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Recent imagological scholarship about the Balkans has revised the Balkanism thesis by examining the sympathetic lens through which British liberals viewed the peninsula's Christian and Slavic nationalities following the 1903 establishment of the Balkan Committee. Revisionist historiography has, however, overlooked how non-Christian and non-Slavic communities were represented in Britain beyond overgeneralized orientalist stereotypes of 'the villainous Turk'. This article aims to correct this imbalance by examining representations of Albania in the travel writing and political commentary of Mary Edith Durham and Aubrey Nigel Henry Molyneux Herbert, Britain's most notable supporters of Albania's national movement in the early twentieth century, who came to sympathize with the country because of their own peripheral position in relation to the British cultural and political mainstream, by virtue of gender and an unfashionably conservative worldview. Focusing on their published travel writing and political commentary between the 1904 publication of Durham's first narrative, Through the Lands of the Serb, and Herbert's untimely death in 1923, this article proposes that they articulated a counter-discourse to liberal writing on south-eastern Europe and that their representations of Albania foregrounded the capacity for self-governance, in contrast to the cultural chaos attributed to the country by liberals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1858 and 1863, a naval rearmament movement developed in Spain that coordinated the efforts of the commercial bourgeoisie, the parliamentary and intellectual elites of liberalism, a sector of the officers of the Navy, the municipalities, the communities of Spanish emigrants in the Americas and the press. The article analyses how these actors favoured the growth of the Real Armada, defending its use as an instrument of Spanish power around the globe. For this reason, certain organic intellectuals devoted themselves to systematising these demands, defining major strategic schemes that influenced the policies adopted by the Ministries of the Navy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay advances the concept of ritualized nationalism in order to understand the rise of right wing populism in India. It analyzes Narendra Modi's strategy of assigning tasks and seeking sacrifices from citizens in the name of nation building to understand how it has helped make nationalism a pervasive phenomenon that is unprecedented in India's history. The essay utilizes the theory of rituals to claim that the prescribed formats of Modi's tasks and assignments allow those actions to be distinct and mark the doer as "nationalists" in the digital domain as opposed to those not participating. This has further helped foster and inculcate a nationalistic subject who emerges from the ritual of completing the assigned tasks and publicizing its evidence on social media as an agent who embodies the jingoistic and muscular form of nationalism prevalent in India today. By showing how this process plays out across a series of assigned tasks and sacrifices during Modi's era, the essay hopes to both add to explanations about the rise of right wing nationalism in India while also showing that each global iteration of populist nationalism has a distinct trajectory and motivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reconsiders liberal nationalism in light of the current autocratic nationalist threat. I argue that liberal nationalism cannot redress the social ailments which acclimatize people to the sorts of no-holds-barred political contestation favoured by autocratic nationalists – excessive polarization. I then argue that liberal nationalists do not recognize the degree to which 'in-group' racial solidarity motivates members of the racial/ethnic majority to preserve their status, and that the liberal nationalist approach to defending minorities' rights therefore risks either emboldening the majority to embrace autocracy or consolidating social hierarchies between the majority and minorities. On these bases, I show that democrats must seek to not only detach race/ethnicity from nationality but also redress those problematic racial/ethnic hierarchies. This suggests the need to develop liberal nationalism into multiculturalist nationalism. Multiculturalist nationalism, however, promises a sort of bounded solidarity that does not include all citizens: it makes use of targeted political antagonism against anti-democrats like White supremacists and Identitarians to help diffuse any social antagonism that might exist among minorities, inclusive members of the majority, and cultural conservatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bamboo diplomacy, the latest conceptualization in Vietnamese foreign policy, has recently captured widespread media coverage. This study investigates the discursive legitimation strategies employed by the Vietnamese Communist Party to justify the adoption of the aforementioned policy. In addition, the study focuses on the integration of nationalism in the legitimation process of bamboo diplomacy discourse in the context of digital media. Drawing upon constructivism, banal nationalism, and Van Leeuwen's model of legitimation in discourse and communication, the study utilizes CDA and DHA to analyze 66 articles on six official Vietnamese online news outlets. The findings revealed that nationalism-based legitimacy is a key underpinning of three discursive strategies of the four implemented in the VCP's bamboo diplomacy discourse. Accordingly, three main patterns of nationhood reproduction were identified: (i) the myth of national history, (ii) the authority of national traditions, and (iii) the moralization of bamboo iconography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 2023, Reset Dialogues on Civilizations organized the international conference 'Nationalism, Nation-Building, and the Decline of Empires' in Dublin. The purpose was to gather a group of historians, political scientists, theorists, philosophers, and experts who could grasp the significant trends, over the long term, in nationalism, nation-building, and imperial issues and could create a forum for dialogue that would compare different, and in many ways related, contexts, defining the challenges of the contemporary politics in the international scene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To some extent, the current Russian-Ukrainian may be described as a conflict between two visions of nation, respectively, ethnic and civic models. Putin believes that a language defines a nation. In his understanding, since many Ukrainians are Russian speakers, they are Russians. His perception of Ukraine is anachronistic. He has failed to notice Ukraine's radical transformation since it gained independence. The current Ukrainian identity has a strong civic component. Its core is represented by a new urban middle class with a new set of values. Sustainability of this identity largely depends on longevity and results of the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I assess Stalin's ideas and concepts about nationalities, their 'manipulability' and their legacies. I do this by briefly reconstructing their theoretical and political roots in both Tsarist and socialist traditions. Special attention will be paid to the discovery of a positive correlation between economic development and the growth of nationalism among 'backward' peasant peoples, which went against the grain of previous socialist beliefs, and to the appearance of a theory according to which socialism would naturally produce a superior national-popular society. After discussing the evolution of these ideas and concepts, their practical applications, and the reaction they generated up to 1953, I will focus on the Soviet post-Stalinist theories and practices, and their results, also by taking into consideration the development in Soviet times and after 1991, of new, hybrid variants of Russian nationalism, as well as of Eurasian trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vladimir Putin's legitimation of Russia's brutal war of aggression against Ukraine raises questions about traditional understandings of nation and empire. Should we contrast the two in terms of values and practices? In this case, Putin uses both nationalist and Imperialist rhetoric to justify his actions. My essay questions how we understand nation and empire using the example of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. How did this empire develop laws, institutions and administrative practices to manage conflicts and claims around language use and nationalism? How did Austria's governments rule a multi-lingual, multi-confessional society effectively, without resorting to brutal policies of nationalization? When nationalist conflicts arose in different settings, how and why did they originate? I conclude that in European terms, Imperial Austria and even nationalist Hungary apparently managed daily-life issues around diverse language use and religious practice far more humanely and effectively than did the successor nation states after 1918. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1991, new political discourses emerged in the Soviet republics that had to reinvent themselves as independent states, redefining their national identity on several dimensions. This process matured ambiguous attitudes toward the former imperial center and different visions over the scopes, perspectives, and claims of a 'Russian World' in the former Soviet space, where Moscow still asserted an exclusive political and cultural sphere of influence. In this article, we will review the cases of Armenia and Uzbekistan with peculiar national projects and relationships with Moscow, reviewing their inclusion within the USSR, their path to independence, their post-Soviet relations with Moscow, and the changes during the turning points of 2014 with the annexation of Crimea and after the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European radical right parties (RRPs) have recently experienced strong electoral success and have strengthened their positions within the European Parliament. While their Eurosceptic positions are well documented in the literature, the fact that most RRPs refer not only to their nations but to Europe in general in order to ground their nationalist visions remains understudied. We investigate this issue by analyzing the discourses of MEPs from 24 radical right parties in the 8th legislature of the European Parliament (2014–2019). Relying on a vast corpus (36,413 speeches) and using quantitative text analysis, this research sheds light on the various notions of Europe that are used by radical right MEPs. We find evidence of three visions of Europe: as a civilization; as an ethno-religious community; and as a liberal society. The use and preferences for these visions vary according to ideological positions, strategies and national contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the ways a nation brand is constructed by elite and non-elite actors on social media using the case of Australia in China through the lens of security. The mixed-method analysis unveils the collaborative process in the security realm driven by digital technologies does not enable vernacular discussions to produce an alternative understanding of the national brand of the Other crafted by the pro-state actors. The narratives centering around societal security to citizens strategically served to prompt the population's interactions and nationalistic support for the state's agendas. Uncovering the contribution of digital nationalism to the mean-making of securitization in the participatory media space, this article advances the engagement between security and nation branding from a critical vantage point. It enriches the strategies of harnessing the dynamics between people, digital media, and identity politics to create a unified response from the community to a security threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How did revolutions facilitate empires' transition to nation-states? This article compares the Bolshevik and the Chinese Communist Revolutions. It conceptualizes this Soviet–Sino comparison through three dimensions of nation-building: separating from a universal community, building a national cultural core and overcoming internal ethnopolitics. Both socialist regimes accommodated the nation-state model by fusing centralized control with limited autonomy for ethnic minorities. Yet, whereas the Soviet Union claimed to be a universal union of nation-states, which was supposed to keep accepting new members until it covered the entire globe, the People's Republic of China resembled a typical nation-state that preserved multiethnicity and enclosed borders under the title of the 'Chinese Nation'. In analyzing the influence of revolutions, this article probes three relations: inter-revolution, revolution–society and revolution–counterrevolution. Arising after the Bolsheviks as a follower-revolution, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was confined to a national component of the USSR's global communism project. This shaped the CCP's enclosed geographical activity space, Han-dominated ethnic composition and the consciousness of national liberation. The CCP's mobilization covered far wider social strata than the Bolsheviks' had, which engendered stronger manpower and motivation to transform the traditional culture into a national culture. Being weak at its borderlands, the CCP was cautious about the doctrine of 'national self-determination', not daring to make it a geopolitical weapon for revolution export as the Bolsheviks had done in founding the Soviet Union. Owing to each of these differences in revolutionary trajectories, the CCP was more receptive to 'China' than the Bolsheviks were to 'Russia', and this led to two distinctive ways of reorganizing empires into nation-states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how nationalism, together with group conflict factors (namely, immigrant group size and economic conditions), affects ethnic threat perceptions over a period of almost 20 years across European and non-European countries. For this purpose, we analyze three rounds (1995, 2003, and 2013) of the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) National Identity Module using societal growth curve models. Our findings contribute to the ongoing discussion on the contextual drivers and dynamics of threat perceptions in various ways. First, our models show that nationalism is a highly relevant factor in explaining cultural as well as economic threats. However, nationalist attitudes operate purely at the individual level, as no effect of the group-level aggregate of nationalism is found. Second, the growth curve models make it possible to disentangle longitudinal effects (describing how threat perceptions evolve within countries) from cross-sectional patterns (describing the stable differences between countries). The longitudinal effects of group conflict variables deviate from the cross-sectional effects and are mostly insignificant. Given that these longitudinal effects are the litmus test for a causal interpretation, we must conclude that we find little to no evidence for the dynamic claims of group conflict theory. Finally, we detect an interaction between nationalism and labor market conditions: The impact of unemployment rates on threat perceptions is found to be contingent on the nationalist attitudes of individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This editors' introduction into the themed issue of IJCS dedicated to the analysis of comparative survey work on national identity and globalization presents a very brief overview of core hypotheses from the five articles collected in the issue. The articles offer a variety of new, rather differentiated insights into how individual-level national identity attitudes and sibling concepts like national pride, patriotism, and nationalist chauvinism are related to societal-level variables that tend to vary with exposure to aspects of globalization, such as migrant influx and economic competition. Aside from the focus on those new contributions, the introduction also offers a few observations on the challenges that the wider national identity research field still faces. Given that the field is dealing with several overlapping attitude concepts, this centrally concerns a partial lack of conceptual clarity, which sometimes translates into ambiguous operationalizations and incomplete or imprecise explication of theoretical mechanisms. We conclude that the contributions of the themed issue, with their careful attention to particular aspects of measures and multi-level processes, may serve as another stepping stone for overcoming at least some of those challenges in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perceptions of violated entitlement resulting from group-based relative deprivation shape attitudes and behaviors decisively. Drawing on social identity theory, I hypothesize that nationalism and constructive patriotism portray divergent relationships with subjective feelings of being disadvantaged due to different coping strategies to overcome status inferiority. Employing an original, large-scale survey from six European countries, the results clearly show that group-based relative deprivation is positively linked to nationalism, whereas the reverse holds for constructive patriotism. These results hold irrespective of a wide array of robustness checks. Thus, the present study adds to extant literature by identifying feelings of disadvantage as crucial for predicting nationalism and constructive patriotism, two key manifestations of group membership and in-group identification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to understand how national chauvinism and cultural patriotism are related to xenophobic attitudes toward immigrants. It does this by examining the extent to which historical legacy, in terms of geopolitical threats and national identity, moderates this relationship. A multilevel analysis across 24 European countries combines measures of national chauvinism, cultural patriotism, and xenophobic attitudes at the individual level with historical data, the geopolitical threat scale, and the national identity longevity index at the country level. Findings demonstrate that, according to these measures, historical legacies of threats and conflicts do not have an interaction effect, but the longevity of national identity moderates the relationship between national chauvinism/cultural patriotism and xenophobic attitudes. That is, in countries with greater national identity longevity, the positive relations between national chauvinism and xenophobic attitudes are weaker, but the negative relations between cultural patriotism and xenophobic attitudes are stronger. These findings contribute to the understanding of national identity by suggesting how it is related to a nation's historical legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to Vladimir Putin's geopolitical arguments, there was little chance that a full-scale invasion of Ukraine would benefit Russia's position in the European balance of power and enhance its overall security. Instead, I argue that Putin's decision was based on domestic interests, mainly the regime's legitimation, a major pillar of authoritarian stability. Using a multi-method research design, I demonstrate that the war has significant potential to boost Putin's popularity, nationalism and authoritarian preferences in society, as well as to strengthen his image as the country's heroic protector. As in several autocracies, the instrumentalization of security concerns and existential threats are a powerful source of regime cohesion. These arguments are corroborated by data from Russia's current and previous conflicts, such as elites' discourse, analysis of repressive policies, and public opinion polls on Putin's rule and authoritarian preferences. The regime needs a hostile 'West' and a threatening Ukraine for self-legitimation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Securitization theory has paid extensive attention to transnational issues, actors, and processes. Surprisingly, however, only little attention has been paid to the securitization of diaspora communities, defined as overseas citizens or co-nationals abroad. This article fills this gap by developing an analytical framework to study the securitization of diasporas, focusing on three discursive formations: diasporas as threatening actors, as objects under threat, or as security resources. Building upon the recent literature on state–diaspora engagement and drawing on an analysis of Israeli elite discourse (from 1948 to 2022), this article demonstrates how the securitization of diasporas serves as a discursive mechanism that naturalizes and legitimizes extra-territorial policies towards Jews abroad. Thus, the article complements structural and rational explanations of state–diaspora engagement by examining the intersubjective process that endows diaspora policymaking with meaning. Against the backdrop of extensive securitization scholarship that focuses on attempts to keep "foreigners" out, this article shows how securitization justifies bringing certain people in or governing their national identity abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we introduce the concept of soft nationalism through a case-study analysis of short videos by US-born rapper MC Jin (Jin Au-Yeung), who is of Chinese background. Jin's creative output, we argue, with its cross-cultural and grassroots invocations of Chinese identity, ethnicity, tradition, language and belonging, complicates existing theories of nationalism. To address these complications we develop the term 'soft nationalism', to describe forms of nationalism that are neither 'hard', 'hot' and bellicose nor 'banal' or 'everyday'. Like soft power, soft nationalism carries intent but speaks quietly, and is practised everywhere but often found in China, in the context of a recent surge of participatory online nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I evaluate the argument advanced in politics and Christian ethics that I term 'decolonial homophobia': that decolonisation and LGBT+ affirmation are contradictory because LGBT+ rights are a global Northern phenomenon that is imperialistically imposed on the global South. I suggest one premise of the argument is valid—neo-colonial imposition of LGBT+ rights does happen and should be opposed. However, the overall argument fails because it erases or distorts diverse views and complexities of pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial history, and it tacitly supports 'homophobic nationalism' that is oppressive even when advanced in ostensibly decolonial causes. I grant that there are tensions within many current expressions of decolonisation and LGBT+ rights, but argue that Christians should support both decolonisation and LGBT+ rights as intersecting justice issues. I close by suggesting we listen to global Southern LGBT+ activists like Uganda's kuchus on how to navigate this tension and pursue intersectional justice in all societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much research has documented how global technologies and platforms are part of specific cultures and reflect local values. In this study, I examine the case of Hebrew Wikipedia as representative of localization that is neither top-down (producer-driven) nor bottom-up (user-driven); but rather, it is implemented by mid-level, self-selecting bureaucratic administrators in an ongoing process that is driven by their own perceptions of Wikipedia's mission. Through an analysis of Hebrew Wikipedia's deletion discussion pages—in which editors decide what information should be excluded from Wikipedia—I demonstrate how national ideology customarily triumphs over the global, communitarian ethos of the Wikipedia project. Even when decisions are aligned with a more "global" agenda, editors still portray their choices as congruent with the national cause through strategic use of depersonalized discourses about Wikipedia's policies. I thus argue that global, seemingly "neutral" policies can provide a discursive framework that conceals questions about the power of local ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This editorial introduces a themed section that focuses on the production of gender discourse and representations in the midst of tightening social and cultural control in China's entertainment industry and digital media landscape. In various ways, the two articles featured case studies that exemplify how the production of gender discourses and representations in this context emerges from the interplay of state control, the market, and the digital realm and unfolds against the rise of platform capitalism and techno-nationalism. Both articles center on the intricate and sometimes contradictory configurations of gender within China's state-market nexus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions do secessionist parties advance identity, socioeconomic or political frames for constitutional change? By performing a Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) of 93 party manifestos from six Western regions, the results identify a key variable that plays an important role in rhetorical strategies: the governmental status of the party. In linguistically distinctive regions, parties tend to put forward identity frames when in opposition. Instead, being in office is a condition for framing their position in socioeconomic terms. The results concerning political frames are highly complex, although patterns around office holding have also been identified. Hence, the present article shows that office-seeking strategies imply a fundamental change in how these parties frame their claims. Minority nationalist parties take the opportunity of being in office to enhance their credibility as governing parties by downplaying identity issues in favour of a more inclusive and policy-oriented appeal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sheds light on the intricate relationship between the revival of Hanfu, traditional couture from the Han Dynasty, and rising Chinese nationalism among Chinese youth living in the United Kingdom. Mobilizing the theoretical tool 'affective economies', we explore how particular feelings and values are assigned and attached to Hanfu, and thereby circulate among young Chinese migrants. We begin by examining the Hanfu movement to interrogate how Hanfu is reinvented based on a selective historicity of the past, serving as a specific cultural product for China's rejuvenation. We then move on to analyze a series of in-depth interviews conducted between December 2019 and July 2020. We probe the lived experiences of young Hanfu supporters, who are members of the UK Han Culture Association, and the cultural events organized by the Association, in order to scrutinize the ways Hanfu conjures up an imagined community suffused with nationalism. Drawing upon on the affective economies of Hanfu, we discern the following three key findings: First, we argue that there are both positive and negative affective attachments to Hanfu, such as homesickness, loneliness, alienation, happiness, pride and beauty, which impinge on migrant bodies, assigning values to Hanfu and the Hanfu-related cultural events. Second, we show through the analysis of the fieldwork materials the paradoxical desire for chuguo (going abroad) and huiguo (returning to the nation) in the hearts of the young migrants. Finally, we argue that Hanfu circulates as a 'mnemonic thing' that signifies a specific imaginary of Ancient China, where young migrant's aiguo (love of the nation) sentiments are then 'stuck' to this reinvented fashion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural policies of Felipe González's government were intended to reshape a certain national identity. We will focus on these legitimation strategies through TV series, and particularly those with historical background produced and exhibited by the public broadcasting institution, Television Española. The recovery of some liberal mythology from the 19th century and its adaptation to the 80s will allow us to connect the promoted national identity with the concept of constitutional patriotism defended by important figures of the PSOE since the transition to democracy until nowadays. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rise of a trend to reread biblical texts through the lens of trauma, some scholars have begun to apply Jeffrey Alexander's definition of social trauma to reading biblical texts in the Hebrew Bible, such as Jeremiah and Lamentations. This reading assumes that the Hebrew Bible constructs a social trauma to shape ancient Israelites' national identity. However, this article points out that Alexander's theory does not fit well with the narratives of the Hebrew Bible. The main argument consists of three case studies concerning the book of Jeremiah, Lamentations, and communal psalms of lament; the author argues that none of these writings answers the four questions crucial for the construction of a socially mediated trauma in Alexander's theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Instead of thinking of 'public order' as the type of power that police deploy to manage disorder, this article suggests that we understand it as a set of background affects. The problem of analysing these affects is that (aside from moments of unrest) the majority of the populace is anaesthetised to them. Most people take the public feelings of calm predictability for granted. Crucially, however, the everyday management of public order does not anaesthetise everyone. It also produces 'suspect populations', who must remain attentive to its low background hum. This article focuses on the US 'colony within' literature, developed by civil rights and black nationalist traditions from the late 1960s. The article suggests that this internal colony analysis contains a nuanced exploration of the spatialised affects of public order; the clouds of suspicion; the atmospheres of tension; and the police encounters that generate an affective substrate of relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article questions whether past experience with nationalisms rooted in history, language, custom and religion will be much of a guide to pseudo-nationalisms that arise in a globalized age with increasingly 'liquid' societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Methodological nationalism as a critique of container-based and nation-state-focused theory and empirical research is currently strongly anchored within migration studies, where it was initially developed. While this has led to extensive literature and critical engagement with methodological nationalism, and ways to circumvent the national trap in many (sub-)disciplines, it has not much penetrated theories of social stratification. This conceptual paper will address this gap by discussing the social positioning of high-skilled migrants in contemporary stratified societies. This exemplary discussion will bring together a critical perspective of methodological nationalism on class and milieu theory. It will also confront the critique of methodological nationalism with the question of the origin of social power and dominance, which are the foundation of stratification theories. This article will specifically draw on Pierre Bourdieu's concept of social space and its derivative. Emphasis will also be given to Michael Vester's development of social milieu to highlight blind spots according to the critique of methodological nationalism. This paper shows that these theories have not grasped high-skilled migration thoroughly. It also outlines that migrant theories and their critique of methodological nationalism inadequately address the source of symbolic hierarchy and the formation of social stratification. Thus, both theoretical strands would benefit from a deeper conversation with each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vladimir Putin has justified this war on the basis that Russia is threatened by a Nazi regime empowered by NATO who, together, constitute an existential threat to his country. The Independent State of Croatia (NDH) was established in April 1941, a puppet state of Fascist Italy and of Nazi Germany. Keywords: European nationalism; Holocaust; Nazism; Russians; Slavs; Ukraine; war EN European nationalism Holocaust Nazism Russians Slavs Ukraine war 556 562 7 11/02/23 20231101 NES 231101 It is almost a year since the beginning of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. In his address to the country on the 21st of September last year, for example, Putin reiterated that the purpose of the "special operation" in Ukraine was to 'liberate it from the neo-Nazi regime, which seized power in [...] 2014 as the result of an armed state coup' ([8]). [Extracted from the article]

Historically, the relationship between innovation and technology has formed an important element of Euro-American identity. However, such a view ignores older or alternative media forms and practices, contributing to a conception of modernity as future-oriented, obscuring the importance of transitional moments during which the value and meaning of new media develop and new senses of community identity can be defined. As we live through a transitional moment with new forms of technological media emerging in shortening cycles of time and with American identity in conflict and flux, re-assessing the relationship between innovation, technological media, and modernity is urgent. The mid-19th century likewise was a time of social, technological, and cultural change. Following a media archeological method, I focus on a messaging system from the 19th century, the Pony Express, which was in operation for only 18 months, but became a media phenomenon whose imaginative influence lasted into the 21st century. The Pony Express's success as a messenger demonstrates how an anachronistic communications system solved a problem of American modernization – the need for networked connection across long distances – and shows how such a system provided imaginative and iconographic frameworks for maintaining a sense of American identity at a time of change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In twentieth-century Sweden, conventional inland nationalism was challenged by strong currents of maritime national identities. The reason was a national frenzy regarding maritime popular music – primarily, songs about Swedish sailors and their adventures in exotic faraway lands. Throughout the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s, and continuing into the 1950s, numerous Swedish composers, singers and musicians produced hundreds of sailor songs. Their commercial success was staggering, to the delight of Sweden's developing music industry, but the identitarian consequences were even more astonishing. Maritime national identities flourished as Swedishness itself changed drastically via this huge exposure to sailor songs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What accounts for the nation's persistence as a central object of identification in anticolonial movements during the 1960s? How can we understand the appeal of nationalism when it simultaneously could signify one path to and a pitfall of decolonisation, as Frantz Fanon warned? This article addresses some of these questions concerning anticolonialism, its political possibilities, decolonial fantasies and desires in Iran. I discuss how Jalal Al-e Ahmad articulated a diagnosis of cultural imperialism, gharbzadegi, that expressed tensions between the translocality to which his framework aspired and the rigid confines of the nation-state model. This imbroglio, I claim, reverberated through the pathologisation of the national group, with the wounds of colonial violence unsettling and reforming different national attachments in Iran. To support this argument, I read the specific conditions, dynamics and sociohistorical processes in which Al-e Ahmad was immersed alongside the transnational structures to which they were related. Juxtaposing this pathological discourse with his travelogues, we can grasp a specific articulation of the translocal-national dyad that informed Al-e Ahmad's life and found expression in his limited theorisation of gharbzadegi. Analysing this particular context, I argue that this entanglement exposes the limits and pitfalls of anticolonialism in Iran. Souffrir pour/contre la nation : gharbzadegi et les tensions de l'anticolonialisme en Iran [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of the First World War was a crucial time for nationalist leaders and minority communities across the European continent and beyond. The impact of the post-war spread of self-determination on the redrawing of Eastern European borders and on the claims of colonial independence movements has been extensively researched. By contrast, the international historiography has paid little attention to minority nationalist movements in Western Europe. This article focuses on three regions (Catalonia, Flanders and South Tyrol) that experienced considerable sub-state national mobilization in the interwar period. We aim to understand whether the leaders of Western European minorities and stateless nations shared the same enthusiasm as their anti-colonial and Eastern European counterparts for the new international order that self-determination seemed to foreshadow in the months following the end of the First World War. Because the American President Woodrow Wilson stood out as the most prominent purveyor of the new international legitimacy of self-determination, the article further examines how Western European nationalist movements exploited Wilson's image and advocacy to achieve their own goals. Nationalist forces in Catalonia, Flanders and South Tyrol initially mobilized self-determination and referred to Wilson as a symbol of national liberation, but this instrumentalization of self-determination was not sustained. Large-scale mobilization occurred only in Catalonia, and, even there, it disappeared suddenly in spring 1919. Furthermore, sub-state nationalist movements in Western Europe tended to mobilize self-determination to gain regional autonomy, rather than full independence, thus pursuing internal, not external, self-determination. The willingness of these movements to privilege autonomy over full independence made them more receptive to compromise. Radical forces would become stronger only in the 1930s and largely for reasons not directly connected to the post-war mobilization around self-determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The polarised Leave/Remain positions offered by Brexit hampered opportunities for Britons to articulate the complexity of their affective political allegiances. Turning our focus on Grayson Perry: Divided Britain (2017, C4, Swan Films), we argue that Perry's role as artist-ethnographer enabled an exploration 'from below' of the tensions occluded by deliberative democratic debate in febrile post-Brexit Britain. Intervening in a conjuncture of which Brexit was symptomatic, Perry's arts documentary with Channel 4 provided the space to articulate newly configured affective and political affiliations in terms both of Britain as place and Britishness as identity. Drawing on Chantal Mouffe's conception of agonistic politics, we argue the programme provided a space of confrontation for groups defined as polarised 'camps' to contest and debate through their emotional and symbolic differences which exposed the limitations of the 'post-political' formation. However, while the programme visualises Perry's 'left populist' strategy of crafting two similar pots through ethnographic listening and interactions with Leave and Remain communities, we argue the focus on predominantly white communities ultimately offers a limited notion of what 'a people' with the potential to revitalise democracy in contemporary Britain could be. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how immigrants are understood by Swedish alternative media and the role that Islamophobia plays, if at all, in these representations. What is remarkable is that although all articles were sampled explicitly to discuss Ukraine, the analysis showed that Muslim immigrants figured with unexpected frequency throughout. The value of these two immigrant groups were antagonistically contrasted through arguments of alleged differences in culture and geographical origin, perceived legitimacy as asylum seekers, and in terms gratitude and supposed level of threat to Swedish society. With this, the unity that is formed around Islamophobia trumps any nationalist views of the Swedish nation state as particularly superior or white and the social and economic consequences which are usually believed to be at risk due to immigration. By extension, the war in Ukraine is articulated as a matter of whiteness and works to exploit war for strengthening the transnational far right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shinzo Abe, Japan's former and longest-serving prime minister was assassinated on 8 July 2022. As the world expressed sorrow of the human tragedy, nationalists in China were celebrating the disappearance of a hardline Chinese hawk with great enthusiasm. When a Chinese journalist sobbed for Abe's death during a live report of the assassination, the surging anti-Japan sentiment exploded and soon developed into a hashtag-based nationalist protest attacking Abe and the journalist. Drawing from cyber nationalism and hashtag activism literature, the author coined a concept 'hashtag nationalism' to analyze this protest, the interactions between state-led nationalism and popular nationalism, and the role of digital media in the public-state relation. This article also generalized three affordances of hashtag – interconnectivity, intertextuality, and interdiscursivity – to approach the role of social media in digital activism from a relational perspective. Finally, the analysis revealed the discursive and networked nature of hashtag nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Blood on the ice. Cheers when the injured athlete stands and limps off the field. Comebacks, backflips, and back injuries. Celebrity athletes are punished and rewarded for their abilities, including their ability to perform while injured or work through pain. Injuries, illness, disablement, and even death are not uncommon in celebrity culture broadly and the field of competitive sports more specifically. While critical disability studies often attends to disabled celebrities, less research and critical attention has been paid to the disablement of celebrity and the expectation and performance of injury or illness understood through the lens of ablenationalism. Focusing on international figure skating and the 2022 Winter Olympics, this paper offers a supercripping of athletic celebrity by interrogating how gender, race, age, and nationality impact a global audience's view of vulnerability, risk, and harm. Analyzing media coverage of the event alongside popular discourse uncovers the impact of nationalism, white supremacy, and patriarchy on sports narratives and celebrity cultures of debilitation and disablement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mediterranean port cities share a number of trajectories that reveal their constitutive interconnectedness. Among the more recent is the process of urban regeneration that many of these cities have undergone over the last two decades. Several studies have analysed the implications of urban renewal from a socio-economic and urban planning perspective. However, the intersection between diverse urban restructuring processes and the emotions that crisscross these cities is still largely underexplored. This article aims to begin filling this gap by identifying possible emotional responses that mirror local concerns in three port cities located on the northern shores of the Mediterranean. More specifically, the article investigates Barcelona in light of the hope that emerges when a city is in crisis, Marseille and the nostalgia that is mobilised to reimagine the city's national consciousness and Genova with regard to an uncanny feeling when more-than-human balances are altered. Drawing from different disciplines, including ethnography, media, archival and literary analysis, this article argues that emotional trajectories are significant aspects to consider in the urban renewal processes of distinctive spaces like port cities because they allow us to comprehend some of the local reactions to urban transformations and gentrification that go beyond understanding economic and branding strategies in a post-industrial space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the relationship between religion/secularism and national identity through the experiences of converts to Islam. These men and women occupy a controversial position in society: they are often born and raised in Europe and have chosen for a religion that is generally associated with 'foreignness'. In this context, converts are often represented in terms of loss, especially in relation to gender relations. In other words, their conversion to Islam is often read as a turning away from modernity or Western lifestyles, rather than a conscious choice for something new, such as spiritual fulfilment. Coulthard and Simpson however, interpret ' turning away ' in relation to the politics of recognition and decolonization. This understanding makes it possible to read conversion as an active choice for self-determination. Turning away then becomes a refusal to engage in the hegemonic recognition game of being situated and managed and to be politically consumed by the overarching system. The article will investigate how Dutch converts to Islam negotiate the different aspects of their identities and the boundaries connected to those through a politics of refusal. I will argue that by following Coulthard and Simpson, we can understand converts ' turning away '– in an alternative, less negative way. They ' turn away ', as Fanon argues, to find freedom on their own terms and in accordance with their own values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there has been an intense public debate regarding the worldwide re-emergence of far-right politics and the ways in which it has engaged with the international. Surprisingly, thus far there have been no reflections on the broader implications of conceptualising the far-right in its international, transnational, and global dimensions. This article argues that we are witnessing an international turn in far-right studies that posits the international as constitutive of far-right politics, opening new forms of understanding it both from a historical and theoretical point of view. It develops a conceptual assessment of the international turn in three steps: first, it identifies that what binds this interdisciplinary literature together and breaks away from mainstream approaches is a shared critique of methodological nationalism; second, it classifies innovations in two different conceptual levels: the 'globalisation front', which sees transformations in the nature of far-right politics due the intensification of globalisation, and the 'historiographical front', which claims that the far-right has always been an international phenomenon. The article then analyses the main limitations of the international turn and offers a way to overcome it by articulating an intersocietal approach to the study of the far-right that draws from Global Historical Sociology. Le tournant international dans les études sur l'extrême droite : Une évaluation critique [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, a small but growing number of Australian local councils have emerged as major actors in the movement to change the date of Australia Day by electing to replace or cancel local events held on 26 January. This article draws on Lyn Spillman's analysis of the 1988 Australia Bicentenary to make sense of these developments and their implications for cultures of national commemoration in Australia. For Spillman, the Bicentenary marked a shift towards a thinner conception of national identity which was intended to increase buy-in for Australia Day but risked fostering fragmentation. Arguing that local council actions to 'Change the Date' can be understood within these fragmentary dynamics, the article shows how the federal politicisation of Australia Day has seen these councils present local vernacular commemorations as preferable to official ones and promote an alternative moral vision of the place of Indigenous peoples in the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this contribution, I present emergent analysis of a preoccupation with managing COVID-19 through border control, among non-Governmental public health actors and commentators. Through a reading of statements, tweets, and interviews from the 'Independent Sage' group – individually and collectively – I show how the language of border control, and of maintaining immunity within the national boundaries of the UK, has been a notable theme in the group's analysis. To theorize this emphasis, I draw comparison with the phenomenon of 'green nationalism', in which the urgency of climate action has been turned to overtly nationalistic ends; I sketch the outlines of what I call 'viral nationalism,' a political ecology that understands the pandemic as an event occurring differentially between nation states, and thus sees pandemic management as, inter alia, a work of involuntary detention at securitized borders. I conclude with some general remarks on the relationship between public health, immunity, and national feeling in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bagamoyo Port Project (BPP) was meant to have set in motion the development of East Africa's largest port. Yet, with the advent of former President John P. Magufuli to power in October 2015, the BPP has led a chequered existence. This article explores the dynamics behind the stalled talks over the BPP by emphasising Magufuli's penchant for developmentalism, nationalism and authoritarianism ultimately as a political strategy designed to mask his vulnerable electoral standing within the party and with the electorate. The renegotiations over the BPP served as an ideal opportunity in this regard to shore up his base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how a feminist approach to politics can resonate within a nation-building project in Catalonia against the backdrop of rising transnational anti-feminist right-wing populism in Europe. Feminism and nationalism have often been presented as oppositional, and nationalist struggles have been considered to further patriarchal regimes. However, nation-building can also be an opportunity to think of feminist alternative futures. The article explores the role of feminism in the political project of the pro-independence Catalan left (Esquerra Independentista), and exposes internal tensions and difficulties in aiming to achieve both independence and feminism in an emancipated Catalonia. Esquerra Independentista adopt two distinctive strategies of feminist politics: the promotion of the indivisibility of social, gender and national struggles (independence, socialism, feminism), and an embodied politics that centralises women's political agency as a political tool. However, Esquerra Independentista's proposals for a socialist and feminist future are fragile and limited by internal tensions between the prevalence of masculinist models of doing politics on one hand, and on the other hand, alternative ideas about the strategic importance of class, gender and national oppressions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, developed from a panel speech on 'Radical internationalism and shifts in the global order' at the IRR50 New Circuits of Anti-racism Conference at King's College, London, October 2022, takes issue with simplistic and partial positions surrounding Russia's war with Ukraine. It points to the fact that we now have to reckon with a clash of imperialisms (of the US and Russia), the weaponising of local nationalisms and a reworking of Eurocentrism born of the Cold War. The author warns that revanchist ethnonationalisms in central and eastern Europe and the Baltic States − based in a distorted rereading of history, especially of the countries' roles in the Holocaust − are being ignored in the interests of a larger geopolitics with consequences also for the future direction of the EU (see Figure 1). In this, anti-Communism, which has defined so much of the history of the Global South in terms of violent opposition to anti-colonial liberation struggles, is being updated and revitalised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic scholarship analyses how citizenship law reforms such as longer residency requirements and tougher language tests reinforce culturally exclusionary national narratives. Citizenship ceremonies however, have largely escaped scholarly attention. Drawing on Australia as a case study, this article addresses that gap. After examining how Australian citizenship is performed at ceremonies, this article argues that although the government states that citizenship ceremonies should welcome new citizens, deep suspicions about the cultural diversity of migrants are also conveyed. This paper contributes to an understanding of how citizenship ceremonies reinforce culturally exclusionary national narratives, even where the legal criteria for acquiring citizenship status is non-discriminatory. This paper also illustrates how citizenship ceremonies are important sites for the construction and communication of legal identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers an analysis of scholarly attempts to make sense of the nexus of race and migration in Brexit-era UK discourse. To illustrate my arguments that intend to challenge and extend existing scholarship, I discuss exemplary snapshots from news articles, blog posts and social media sources. Building on critical race and postcolonial studies as theoretical background, I trace the phenomenon of naming the discrimination against East Europeans – which is undeniably one of the driving forces of the Brexit discussion – 'racism'. Sometimes, and this shows the pattern of the overgeneralization of the term, 'racism' gets extended to name the post-Brexit exclusion of any EU nationals. This use of 'racism', however, is based on methodological nationalism and conceptual whiteness as my analyses show. To make sense of the overlapping racist, anti-immigration and anti-EU rhetoric that marks the pre- and post-Brexit moment in the United Kingdom, this article introduces the concept of 'migratism' – a name for the power relation that ascribes migration to certain people, constructing them as migrants and discriminating against them. The terms 'migratism' and 'migratization' function grammatically in an analogue way to 'racism' and 'racialization'. If racism is the power relation that racializes (=ascribes race to) people, migratism if the power relation that migratizes (=ascribes migration to) people. The terms are not symmetrical but have a complicated interdependent relationship. Racism and migratism are bound to each other and play a crucial role in organizing the Western nation state. The suggested concepts foreground a postcolonial understanding of race and racism and make it possible to analyse both migration-based discrimination and discrimination based on perceived migration in violence and hate crimes connected to the Brexit referendum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]