case. Focusing on one example of iconic architecture – the spectacular remaking of the railway station of Heerlen, a Dutch former coal-mining town – this article argues that middle-class memories of industrial Heerlen informed both the genesis of this project and its polarized reception by residents. The article demonstrates the linkages between historical and contemporary class divisions, resulting in a complex politics of memory at play within regeneration strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wage Guarantee/Insurance American workers who lose their jobs, if they secure new jobs at all, often find themselves relegated to jobs with lower pay. Just transition plans have often proposed jobs programs, but until recently few have been willing to offer a guarantee that workers who lose or change jobs will not suffer a loss of income. The Washington State Initiative 1631 provides that a minimum balance of fifty million dollars of the clean air and clean energy account must be set aside, replenished annually, and maintained for a worker-support program for bargaining unit and nonsupervisory fossil fuel workers who are affected by the transition away from fossil fuels to a clean energy economy. [Extracted from the article]

There is some consensus on the foreign policy of Dilma Rousseff's government that Brazil lost prestige and international influence because of her lesser personal dedication. Against this consensus, the paper presents two alternative hypotheses for explaining its unsatisfactory outcomes: that there was no change in policy objectives but an adaptation to a more hostile context and that its limitations were structurally related to dependency on global corporations and to the increasing rejection of South-South politics by domestic business. If this analysis is correct, the structural limitations described require that the struggle to achieve an independent foreign policy involve deeper political and ideological battles and a more radical questioning of neoliberal capitalism. Há certo consenso sobre a política econômica externa do governo Dilma Rousseff: o Brasil perdeu prestígio e influência internacional por causa de sua menor dedicação pessoal. Contra este consenso, o artigo apresenta duas hipóteses para explicar os resultados piores: que não houve mudança nos objetivos da política, mas sua adaptação a contexto mais hostil, e que os limites da política externa relacionam-se, estruturalmente, à dependência das corporações globais e, politicamente, à gradual rejeição da política Sul-Sul por parte do empresariado interno. Se esta análise estiver correta, a existência dos limites estruturais apontados exige que, no futuro, a luta para assegurar uma política externa independente envolva batalhas políticas e ideológicas mais profundas e um questionamento mais radical do capitalismo neoliberal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Informed by the theoretical perspective of the political economy of health and in the context of the recommendations of World Health Organization's Commission on Social Determinants of Health, this article examines the political explanations of geographical health inequities in 2 extremely different settings: Ghana and England. Based on the "north-south health divide" in the 2 countries, the article finds that, while the drivers of health inequities in both countries are policy driven, historically situated contextual factors (colonialism in the case of Ghana and deindustrialization in the case of England) offer explanations for health inequities in both countries. We conclude by discussing the importance of paying attention to structural factors such as colonialism for understanding contemporary health inequities in formerly colonized countries such as Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between occupational community and restructuring at a UK steelworks. Through historic and contemporary experiences, restructuring has become an internalized feature of the steelworker identity. Zittoun and Gillespie's framework of proximal and distal experiences is adapted to analyse the internalization process. The article argues that experiential resources associated with restructuring are transmitted via the occupational community, forming a part of a collective memory of workplace change. These experiences relate to the historical precedence of restructuring, the role of trade unions in accepting the inevitability of downsizing and prior personal and vicarious experiences of redundancy. The findings build on debates around the determinants of an occupational community, highlighting the role of 'marginality' and how experiences of restructuring bind steelworkers to a broader community of fate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops theories of collective memory by attending to the everyday practices and meaning-making involved in creating and sustaining sites of heritage. While research across disciplines linked to memory studies has increased in recent years, with a notable sociological contribution, as yet ethnographic understandings of how collective memory is produced and maintained through locally situated and embedded practices are not fully realized. Our research took place in the village of Six Bells in the South Wales Valleys, where living memory of a coal mining disaster in 1960 and coal mining itself are slowly disappearing. One of ways in which the people of Six Bells are remembering and commemorating this past is by giving their narratives and artefacts to the community's 'heritage room' as gifts. This form of remembering, prompted by an extraordinary event and the rapid social change associated with deindustrialization, produces and sustains legitimate representations and imaginaries of the past. By developing anthropological understandings of gift exchange, we propose that these practices are one visible component of the claims to authenticity and the bestowal of value active in the memory work of everyday life. We attend to three interrelated characteristics of gift exchange to develop our argument; the importance of the personal in producing authenticity through the gift relation; the provenance and social impetus of the act of giving; and the systems of reciprocity generated across and between generations, which work to assign value to the gift itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Class identity is a key mechanism in the explanation of class-based collective action. For decades, this was particularly relevant in Latin America, where objective class inequality was persistent and there was a long history of collective action, originating in the workplace and expressed through unions and labor parties. Despite persistent inequalities in the region, since the 1990s scholars increasingly claimed that the relation between objective class position and subjective class identification weakened significantly, and that class dynamics centered on work were no longer central to explain group formation and collective action among the popular sectors. While in countries like Argentina scholars have explained these processes by focusing on the effects of the de-industrialization of the economy and the informalization of the job market, in Chile analysts have done so by emphasizing the growth of the service sector and the emergence of a middle-class society where ‘old-fashioned’ working-class identities have become irrelevant. This article questions these arguments based on a comparative analysis of the relationship between objective class position and subjective class identification in Argentina and Chile in 2009. The results show that class still matters. In both countries, people with a working-class position or a working-class trajectory are significantly more likely to uphold working-class identity than individuals with a privileged class position or trajectory. Surprisingly, the authors’ analysis also demonstrates that the overall rates of working-class identification are higher in Chile than in Argentina. The authors explain these unexpected results by looking at contemporary class-related phenomena (e.g. higher inequality and economic concentration in Chile) and longer-term class dynamics (particularly differences stemming from the ‘radical’ party–union configuration in Chile and the state-corporatist incorporation of labor in Argentina). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1960s, a new and popular theory of “new careers” proposed to address urban poverty and deindustrialization by growing the human services sector and hiring so-called nonprofessional workers to aid the delivery of those services. This strategy gained traction in social scientific, philanthropic, and bureaucratic circles and shaped Great Society legislation, which allocated federal grants to create entry-level jobs and professionalizing career ladders in the fields of health, education, and welfare. The implementation of this strategy had consequences for the human service organizations that received federal funds, as well as for the people hired into the new positions. Instead of building ladders to professional employment, efforts produced dead-end positions that left the predominantly African American women hired as aides in poverty. Even as the new careers experiment helped usher in a post-industrial economy, it reinforced the stratification of the labor market along lines of race, gender, and credentials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on the impact on robotics on humanity, highlighting Great Britain's withdrawal from the European Union and author Karel Čapek's 1921 drama "RUR" which introduced the word robot. Topics include literature fantazing the development of modern science and technology and their negative impact on their developers, the political conditions in the U.S. led by President Donald Trump, and deindustrialization.

This article critically engages with Savage et al.’s conceptualisation of ‘elective belonging’. Drawing on research in a case study site in central Salford, it argues that historical processes of deindustrialisation, slum clearance and social housing residualisation have been compounded by the subsequent strategies of gentrification and impact upon the forms of ‘belonging’ that can be constructed by marginal working-class people. Correcting for the predominance of research on belonging from the perspective of middle-class incomers, findings are organised around the themes ‘the local/incomer distinction’, ‘perceptions of and orientations to the neighbourhood’, ‘the power of economic capital’, ‘social others and social distance’ and ‘tectonic communities’. It is argued that the privileging of attracting inward investment into such locales necessarily entails that the elective belonging of the privileged is secured at the expense of the prescribed belonging of the marginal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary urbanization in India is in transition and this, along with the continuation of a ‘top heavy’ urban structure and gradual deindustrialization, is characterized by faster growth of informal employment, a declining trend of urban-ward migration of males, the slow down in the growth of cities and towns and the emergence of new urban centres. Given this immediate backdrop, this paper examines the contemporary processes and emerging forms of urban transition in West Bengal, with its longstanding history of ‘mono-centric’ urbanization. It reveals that urbanization in the state is no longer confined to a few pockets, as many new urban centres have emerged away from them and small towns are growing at relatively faster rates compared to the cities. But the underlying factors of this transition are not associated with the dispersal of economic activities and employment opportunities away from the metropolises. Furthermore, the study is sceptical about the significance of this emerging form of urbanization fuelled by the growth of small cities and towns which have a weak economic base, a crisis of urban governance and inadequate access to basic amenities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By analyzing how Korea has upgraded its industrial capabilities in the course of corporate globalization, this article holds that some versions of developmental state work better in the globalization process. Globalizing national corporations, neoliberal optimism notwithstanding, does not necessarily result in upgrading domestic innovation capabilities. In the United States, free-market firms may benefit through offshoring, but they create holes in the industrial linkages or industrial commons at home, enfeebling US capability for innovation. By contrast, the Korean government successfully upgraded domestic firms’ innovation capabilities and reduced the possibility of deindustrialization in the course of globalization by moving from classical developmentalism to a new form of development based on inclusive and collaborative networks. Korea’s earlier classical developmentalism focused on mobilization of physical capital, funneling it exclusively to a few firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Small artisan businesses have been promoted as a liberatory alternative to large-scale enterprise. We analyze advice manuals for aspiring artisan entrepreneurs by extending Boltanski and Chiapello’s framework. While they analyze the transformation of large firms, we show the same themes have been adopted by small businesses. Focusing on themes of autonomy and creativity, we reveal that the artisan economy promoted by these texts represents a further evolution in capitalism’s co-option of the artistic critique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Facing both neoliberalism and the persisting legacies of developmentalism, many South Korean cities continue to subscribe to strong growth-first ideologies, despite their deindustrialization and aging populations. The growth orientation in cities, however, is far from being limited to South Korea. In fact, the recently emerging discourse on urban shrinkage, which has been West-centric so far, is questioning the bias toward growth in cities, and calling for a paradigm shift. This article brings together the literatures on shrinking cities and urban politics to illustrate how an East Asian city, transforming from a developmentalist to an entrepreneurial city, could seek a development alternative to the one based on the neoliberal competition for capital. Specifically, it examines the case of Totatoga, a culture-led urban revitalization project in a declining, old commercial district of Busan. It explains how a new kind of state–society collaboration opportunely explored a development path other than growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Families in deindustrialized cities with high crime rates report prioritizing school safety when opting for charter schools. Yet, very little research has investigated whether charter schools are safer than traditional public schools. This study compares charter and traditional public schools in Detroit, Michigan, on perceived school safety by linking student surveys to data on school, neighborhood, and parent-related characteristics. Charter schools exhibited higher perceived school safety than traditional public schools. However, controls for student commute distance and parental involvement largely diminished this difference. Neighborhood charter schools were an exception, maintaining higher perceived school safety net of controls. Overall results suggest that differences in perceived school safety between schools become less prominent after the attributes of school choosers are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the tangible and documented impact race plays in questions of housing, employment, education, and health, discourses of antiracialism perpetuate the idea race—and by extension, racism—is no longer a relevant marker of disparity. In this alleged “post race” context, how do news accounts cover stories on urban crisis and renewal? This article takes up scholarly calls to develop “conceptual tools” that may enable critical scholars to explore how racism continues undercover in the 21st century. I argue for the importance of exploring how strategic forgetting operates in conjunction with the familiar and formulaic frame of personalization to erase or evade the continued presence of structured, systemic racism in the (re)construction/renewal of city spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following recent calls for a more self-aware and historically sensitive sociology this article reflects on the concept of deindustrialisation and industrial change in this spirit. Using EP Thompson's classic The Making of the English Working Class and his examination of industrialising culture with its stress on experience, the article asks how these insights might be of value in understanding contemporary processes of deindustrialisation and work. Drawing on a range of sociological, cultural and literary studies it conceptualises the differences and similarities between two historic moments of industrial change and loss. In particular it draws on the literary concept of the 'half-life of deindustrialisation' to explore these periods. The article has important implications for how we think about contemporary and historical industrial decline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on my 35 years of friendship and collaboration with Ray Hudson. It focusses on his studies of the north east of England and the processes of state-regulated deindustrialisation that have threatened to transform its social and political fabric. The area was once identified with the heartland of “Labourism” – a commitment to the gradual reform of capitalism through local and national government intervention. Hudson’s work has tracked the failure of this approach and now reflects on the consequences as seen inter alia in the vote for Brexit and the growing support for the UK Independence Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]