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B I [A] successful, reinvigorated national industrial policy depends on a humane and inclusionary immigration policy. i b Can the labor movement and the left organize for a green industrial policy I and i an inclusionary immigration policy bold enough to stop climate change? Keywords: capitalism; climate change; environmental movement; green economy; immigrant workers; industrialization; labor; neoliberalism; populism; racism EN capitalism climate change environmental movement green economy immigrant workers industrialization labor neoliberalism populism racism 50 58 9 02/07/23 20230101 NES 230101 Graph: The Climate Strike and march in Pittsburgh on September 24, 2021.Mark Dixon, Flickr After years of sidelining and irrelevance in the market-dominated climate policy world, the American left struck green gold with the Green New Deal (GND) - substantially expanding the horizon of political possibility in green industrial policy. The GND framework, if not affirmatively messaged, can reproduce the exclusionary logics of the original New Deal.[29] A GND with Immigrants at the Center The degrowth movement has been a complementary, sometimes opposing parallel framework to the GND. [Extracted from the article]

Keywords: social welfare; women workers; industrialization; politics; gender discrimination; family wage EN social welfare women workers industrialization politics gender discrimination family wage 44 51 8 05/19/20 20200401 NES 200401 At the start of I The Socialist Manifesto i , by Bhaskar Sunkara, which seeks to reclaim the history of socialism as a rallying call for a new generation (see book review by Emma Teitelman in this issue), the author argues, "Socialism is not so much about trading freedom for equality but rather positing the question, 'Freedom for whom? A generation of historians have documented the development of the family wage ideology over the course of the nineteenth century, showing how this idealized wage structure rationalized capitalism for workers, captains of industry, and reformers alike. Family wage ideology promised that the compensation for entering this new industrial workspace would be sufficient earnings to support a wife and children at home. The family wage and domestic sphere ideologies were often distant from any lived reality, but they created new aspirational, economic roles for men and women.[6] Today, the phrase "family wage" is rarely invoked by the left. [Extracted from the article]

The Anthropocene names the epoch wherein humans have become the main geological agent on the planet's surface. But which humans, and since when? Dating the onset of the Anthropocene is a political and ontological as much as a scientific act. This essay argues the Anthropocene is inexorably racial because it flows out of a capitalist system which requires racializing populations and environments from early modernity to the present and into the future. The essay contends that racial capitalism should be a central category in explaining the onset of the Anthropocene. The focus will be on investigating whether it makes sense to take the European discovery of the Americas and the genocide against its original inhabitants as threshold of a new geological epoch. Following the radicalization of Marx in the philosophy of Deleuze and Guattari, it will be suggested that though colonization and slavery were essential for modern globalization to emerge, capital embarked on its self-perpetuating destructive trajectory through industrialization. Structural racism was transmuted and continues to characterize the global ecological crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the writings of Joseph Schumpeter, we develop and explore a new theory of international conflict. We outline a simple mechanism whereby industrialization fosters peace, suggesting that industrialized states are more peaceful because they can gain more by investing at home than by pursuing foreign military conquest. We borrow from Schumpeter to argue that our mechanism is distinct from traditional measures of liberalism. Empirically, we propose a measure of industrial development, based on a state’s economic structure. Using World Bank sector-specific economic data, our exploratory analysis shows that a more industrialized economy significantly reduces the likelihood that a state will be involved in a fatal military conflict. We show that this result is robust across a number of model specifications and independent of both democracy and capitalism. We propose this as an interesting first step toward a broader research program on modernization and conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of automation on the working class in the U.S. It notes that the working class fears to be replaced by robots due to technological advances. It provides a background on the rapid automation of manufacturing in 1970s and how the Black workers were affected by the pressure of automation. It notes that the technological advances bring slow productivity growth instead of an increase in economic productivity.

This paper investigates the profit rate in Brazil between 1953 and 2003. There was a tendency for the profit rate to fall during the period under study determined mainly by the declining productivity of capital. There were three phases in the behavior of the profit rate. In the first phase, between 1953 and 1973, it slowly declined; in the second, from 1973 to late 1980s, it fell sharply; in the third, from late 1989 to 2003, it increased moderately. These phases correspond to the institutional arrangements of the Brazilian economy, respectively, to the import substitution industrialization (ISI) during the golden age of capitalism, to the crisis and rupture of ISI, and to neoliberalism.JEL classification: E25, N16, O30 [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents abstracts on topics related to history and planning including attitudes towards menstruation in Elizabethan England, sexual fantasy in modern America, and feminism.

This article begins by engaging with some recent attempts to bring the study of the agency of labour into analyses of global capitalism, and argues that these approaches fail to capture the ways in which labour movements impact upon state strategies and, in turn, how this affects the spatial and temporal nature of global capitalist restructuring. Through adopting Antonio Gramsci's concept of passive revolution, the article shows that whilst China has witnessed a significant degree of spontaneous and unorganised labour unrest, the state has been highly active in seeking to forestall the emergence of a politically conscious organised labour movement in ways that have important implications for the mode of China's insertion into the international division of labour. In accordance with Gramsci's framework, this 'revolution from above' should be understood within the framework and the specificity of the international states system. Labour struggles, class formation and the role of the state in these processes are conditioned both by geopolitical rivalry and by the demonstrative effects of earlier cases of successful industrialisation, as well as by examples of resultant labour struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents abstracts of several studies on environment and planning. "Explaining the Growth of British Multiple Retailing During the Golden Age," by Carlo Morelli; "Cities in the Shade: Urban Geography and the Uses of Noir," by Matthew Farish; "Geographers and the Tennessee Valley Authority," by Ronald Reed Boyce.

Creative industries development has been underway in the city of Stoke-on-Trent for the past fifteen years. Two urban quarters, a creative industries network, 'design-led' regeneration initiatives, and live-work spaces for craft businesses are some of the main projects undertaken in this period. In the past year, this raft of developments has been augmented by a creative industries mapping exercise, and a subsequent funding bid that seeks to draw on UK government and European structural funds in order to act on the research findings, and to put their recommendations into operation. This paper reviews this process both in terms of the political, economic, social, cultural and spatial context of the city, and in terms of broader urban agendas. It provides something of a corrective to the rather 'rose-tinted' picture often drawn of the role and significance of the creative industries for future economic and cultural well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critiques W. Arthur Lewis's economic explanation of the division of the world into industrial and agricultural countries. His claim that industrialization in the tropics was held back by small markets and adverse factoral terms of trade is flawed and lacks empirical support. His rejection of the imperialist origins of poverty is poorly argued, and his claim that colonial policies did not differ from policies of sovereign countries is not supported even by his own evidence. He also ignores the strong correlation between loss of sovereignty and poor growth performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the work of aesthetics in contemporary life in the U.S. Entanglement of aesthetic discourses in the diffusion of modernization and developmentalism in the Third World; Role of aesthetics in the organization of capitalism; Crisis of language that the aestheticization of everyday life has precipitated in neo-Marxist efforts to grasp the dynamics of societies.

This paper explains the divergence among countries in level of development in terms of primary and secondary uneven development, both resulting from the process of accumulation. Primary uneven development arises because of the more dynamic expansion of capitalist countries relatively to countries in which capitalism is incipient, This difference is inherent in the social relations of capital. Secondary uneven development occurs within the group of predominantly capitalist countries, due to competition and adoption of technical innovations within the social relations of capital. The former generates divergence; the latter exhibits a cyclical pattern of convergence and divergence, with convergence the long term tendency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main argument to be developed in this article is that such phenomena as war, vandalism and urban 'terrorism' are not isolated events, but reflect the values and beliefs embedded in the deep institutional structure of advanced industrial societies. It will be argued that in such societies, however politically patterned, there is a universal, and virtually unequivocal, acceptance of economic growth and expansion as the prime objective to be pursued. As such economic expansion depends on advances in scientific and technological knowledge the control and manipulation of nature is given full legitimacy. This attitude towards nature is seen as a central feature of the industrial culture as a whole and reflects the dominance of material over other human values. And it is the asymmetry between these value systems which predisposes the industrial culture to violence and instability: in short it gives ideological support to the use of violence in the resolution of problems, whether these be of a political, social or economic nature.
It will be contended that there is a clear need to go beyond the traditional marxist analysis of capitalism in order to show how the institutional structure of advanced industrial societies plays a part both in stimulating and reproducing the ideology of violence notwithstanding considerable differences in the political arrangements in such societies. It follows from this that what is required is a broad theory of industrialization, rather than specifically of capitalism. As Illich argues,. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Proletarianization in the industrializing economies of East Asia differs significantly from theoretical models derived from early industrialization in the West or semiperipheral development in Latin America or Africa. Contrary to the prediction of the semiproletarianization thesis, dependent capitalist development in South Korea has been accompanied by a swifter, more abrupt, and more intense proletarianization than occurred in 19th and 20th century Europe. The compressed process involves a simultaneous increase in blue-collar and white-collar workers and a rapid feminization of white-collar occupations. Korean workers have not made strong collective responses to proletarianization, largely because of repressive state control of the labor movement and the absence of a strong artisan cultural tradition. But rapid proletarianization has facilitated development of the working-class movement. The specific pattern of Korean industrial transformation and workers' reactions to it have been shaped more strongly by the developmental role of the state than the autonomous activities of capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Despite the demonstrable importance of small scale capitalism in contemporary industrial societies, sociologists still generally ignore its economic, social and ideological significance. However, it is now possible to bring together the main elements of a sociology of petit capitalism. Four areas are examined: the class analysis of the owners of small capital; the sociology of entrepreneurship; social relations in the enterprise; and the links between small capital and the wider society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on peripheral capitalist societies which (a) acquired their political independence relatively early and had already in the 19th century adopted parliamentary forms of political representation; (b) experienced a considerable degree of capitalist industrialization during the inter-war and post-war periods. A fundamental dimension for understanding the structure and functioning of political institutions in the above societies has to do, not only with the mode of expansion and structure of industrial capitalism but also with its timing: with the fact that in all these formations the transition from oligarchic to broader forms of political representation precedes rather than follows their industrialization. Three distinct forms of transition are identified: urban populism from above (the Latin American Southern Cone pattern), peasant populism from below (the pattern in interwar Northern Balkan societies) and political inclusion through a transformation of clientelistic networks (the Greek pattern). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent attempts by British writers to give sociological accounts of inflationary processes suffer from the defect that they fail to distinguish clearly between factors which are inherent in all capitalist societies and those that are peculiar to British industrial development. Hence their discussions make it unclear whether the `British sickness', which includes high inflation, is likley to be prototypical of all capitalist societies. This paper begins by examining how `sociological' factors enter into economists' explanations of inflation and goes on to outline a distinctively sociological model of inflation. The model has four elements: the extent to which economistic values are held by different groups of income-receivers; the existence and strength of any normative system which might restrain the pursuit of such values; the structure of power between groups of income-receivers; and the structural capacity of the socio-economic system to meet the demands placed on it. It is suggested that two different configurations of these variables are empirically more likely to occur. One being highly likely to promote inflationary tendencies, the other being likely to mitigate such pressures. Finally, it is argued that Britain's particular pattern of industrial development means that she corresponds to the first type, whereas other capitalist societies with different historical paths may correspond to the second type. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay assesses the usefulness of Max Weber's sociology, particularly his writings on China, for the analysis of East Asian industrialisation. Many scholars writing about modern Asia criticise Weber's views on the relation between Confucian values and the development of capitalism. This essay suggests that many of these critics misinterpret Weber's writing on China. Acknowledging that Weber made errors in interpreting China, the authors, nonetheless, argue that Weber's perspective is most valuable in analysing Asian economic development because of the institutional approach he developed. Weber's institutional approach is outlined and briefly applied in a comparison of Japanese and Chinese industrialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]