Search

With China's economic rise and influence, financial statecraft has increasingly been deployed to serve the country's national interest. The growth of China's financial statecraft in the region has drawn greater media and academic attention. Notwithstanding the abundant literature on China's financial statecraft in Southeast Asia, the previous studies lack a detailed analysis of various financial statecraft instruments deployed by China. To get a better understanding of China's deployment of financial statecraft over the years under Xi Jinping's administration, this article fills the gap in the existing literature by delving into various factors that influenced various financial statecraft instruments with respect to the objectives, trends or patterns and agencies involved in the region. Given Xi's successful bid for continued political rule by eliminating a term limit on the presidency as well as the escalating China-US strategic rivalry, it is important to examine how the interaction of domestic and international forces has shaped the evolution of financial statecraft in Southeast Asia. Due to the changes in domestic politics and shifts in the geopolitics and geoeconomics, an important question that deserves our attention is how these changes has influenced China's deployment of various financial statecraft instruments in different Southeast Asian countries. The paper focuses on two middle-income countries (i.e., Malaysia and Thailand) and two low-income countries (i.e. Cambodia and Laos) in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The colonialist-created administration in North Borneo is a reality that has altered the native people's mindset and way of life while also providing them with much-needed exposure to the value of education. This paper attempts to explain the changes that occurred to and within the Brunei Malay community in the advent of modern education from 1881 to 1963 and how continued opportunities and exposure by colonialists have finally persuaded their minds to accept Western-style formal education. The objective of this writing is to analyse their educational involvement in colonial education through three time periods, namely the administration of the British North Borneo Company (BNBC), the Japanese Occupation, and the British Colonial Administration. This study used the methodology of historical studies by conducting analysis on primary sources such as C.O. 874/235, C.O. 874/242, NBCA 73 Native Chief's Advisory Council Meetings, the British North Borneo Administration Report, the British North Borneo Annual Report, and interviews with five informants among the Brunei Malay community who were involved in colonial education. The study also found that the transition of Brunei's Malay society to modern education occurred slowly compared to other ethnic groups. This happened because the colonists were selective in their efforts to provide early education opportunities to the locals, making education accessible only to aristocrats who had influence and were interested in serving the colonists. As a result, the Brunei Malay community has had trouble competing with other more educated ethnic groups, especially in maintaining their influence, role, and position after the independence of Sabah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, entitled The Footsteps of Tengku Luckman Sinar, his Work and Contribution to the Academic World, aims to get to know Tengku Lukman Sinar (TLS), his work, especially in the field of history, and his usefulness in the academic world. The method used is descriptive qualitative through a historical approach consisting of steps, heuristics (collection of data relevant to the topic of study, both primary and secondary), verification (criticism of external and internal sources), interpretation and analysis, and writing (historiography). The results show that TLS was the son of Sultan Sulaiman Shariful Alamsyah, a Malay aristocrat from the Fifth Serdang Sultanate. He is known as a cultural figure because he was involved in typical Malay cultural activities. TLS believed that Malay is a broad entity covering the region of Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Philippines, Oceania, to New Zealand, and Madagascar. Malay civilization has values to frame ethnic groups in the archipelago in the form of a unity with different diversity, and if combined culturally has tremendous potential. TLS was a resource person in various scientific forums, both local, national, and international. In actualizing his thoughts, TLS wrote and published papers and books, especially in the socio-cultural field, including the field of history. Various historical works have been published, both independently, by publishers, by the Provincial Government of North Sumatra, and Deli Serdang Regency. The existence of TLS provides a comprehensive, factual, and accurate picture of a figure or culturalist with special characteristics, especially working in the field of history, from which academics can use as inspiration and reference in writing scientific works such as scientific articles, theses, dissertation, as well as a legacy that can be processed into a new vital force in the millennial era according to the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the development of China's reform and opening up policy, China's identity has gradually shifted from a solely foreign investment destination country into one that prioritizes capital exports. Among the capital receiving countries, Malaysia has been definitely attractive. As the first ASEAN country that has fostered diplomatic relations with China, Malaysia instituted friendly exchanges with China more than 2,000 years ago. This paper summarizes the history of investment and trade in the Malaysia and China in the ancient Chinese historical books based on the chronicle, and concludes the characteristics of investment and trade in various periods. With the qualitative method, it specifically analyzes the related research materials and historical writing records and focuses on the reasons why China has been willing to invest in Malaysia. The paper finds both countries' complementarity of goods, the continuous accumulation of exchanges, mutual understanding, influx of Chinese immigrants, and Malaysia's unique geographical advantages, which have contributed to the fact that China chose to invest and cooperate in Malaysia for two thousand years. This paper can help understand the development of the China-Malaysia relations and can accelerate understanding between the two countries, thus helping in removing hindrances against Chinese investment in Malaysia due to various modes of incomprehension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the theory of social evolution, this paper attempts to explain the changes in the adaptation of ASEAN states to security norms since the cold war. After the end of the cold war, the ASEAN states did not immediately adopt the ASEAN Framework for security cooperation, but still followed a certain degree of survival instinct. With the strengthening of ASEAN's normative power, the situation of security cooperation between Southeast Asia and other major states in the region has begun to be dominated by ASEAN. This change has not only led to changes in the security habits of ASEAN states but also prompted ASEAN states to gradually adapt to the security norms based on the ASEAN Framework. The changes in the adaptability of ASEAN states to security norms illustrate the fact that ASEAN norms are spread from another perspective, and also show the reasons why ASEAN can advance towards a security community. On the whole, the development of security norms of ASEAN states after the cold war shows a direction of social evolution, and it is a kind of convergent evolution. With the influence of the external environment, ASEAN states "choose" ASEAN norms to obtain security, and the ASEAN Security Community finally becomes a form of "inheritance". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of the fourth industrial revolution (4IR) is both thrilling and frightening. The technology under this era would have an impact on mankind. The 4IR has the potentials of increasing income heights through new entrepreneur innovations. The new technologies under 4IR will improve productivity and reduce the cost of communication and transportation. On the one hand, there are numerous gains of the 4IR, on the other hand, there are also many challenges associated with it. With particular reference to security, it is feared that the 4IR could pave the way to greater insecurity, particularly when it is used by terrorists like Boko Haram to carry out their attacks. The main argument of this paper is that the non-deployment of 4IR technologies in countering Boko Haram terrorism is a major hindrance to Nigeria's war against terrorism. The major objective of this study is to investigate how the use of 4IR technologies have enhanced the activities of Boko Haram terrorist and Nigerian counterterrorism operatives. The data for this research were sourced through secondary sources and analyzed by the use of the qualitative method. The strategic theory was espoused as the framework of analysis. The research discovered that the sophistication in the activities of Boko Haram is bone out of the utilization of the 4IR technologies in their operations. The 4IR enable the terrorist to seek assistance from renowned terrorist groups and acquire state-of-the-art weapons and training. The paper further reveals that the Nigerian counterterrorism initiative is not effective in curbing the Boko Haram attacks partly because it is premised around the third industrial revolution technologies. This research recommends 4IR technology compliance as the first step to match the Boko Haram onslaught before the use of soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will focus on the "demographic onus effect" to challenge established cognitions of rising China. The country's demographic dynamics, especially the trade-off between a military build-up and welfare spending, will most probably lead to what might be called a "geriatric peace" by around 2030. This is because, due to its longtime one child policy, China is set to confront an unprecedented ageing population before becoming an advanced industrial country. Until then, however, the Chinese will have the fiscal wherewithal to continue the country's formidable military accrual. China is also likely to become far more belligerent by manipulating nationalist sentiments at home, alongside using foreign policy to divert growing popular discontent. This paper will analyze China's demographic dynamics and explore the implications of the ageing population to Japan's security, with the focus on a possible contingency over the Senkaku Islands as the most likely flash point. It will conclude with policy recommendations for Japan and the U.S. to weather possible China's bellicosity during the next ten to fifteen years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 14th Malaysian Election heralded a new dawn for Malaysian politics and society. The change of government was not predicted by observers of Malaysian politics and came as a surprise for many. Two states in particular stood out in the election as a misnomer, the states of Kelantan and Johor. The cases of Kelantan and Johor are interesting for a number of reasons. First, these states are considered stronghold states of the two Malay based political parties, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS). Second, the results in both states were largely unexpected with most observers predicting that UMNO will retain Johor and that PAS will lose Kelantan. Lastly, both states can be described as 'maverick' states. Under Malaysia's current federal system, these states have historically manifested a strong independent streak. In the case of Johor, the bangsa Johor, a kind of state level nationalism that is centred around a Johorean identity can be observed whereas in the case of Kelantan, the conception of Kelantan as an abode of Islam has shaped the Kelantanese identity. This paper examines how both states that demonstrated similar localized election strategies yielded divergent results, with Kelantan continuing to support PAS while Johor abandoned UMNO-BN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The line between popular and nationalist music is hazy because any musical style or repertoire has the potential to express nationalism given the right environment and circumstances. Yet, singing and listening to it never misses its aim because the language of song is the most widespread way in which music signifies the nation.1 The unified singing of anthems and patriotic songs done together by a group of people usually not known to each other is called 'unisonance'2 and can result in an emotionally overwhelming feeling of collective cohesion. Focus group discussions on local popular music listening were conducted in 2019 throughout Kota Kinabalu, Kuching and Klang Valley. This paper discusses findings surrounding data drawn from this research focusing on respondent's reactions towards patriotic songs. Findings suggest that Malaysians enjoy listening to and singing patriotic songs individually and more importantly, in concert, as they are a verbal way of manifesting love for the country. Of paramount point here is it creates a moment of unisonance for them, a simultaneous and unanimous acknowledgment of the common symbol, that is the song - over and above any racial or cultural trait - that signifies belonging and begets collective emotional commitment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a cultural discourse, the problematic conception of citizenship is a product of social fragmentation in Malaysia. Citizenship can carry two meanings - legal and sociological. The legal simply refers to a subject's right and duties to be recognized as a legally permanent inhabitant of a state. Secondly, the development of citizenship, understood in sociological terms, would involve a transformative process in which individuals come to see themselves as part of a wider citizen body, to which they owe obligations involving duties as well as having rights. The objective of this paper is to pull together citizenship and education as central themes, not legal but the sociological aspects, with the 'nation-of-intent' as a conceptual framework. Nevertheless, the present effort of citizenship education in Malaysia is based on a particular form of 'nation-of-intent' (Bangsa Malaysia). The concept of citizenship and citizenship education in Malaysia is prompting only one form of 'nationof intent' available in the country. An implication of it is that the concept of citizenship and thus, nation building in Malaysia is still fraught with confusion. The presence of plurality of 'nation-of-intent' in contemporary Malaysia demonstrates the fact that dissenting voices are present and heard, within and without government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Malaysia's relations with Thailand can be described as paradoxical. On the one hand, bilateral ties had been the least 'problematic.' On the other, the situation in the Southern Provinces had constrained relations and this could be seen during the administrations of Mahathir and Abdullah which became preoccupied with finding solutions. In 'aggregating' these two polar states together ('superposition'), one could construe or amplify bilateral relations within a broader range of so-called overall 'benign neglect' that to a certain extent - characterised the approach of successive administrations of both countries. The objective of this paper as conditioned by archival sources as well as interviews seeks, therefore, to highlight the under-appreciated and overlooked role of the leadership factor in bilateral relations. This is in turn co-related to developments in political contestations and reconfigurations centred in Bangkok ("national politics") which whilst promising little hope on the resolution for peace and stability in the Southern Provinces - contributes to the (unchanging) broader narrative. In short, directions in bilateral relations have been - to a critical extent - determined, influenced and constrained by the inability to achieve a breakthrough to the situation in the Southern Provinces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transboundary haze is a recurring problem in Southeast Asia. Academic discussion has focused largely on the failure of ASEAN to promote effective regional cooperation on the issue. On the. other hand, EU action in the 1980s had been successful in mitigating acid rain at the regional level. The two cases are similar - both are anthropogenic pollution problems that originated in particular states in the region, but which effects were felt more severely in neighbouring states. Furthermore, both regions have institutionalised organisations in which all concerned states are members. Therefore, scholars have often looked towards the European experience with acid rain as a potential framework for effective ASEAN action over the haze. However, this paper argues that this strategy is misguided. This is because unlike the 'thick' EU community with pooled sovereignty and sufficient clout to influence regional outcomes, ASEA,N is a 'thin' community. which was designed to advance the, individual national interests of its member states. Therefore, ASEAN-level haze mitigation programmes cannot be expected to be effective in the same way that acid rain programmes have been in Europe. Thus, this article suggests that haze abatement in Southeast Asia should not depend solely, or even mainly, on regional action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unprecedented World Economic Depression of the 1930s affected Malaya just as it did to numerous other countries in the world. In Malaya's case, with the rubber and tin industries, the two main pillars of the country's economy, well integrated with the international market forces, the sudden economic downturn caused the collapse of both these industries, resulting in widespread retrenchment and mass unemployment of workers. To the people of multiracial Malaya the economic meltdown was more than an economic crisis. It was a crisis of all sorts that threatened their very own survival. Despite the colonial government's efforts to contain the situation every community was displaced in one way or another though by varying degrees. This paper examines some of the immediate effects of the economic depression on the Federated Malay States and confines its discussion to Malay reaction to the crisis - how they were affected, the challenges they faced and how they coped with the crisis and the government's role in ensuring the protection of the Malays. It also discusses Malay reaction to the presence of immigrant races in the country and their rise to seek greater protection of their rights as natives of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alor Setar was the earliest location in Kedah which received the implementation of the domestic water supply plan by the British beginning in 1909. This initiative was due to administrative, economic, health, population and other relevant factors. Thus, the British built several water plants and the projects turned into a water supply module in other locations in the Kedah state. This paper would like to see the role of the British in developing the water supply system in Alor Setar from 1909 to 1957. This research began in 1909 due to the introduction to British advisers in the state of Kedah and ended in 1957 as the year was the final phase of the British domination in Kedah before the independence of the Federation of Malaya on August 31, 1957. This research employed materials and data from the National Archives of Kedah / Perlis, National Archives of Malaysia, University of Malaya Main Library, the Kedah Public Library, Tun Sri Lanang Library of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia and Kedah Water Company (SADA). The results of the study found that British advisers in Kedah successfully abandoned the water supply module in Alor Setar and succeeded in raising the standard of living of the residents at the stated locations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regional security of the Middle East has been changed since the so called Arab Spring started in late 2010. This paper seeks to study the Israeli strategic situation in the changing regional security of the Middle East since the Arab Uprisings incepted. The research questions focused on the main concerns for Israel since the Arab Uprisings incepted and the response of Israel. Israel looked to the uprisings as a strategic change which could affect its security. Even though Israel seems more stable while other regional powers were affected by conflicts, Israel has been faced new challenges in fragile region. The main security challenges emerged for Israel were the liquidity of the region for ambiguous future, the rise of the non-state armed groups within the region and the emerging influence of Iran in the region. Israel relied on its strategic relations with the US and other super powers and its strategic military superiority in the region to deal with the situation. It worked as well on developing its relations with the moderate Arab states like Egypt and Saudi Arabia in face of Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to investigate the dilemma of transportation on the Lower Niger and Benue Rivers in Nigeria in the Hey days of European commercial water traffic in the period 1879 to 1960. This study finds out that the Lower Niger and Benue Rivers experienced a heavy traffic during the high water season of June to November but in the dry or low water season in December to May, vessels could not come up river from the open sea at Burutu. This paper concludes that the seasonal nature of transportation on the Lower Niger and Benue Rivers in the colonial period was a set-back to serious and effective transportation. This study is significant because in the Hey Day of commercial water traffic on the Lower Niger River, over ten steamers or Vessels or boats plied up to the confluence of the Lower Niger and Benue Rivers at Lokoja daily from Burutu. The study adopts historical methodology using primary sources such as archival documents and oral interviews and secondary sources which involve the extensive use of published books and dissertation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sabah voters in the 13th Malaysian General Election were considered a Barisan Nasional (BN) "fixed deposit" and Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak had proclaimed that his party would actively work on enhancing this edge to sustain their dominance. Pakatan Rakyat (PR), of the opposition coalition acknowledged the threat and took steps to neutralise it. Initially, the opposition parties believed that they had a fifty percent chance or more to capture Sabah to form both the State and Federal governments and, on reading contemporary discussions in the social media, it is easy to see why. However, the main stream media persisted in promoting the government as a sure winner and, as GE 13 drew nearer, the tide changed to favour BN. This paper determines the strategies and issues that proved to be effective in winning state and parliamentary seats in Sabah.. Further, it investigates the impact of the Suluk incursion in Lahad Datu on the election, seeking to discover how the political parties involved exploited and benefited from this tragic incident. Finally, this paper explores the people who were instrumental in influencing the tide of change in Sabah's GE 13. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the genesis of the migrant workers-based relationships between Malaysia and Bangladesh that commenced in the 1980s and persists to recent days, particularly up to 2022. It provides a delineation of migration-related issues including the establishment of reciprocal relations, the commencement of labour migration to Malaysia, associate expenses, wages and remittance flow and the legitimacy of the worker’s mobility. The research further uncovers the socio-cultural constraints faced by Bangladeshi workers in Malaysia. The enduring connection between Malaysia and Bangladesh dates back to the ancient period characterised by a responsive interplay. Migrant worker issues have emerged as a pivotal aspect of their bilateral ties and were symptomatic with a new bilateral buildout with exercising diplomatic promptness after Bangladesh became an independent country. Employing the historiographic approach as a method, this study synthesises primary and secondary sources such as occasional reports, agreements, newspapers, books and articles. The findings present an empirical account and factual illustration of the reciprocal relationships and their constraints concerning the migration process, financial transactions and legalities of movement. The insights derived from this research would be the source for the policymakers and diplomats enabling them to reshape strategies in light of these perspectives. Additionally, this research paves the way for further studies by addressing gaps in the existing literature on Malaysia-Bangladesh relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the collaboration between the Nigerian press and imperial Britain for the victory of the Allies over Nazi Germany during World War II. Guided by the descriptive-analytic, historical approach, archival sources and information provided by national dailies, which are available at the Nigerian National Archives, Ibadan, as well as secondary sources on the subject were interrogated to produce the work that is embodied in this essay. Against the background of the conventional wisdom that Nigerians were so far away from the war theater that they were indifferent to appeals for self-sacrifice demanded by the war, the study proposes the counter argument that Nigerians made substantial sacrifices which contributed to Allied victory over Nazism. The point is illustrated with the Nigeria Win the War Fund, which was a scheme designed for the purchase of war equipment. It was initiated and sustained by the press, but inaugurated with active government support and encouragement, contrary to the standard notion of frosty government-press relations during the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The declaration ending the Malayan Emergency on 30 June 1960 did not mark the end of the Communist Party of Malaya’s (CPM) objective of making Peninsular Malaysia a Democratic Republic of Malaya. In addition to this continued threat, the British withdrew their military forces from Malaysia in 1967, leaving the nation to fend for itself from both internal and external threats. This situation led the government to strengthen its Security Forces (SF) and military assets. One of the air assets acquired was the medium lift helicopters, Sikorsky S61A-4 Nuri. The capabilities of these aircraft in providing air movement of the troops and supplies made the SF dominate over the CTs. The insurrection of the communist insurgency coincided with the introduction of the Nuri in 1968 where its foreseeable roles were demonstrated during the numerous operations launched by the SF in Peninsular Malaysia (1968-1989). This paper aims to highlight the involvement of the Nuri in Op Gubir 11 (a Unilateral Operation), Op Selamat Sawadee (Combined Operation between Malaysia and Thailand), and Op Bamboo with emphasis on Search and Rescue (SAR) operations. It also discussed the threats and challenges faced by the Nuri crew while operating in hostile and challenging environments. The admirable performance of these workhorses was a contributing towards for the eventual signing of the Peace Agreement between Malaysia and the CPM at Hat Yai, Thailand, on 2 December 1989. Also it’s uses the historical approach and most of the references are based on interview with SF’s personnel and the records of Nuri’s ex-pilots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine that began in 2022 has reached diverse effects and reasons in the system. But Russia deems Ukraine within her sphere of influence and has been infuriated at Ukraine's nearness with the West and her desire to join NATO or the EU. The main purpose of this article is to discuss the multiple effects of the conflict on the global powers and explain how states' national interests and goals have driven their responses in the foreign policy. The main driving point of this article is to focus on the several reasons and effects of Ukraine war that shakes the balance between the global powers in the world and how it disturbs the already existing order. This article will benefit from the perspectives of realism theory when deciphering the causes of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine and the regional and global implications of this conflict in various ways. To reveal the increasing power race within the system, to be able to see the changing balances within the framework of the concept of national interest and to see the impact of the war within the system, the theory of neorealism has been included in the study. This article will focus on three levels of analysis such as individual, state, and systemic in examining the main driving forces behind of Russia and Ukraine conflict. This war was not only occurred between Russia and Ukraine, it has had also created a huge impact on the other regions or international organizations in a different area. Regardless of the outcome of the war in Ukraine, Russia remains the most dangerous, immediate, and long-term threat to the Euro-Atlantic community and rules-based world order. During this study, it will focus on the descriptive theory by using comparison methods and techniques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the inception of the open-door policy in 1978, China has progressively become more integrated into the global economy through trade, foreign direct investment, and, more recently, outward direct investment. This economic integration has gained momentum with initiatives like the 'Go Global' strategy, China's entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, and the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative in 2013. China's economic ascent, coupled with its increasing political influence and military power, prompted the United States (US) to initiate a strategy of rebalancing in the Asia Pacific region, starting with the Bush administration and continuing through the Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations. During the Trump administration, this rebalancing strategy was supported by decoupling strategy, ultimately leading to a trade war with China. Despite its intention to avoid the initiation of a new Cold War and to adopt a more moderate stance towards China, the US-China trade war has evolved further into a tech war under the Biden administration. Given this context, this article aims to outline the primary characteristics of the US economic policy towards China during the Biden administration, comparing it to the Trump administration and assessing its impact on both nations. The central argument of this article is that the primary characteristics of the US economic policy towards China under Biden administration are rebalancing and decoupling, carried over from the policies of the preceding Trump administration, and there are clear signs that these characteristics are deepening. Furthermore, the article demonstrates that the extensive decoupling measures enacted by the US have proven effective in diminishing China's role in global industrial and supply chains, particularly in industries related to semiconductors and chipmaking equipment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Malaysian palm oil industry is a significant contributor towards national development and economic growth. However, the industry has been facing rising tension to ensure sustainable development, as global demand for palm oil continue to grow in the coming years. The necessity for producing and trading sustainably produced palm oil is amplified with the European Union's stringent requirement for importing responsibly sourced commodities into its market, with the aim to achieve climateneutral by 2050. The palm oil industry is also inundated with anti-palm oil campaigns and agendas, which emphasize allegations of unsustainable agricultural practices as large-scale plantations damage the natural ecosystem in producing countries. Collectively, these challenges could pose a formidable impact on the trade of palm oil between Malaysia and the European Union. Therefore, the article seeks to examine the strategic responses undertaken by Malaysian stakeholder agencies to address the regulations pertaining to sustainable production of palm oil. Using a qualitative approach, a total of ten sessions of in-depth interviews were held with expert informants in stakeholder agencies, both in Malaysia and the European Union. Among the key findings were the formulation and implementation of the National Agricommodity Policy, deployment of various missions to the European Union, implementation of Malaysian Sustainable Palm Oil (MSPO) certification as the national sustainability scheme, dissemination of accurate information on sustainable and certified palm oil, and continuous engagement through bilateral and multilateral platforms. Based on the findings, this study suggests that inclusive and transparent engagement must be conducted continuously. Constantly held dialogue sessions will help to promote better understanding and fruitful collaboration among stakeholder agencies in Malaysia and the European Union to balance environmental concerns with trade interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Upon joining the Federation of Malaysia in 1963, Sabah was promised privileges in exchange for protecting the state's interests and rights spelt out in the 20 Points. However, after 60 years in the Federation of Malaysia, Sabah was frequently unsatisfied due to the federal government's failure to meet the agreement. As a result, an anti-federal sentiment in Sabah emerged, urging the state to quit the Federation of Malaysia. With the use of federalism as an analytical tool, together with primary and secondary sources such as interviews, books, journals and newspapers being research data, this article discusses the issues that persist in the 20 Points. This article contended that the federal government has failed to address five major issues, namely (i) the payment of oil royalties, (ii) the financial allocation and development gap, (iii) the immigration and foreigner issues, (iv) Sabah's constitutional status and (v) Borneonisation, which have resulted in anti-federal sentiment in Sabah. The federal government's failure to address the issues created a substantial economic imbalance between Sabah and other states, an influx of illegal immigrants and the Peninsular Malaysians dominating government offices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Violent conflict occurred in Southern Thailand in the year 2004. Since then, there has continued to be a spiral of violence without any sign of abatement. Events such as shooting, ambushing, bombing, arson, kidnapping and threatening letters constantly threaten the local inhabitants and exacerbate tensions between the Patani United Liberation Movement and the Thai government. Despite a pro-active effort by the Thai government and civil interest groups in searching for solutions, there has been no sign of a resolution. Therefore, this paper aims to contribute to this dialogue by exploring the roots of the conflict from the perspective of the ordinary people involved; especially those supporters of the Patani United Liberation Movement. Discussion will focus on the role of violence during the conflict and will also consider suggestions as to a resolution based on non-violent methods using an approach known as conflict transformation within peace and conflict psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the political economy of the state of Perak under colonial rule. It explores how Perak experienced a tremendous transformation in her political and economic structure, one that paved the way for modernization and rapid economic progress. This development was the direct result of Britain's colonial government involvement in Perak's administration. Their intervention broke down many traditional barriers that had long confined Perak's economy to a state of self-reliance, and also managed to integrate her economy with international trends by encouraging foreign investment and utilising cheap labour. These changes brought in new technologies and infrastructure that set the stage for Perak to become one of the most progressive states in Malaya's post-independence history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the critical response of the Christian Right towards the Israel-Palestine conflicts by examining two events: the 2002 Road Map Peace Plan and the Annapolis Conference. It seeks to examine the critical role of the Christian Right in American foreign policy during the George W. Bush administration, with particular regard to Israel and Palestine. It argues that the Christian Right has consistently demonstrated its earnest concern about American foreign policy towards Israel, particularly the present Israel-Palestine conflict resolution. However, the paper seeks to establish that, after 9/11, the Christian Right extended its support for Israel beyond its traditional theological partiality and that such support was offered under a banner of American national security and the War on Terror. However, the study also shows how mainstream evangelicals are often divided in their opinions on the issue of the Christian Right's unequivocal support for Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Via detailed personal interviews, this article canvasses the views of leading Singapore oppositional grassroots activists about the state of play in Singapore politics and likely developments over the next ten to fifteen years. We highlight two internet focused activists who have recently switched political parties. Although strong poll performers in 2011, the Workers' Party of Singapore (WP) has lost three important members from its 2006 campaign - Chia Ti Lik, Goh Meng Seng, and James Gome:. In this paper Goh and Gomez reflect upon their reasons for leaving WP. Goh points to the lack of emphasis placed by the WP upon internet activism which he views as a strategic error In one key respect Gomez differs sign~flcantly in strategy from Goh Gomez argues that Goh's Malay Bureau within the National Solidarity Party (NSP) reflects outdated, old-school politics which can be contrasted sharply with Singapore Democratic Party's (SDP) post-modern multicultural ethos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 19th century, a multifaceted dynamic unfolded among China, Vietnam, and France. France's ambitions to extend colonial control over Vietnam posed a potential threat to China's security and regional stability. This article delves into the historical context, exploring China's diplomatic and military strategies aimed at safeguarding Vietnam from French colonization. By analyzing historical accounts and scholarly sources, the study illuminates China's efforts to preserve Vietnam's sovereignty. Focusing on pivotal events, diplomatic initiatives, and military campaigns undertaken by China, the research sheds light on the perspectives of notable Chinese diplomats, including Zeng Jize, Tang Yanggeng, Chen Baozhen, and Zhang Peilun. The essay underscores China's pivotal role in protecting Vietnam and maintaining regional security concerns. It highlights the intricate nature of managing diplomatic relations with both Vietnam and France, necessitating a delicate balance. Through a comprehensive examination of historical dynamics, this article enriches our understanding of the intricate connections between China, Vietnam, and France during this critical period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1877, the small territory of Muar in the Malay Peninsula was ceded to Maharaja (later Sultan) Abu Bakar of Johor after the death of Sultan Ali Iskandar Shah of Johor. This was done with the connivance and approval of the British Governor and Colonial Office, setting aside the claims of Sultan Ali's son, Tunku Alam. Although presented locally as a triumph for the politicking of the Maharajah, the Muar Succession was a short-lived check to the British forward movement in the Malay Peninsula. This article attempts to explain the reason for this anomaly, and the role of Governor Robinson during the event. The qualitative research was conducted using primary sources like Arkib Negara Malaysia documents, colonial newspapers and Colonial Office files. Contrary to conventional historiography which portrays the British forward movement as linear and inevitable, we show that the personal initiative of the Governor of the Straits Settlements played a crucial role in the development of British policy towards Muar, which would later influence the politics of British colonial administration in the Malay Peninsula in the 19th century. In particular, the personal convictions of Governor Robinson against granting the Maharajah more influence marked the start of hardening colonial attitudes towards the Maharajah, leading to a resumption in British forward policy from the 1880s. The Muar affair would prove to be the exception that proves the rule, where the British experience in nonintervention in the Malay Peninsula provided instead justification for further direct expansion in the name of good administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzed the historical dynamic found in the Kingdom of Banggai, Central Sulawesi, following the issue regarding the reorganization of administrative regions, from the perspective of maritime history. According to the traditional sailing routes in Maluku Sea, as mentioned in Nagarakartagama (1365), Banggai was one of the main ports that played significant role in port-to-port interconnectivity in Eastern Sulawesi. However, the administrative reorganization in 1998's Reformasi had disrupted the kingdom's territorial unit into various New Autonomous Regions (Daerah Otonomi Baru/DOB). Three DOBs were being established, reintroducing the territorial unit as separated units with distinct characteristics. Banggai District was the parent unit in 1960s, with Luwuk chosen as its capital city in the mainland Sulawesi, with an active port that linked local, regional, and international trading routes. Banggai Kepulauan District was established later in 2004, along with its own port, Salakan Port, which served as its capital city as well. In 2013, Banggai Laut District was established, with administrative its area covering the original territory of the kingdom in the 14th century. The kingdom was stellarly noted for its port, serving routes to Gorontalo, Ternate, Buton, and Sula Islands. Within the framework of nation-state formation, such maritime linkage should be noticed in the infrastructural discussion on the nation-state building of Indonesia. The diaspora of the Bugis-Makassar, Buton, Mandar, Bajau, and others arriving from the Eastern Nusantaran Archipelago were bound to the development of Banggai people. The kingdom's tradition and values of life continued to exist and should be further seen as a cohesion within Banggai people, both in social and cultural domains. Therefore, the reorganization of the administrative region in Banggai should not necessarily impair the existing maritime linkage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The advent of British rule in the Malay States was the catalyst of change. Such change invariably resulted in conflicts of interests on the part of the British administrators. This article focuses on one aspect of it: land jobbing, which is defined as speculation by individuals for personal profit. Conducted using qualitative methods, this research utilised a wide range of primary sources including Colonial Office (CO) and Arkib Negara Malaysia (ANM) records, government gazettes, and newspapers. This article looks at two areas. First, incidences of land jobbing involving high officials in the state of Selangor are stated. Secondly, the relationship between Swettenham and land jobbing in Selangor, which was not mentioned by Swettenham in his published writings, is examined. The findings help shed a valuable light upon the strengths and failings of "Indirect Rule" in the Malay States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Towards the second half of twentieth century, the electricity industry in Peninsular Malaysia was gathered in single, nationalized company. The governance structuring strategy to redevelop electricity supply facilities involved every state and the consumer sector that were heavily affected by the Japanese Occupation during World War II causing the need for the expert staff in electrical engineering to be vital. Due to the lack of professional electrical engineers, priority was given to development of human resources involving local staff. This situation then gave opportunity to Malays, to participating in the electricity industry. Up to the early 1940s, Malay participation was limited due to the staff hiring policies of the British, which prioritised expatriates. This article aims to study the human resources management and growth of Malay engineers in the electricity supply services in Peninsular Malaysia from 1949 to 1990. The following discussion uses archival and library research, analysing various primary and secondary sources such as the Colonial Office files, the Annual Reports of the Central Electricity Board (1949-1964), Annual Report National Electricity Board (1965-1990), ministry files, books, and articles. The findings show that the functions and roles played by Malay engineers in electricity supply services grew throughout the 1960s with their success in executive roles, including an increase in the number of those appointed as senior engineers to oversee administrative affairs and development projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of regional alliances in the shaping of Philippines-Malaysia relations. Philippines-Malaysia bilateral relations have been predominantly driven by the Philippines’ Sabah claim. This is a long-held misconception that warrants a reevaluation by considering other driving factors such as regional cooperation, which has played a big part in Philippines-Malaysia relations which is indeed the novelty of this article. A shared vision by Philippine and Malaysian leaders was the key factor in the formation of the ASA and ASEAN. Their involvement in initiating regional cooperation began when President Garcia met Tunku Abdul Rahman, the Malaysia Prime Minister, in Manila in January 1959. This effort led to the formation of the Association of South-East Asia (ASA) in July 1961 which was the first regional body established in Southeast Asia. Garcia and Tunku shared a vision to establish a regional organization to counter communist threats and enhance mutual security in the region. The establishment of ASA has been a factor in the establishment of ASEAN. Through ASEAN, concepts such as musyawarah and muafakat are accepted by the Philippines and Malaysia to resolve the Sabah issue. This article also discusses the geopolitical situation in the region during the 1960s and beyond, influenced by the spread of communist ideology was an important factor for non-communist countries in Southeast Asia to stay united. This article will explore the extent to which commitment to regional alliances such as ASA, MAPHILINDO (Malaysia, Philippines, Indonesia) and ASEAN emerged as driving forces in the development Philippines-Malaysia bilateral relations. Philippines and Malaysia have cooperated in various regional initiatives which have generated many and tremendous mutual benefits. Successful cooperation and collaboration in many areas brought positive impacts and significance in bilateral ties which have been overlooked in other studies. Furthermore, this article also contributes to the understanding that regional cooperation was and is the cornerstone of the Philippines’ and Malaysia’s foreign policy direction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to explain why China-Vietnam relations, which were based on tributary ties, broke down when France conquered Vietnam in the 19th century. As such, it traces the history of China- Vietnam-France relations, particularly on the eve of the French invasion of Vietnam, and explores China’s efforts to defend the country. This study is significant because it sheds light on the history of the French conquest of Vietnam while it was under the Chinese tributary system. For almost a century, China claimed to have power as a presidential state over Vietnam. However, the French did not acknowledge China’s power. Moreover, one by one, the territories of Vietnam were seized and eventually conquered by France. In this study, qualitative content analysis was applied to primary and secondary sources to evaluate the extent to which the tributary system affected and influenced the international external relations between the three countries of the three countries. The study’s findings showed that Vietnam had autonomy in theory but was submissive and willingly under China’s protection regarding its foreign affairs. However, the French did not recognize the tributary system as a foreign relationship, and they continued to mobilise colonial efforts in Vietnam in the mid-late 19th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between American automobile multinational enterprises (MNEs) and British merchant firms in Malaya from the early twentieth century until 1942. American automobile MNEs forged a strategic relationship with British merchant firms in Malaya beginning in the early twentieth century. The "Big Three" automobile MNEs in the United States (US), namely Ford, General Motors (GM), and Chryslerformed dealership agreements with the two largest British merchant firms in Malaya - the Australian Wearne Brothers (for Ford) and the British Borneo Motors Company Ltd (for GM and Chrysler). Although Ford and GM chose to internalise their distribution in the mid-1920s in Singapore and the Dutch East Indies (DEI), respectively, the services of British merchant firms as major distributors of American automobiles in Malaya remained intact throughout the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Southeast Asia is a vast economic region with a total population more than 600 million. The region provides a huge market and opportunity for countries in the region to achieve economic growth. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been proposed by China PDR in 2013 where some of Southeast Asian countries are the recipient of the investment projects including Malaysia and Indonesia. Together with Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity (MPAC), both BRI and MPAC projects aim to improve physical connectivity, institutional connectivity and empowered people-to-people connectivity. This study examines how Malaysia and Indonesia have responded and participated in the BRI and MPAC in the aspect of their maritime connectivity and the development of related infrastructure. The early findings indicated that in comparison with Malaysia, Indonesia has been slow and cautious in embracing the BRI due to inefficiency in infrastructure development, various red tape and long-time anti-Chinese sentiments. The outbreak of coronavirus disease (COVID-19) that has been going back since December 2019 has severely hindered the progress of the maritime connectivity projects in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perlis was seldom in the limelight since it was part of Kedah. From the 14th to 17th century, seven generations of the Kedah Sultanate had thrived in Kota Si Puteh (in Kubang Pasu District) since it was located approximately three miles from the border of Perlis or 18 to 19 miles if the distance is measured from Perlis river to Kuala Perlis beach. This article will discuss the modernisation and socioeconomic development during the reign of Raja Syed Alwi Jamalullail in Perlis between 1905 to 1943. The objectives of this research is to discuss how Raja Syed Alwi managed to restore the economic problems of Perlis once he ascended the throne. The objective of this article is to discuss the socio-economic development during his reign. The methodology of the study is a qualitative method based on historical discipline. This study found that during the reign of Raja Syed Alwi Jamalullail, there was a process of modernisation and some development in socioeconomic aspects. Although in the early stages of his reign he had faced financial issues, he managed to solve those problems, formed the Perlis State Council Meeting and planned some socio-economic developments that led to modernisation for the state of Perlis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Additionally, the chapters in this book also examine the relationship, known as qiaoxing between Chinese overseas and their native communities in terms of family support and the context of Chinese economic modernization. ULASAN BUKU/ BOOK REVIEW The Chinese Overseas in Malaysia in an Era of Change By Danny Wong Tze-Ken, Cheong Kee Cheok & Lee Kam Hing. This chapter, known as "Postscript: China and the Chinese Overseas Today", not only examines the changes that have taken place because of Chinese overseas migration but also suggests that the study of Chinese overseas should redefine their role and perceptions in a broader framework so that Chinese overseas contributions in the country they are loyal to can be understood more precisely by all. [Extracted from the article]

This study shows how the expansion of European capitalism in shipping and maritime trade in Java at the beginning of the modern period did not actually result in a total death of local maritime shipping and trade. What was happening is the process of adaptation of seafarers and local maritime trade. They had to adjust to the new pressing situation following the political and military defeat of the rulers of the port cities on the north coast of Java. This study uses historical perspective by emphasizing on secondary sources to analyze and identify the early modern maritime trade network. Although, it is more like literature review, this study is able to reconstruct the local traders' adaptation in the middle of capitalism expansion. It is known that seafarers and local maritime traders were unable to keep up with competition in the field of shipping technology so they adapted by filling in business spaces that were occupied by European maritime seamen and traders. In addition, another form of adaptation in dealing with European maritime capitalism is the process of marginalization and contraction in the scale of the shipping network of local seafarers in Java. They finally focused more on doing local shipping rather than international and intra-Asian shipping gradually controlled by European maritime capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kampung Baru Archeological Site is situated in Bujang Valley archaeological area and the site is in Kuala Muda, Kedah to be exact. Past excavations conducted in Bujang Valley have discovered a lot of Middle Eastern ceramics and the archaeological sites which had been found in these excavations were dated from 5th to 12th century AD. Middle Eastern ceramics had been produced in Middle East but have been found not only in Middle East but also in Africa, India, Southeast Asia, China and Japan. Most Middle Eastern ceramics found in Southeast Asia and Far East Asia are Blue-Green Glazed ceramics and the archaeological sites where these ceramics had been found usually dated from 8th to 10th century AD. Many Blue-Green Glazed ceramics are believed to be used as container to transport trade goods and finding of these ceramics can be evidence of trade with Middle Eastern countries. This study employed typological and morphological analysis on the Middle Eastern ceramic that have been discovered at this site. The results of this study found that there were 241 shards of Middle Eastern ceramic discovered in Kampung Baru site and dating for these ceramics is from 8th to 10th century AD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The clash between Hindu and Islam keeps them apart, but relatively Malaysia displays a moderate and tolerant model for both believers to live together and respect the mosque and the temple's existence. The embedded Islam and the influence of Hinduism in the past resulted in the fusion of cultural mosaic that knits society. However, a few social deficits are stable tensions that may turn into conflict if they are ill-managed. Thus, the need to create and recreate a platform of integration is essential. The idea of preserving the cultural heritage, including the mosques and temples, the freedom to practice, and other fundamental rights protected by the Constitution, nurture the self-attachment feelings. This article applies a qualitative analysis using secondary data for historical narratives to discuss the social cohesion and reconciliation concepts about the cultural mosaic between Hinduism and Islam. In sum, the Federal Constitution, religious festivals, foods, and places are reconciliation processes to bridge the social cohesion gaps in a multiethnic society, packaged in tourism industries yet politically contested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article applies a conceptual framework that merges interculturalism and cultural intimacy to analyse Malaysian popular music as an expression of everyday-experienced social cohesion amidst the nation-state's ethnically diverse population. It draws on cases of intercultural intimacy found in the production, performance and studio recordings of Malaysian artists and groups with attention paid to Sudirman Arshad and the Alleycats. Sudirman was a Malay artist who became an intercultural pop icon in Malaysia, while the Alleycats (and other groups explored) are a band of non-Malay musicians that appealed to a wide Malay(sian) audience. The cases presented here uncover how Malaysian popular music, specifically from the stage of maturing nationhood during the 1970s and 1980s, provides an important means of intercultural cohesion among its citizens who intersect across various ethnicities, religions and social class. The article analyses aspects of musical production (style, genre, aesthetics) and musical-textual content (lyrics) from studio recordings as well as related contexts of performance (live shows, concerts). The intercultural and affective dynamics of these artists and groups highlight how Malaysian popular music offers intimate, creative expressions that enable processes of everyday-experienced social cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has implications for climate politics. Carbon emissions from states are expected to increase rapidly when the states strive to maximize their production in a post-pandemic world. The two countries that are crucial in combating climate change are China and the US, which are respectively the first and secondlargest carbon emitters in the world. Nevertheless, the growing tensions between these two countries on several issues are hindering the climate cooperation and the implementation of the Paris Climate Agreement. The objective of this article is to explore the evolution of climate change debate between China and the US and to analyse the factors that are likely to shape the climate responses of these two countries in the future. This article argues that without forging cooperation between China and the US combating climate change would be very difficult. This article analyses that China is unlikely to stick on to its Paris emission reduction commitments without the US re-engagement with the Paris Agreement. This article has employed a qualitative methodology in carrying out research collecting data from the primary and secondary sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the history of opium smoking and anti-opium movements in Federated Malay States (FMS). By the end of the 17th century, the Chinese community consituted the majority of opium smokers due to the British and Chinese capitalists greed to gain profits through the rapidly growing opium trading. The emergence of antiopium movements in FMS was triggered by a number of key elements such as the development of anti-opium movement in Britain and China, and the spirit of nationalism among local Malayan Chinese towards their Mainland China which was gradually weakening due to escalating number of opium problems. Spearheaded by Chinese capitalists and a few Europeans, the anti-opium movement was transformed into several anti-opium organizations that carried out various initiatives to suppress the opium smoking habits. This study found that the anti-opium movement in FMS had played an important role in influencing the British government to change its view and policies on trade and smoking opium habit by 1910. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Akwanga division has been a major theater of export crop production and expropriation of other economic resources by the colonial regime, but the Economic History of the area has suffered neglect by scholars in the discipline. This work seeks to examine the evolution of cash crop economy in Akwanga division, north-central Nigeria and the changes brought about by the development. The development of groundnut as a main cash crop in central Nigeria's Akwanga division shall also be explore. The study also analyses establishment of produce marketing boards and their roles as catalyst for the distribution of export produce. The work argues that the development of cash crop economy has coopted the people of Central Nigeria into international economy as primary producers of cash crops. The system did not in any way mechanized the agriculture sector and deliberately eschewed possible avenues for the development of individual cultivators. The Historical research method is used to achieve the objectives of this research; primary and secondary data are consulted for the successful completion of the work. This research argues that the increase in demand of groundnut by European manufacturing industries for the production of soap, cooking oil, and margarine has facilitated its production Akwanga division. The work concludes that compulsory labour, taxes, and British currency were introduced as a strategy conceived by the colonial government to implement cash crop production in the study area. Above all the colonial economy did not mechanized agricultural sector and manufacturing industries were not established in Akwanga division. The development of cash crop Economy has incorporated the people of the area into international market as producers of raw materials needed by the European manufacturing companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Southeast Asia and Europe are key regions for the implementation of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). A comparison of China's attempt to promote the BRI in both regions reveals that China acts both as a norm-setter and norm-taker. Both the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the European Union which established distinct regional governance systems perceive China's growing ability to set norms in their region as a strategic threat. However, the 17+1 (formerly 16+1) cooperation format, established by China in Central and Eastern Europe as an umbrella for its bilateral relations, is embedded in the EU's governance system. In Southeast Asia, China cooperates with the individual governments on a bilateral base, but also utilizes the existing ASEAN infrastructure schemes. The article argues that China needs to be better included in the established international and regional governance mechanisms. It concludes that after mutual compromises of the participants and reforms the New Silk Road could function as a respected framework for multilateral collaboration that complements, but does not replace the existing governance structures and principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ageing and elderly poverty have now become a general phenomenon that is influencing population structure and economic development worldwide as well as having a great impact in particular on dependency ratio and the labour market. One of the countries that is experiencing a sharp increase in its ageing population is Taiwan, and consequently, this has heavily affected the country's economy and labour force market. In Taiwan, there is almost a quarter century of life span for the ageing after 60, and thus it is crucial for the ageing to learn and plan a better life in the final stage in order to continue with their life productively and independently. As the elderly are now living longer, they must be able to work longer in order to maintain financial independence in their old age. Hence, faced with longevity of life and better health, it becomes a requisite for the government to empower active ageing in Taiwan's labour market. An alternative and creative career reconstruction for the ageing can be arranged by combining work contribution, volunteering assistance, and learning for pleasure. Simply put, turning elderly burden into an active work force should become an important ageing policy in Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The activities of terrorist movements like the Boko Haram and the Al-Shabab in recent times have dealt a hefty blow to the collective stability of the African continent and its multi-pronged socio-economic fortunes. The ensuing debacles and the varying inundating levels of ignominy and infamy wreaked on Africa by these groups have spontaneously elicited reactions from the global community over the years. Though steady progress has been made in this regard, the swinging and vacillating strategies of the sect to adopting unconventional mediums to carrying out domestic and transnational attacks leaves much to be desired. Relying on secondary data, this study undertakes a comparative analysis of the Boko Haram and Al-Shabab. Through a review of existing documents, this article argues in line with policy ramifications that, in as much as policy homogeneity may be essential, and perhaps a sine qua non-alternative to be relied on in the quest for the fight against these anti-social incendiary sects, there is still less fruitful outcome and therefore necessitates the need for further policy options. In conclusion, the research equally entreats a neck turn consideration of experimenting with individual countryspecific policy options as a way to fight terrorism, all within a much stronger broader international community framework. Until this is considered, terrorism may remain an albatross around the neck of Africa, and the international community whiles the fight becomes a façade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Small Claims Courts of Indonesia and Philippines conducted hearings for speedy disposition of cases where defendant failed to meet obligations on loan. The litigation does not need legal counsel, thus it is low cost and has jurisdiction over civil cases. Indonesia's high percentage of judgment default of the corporation plaintiff defeats the goal of assisting the poor and marginalized sectors of society. On the other hand, in the Philippines, the large number of compromised agreement is an indicator of meeting the goal of assisting the poor. Arriving at a compromise requires efforts and time in negotiations that results in the reduction of payment rates and in an instalment mode of repayment. The inclusion of writ of execution to litigate default of payment is commendable while in Indonesia parties have no legal mechanism to enforce default payment of the defendant which is a weakness or limitation of legal procedure. The issues that need to be addressed by both countries include lack of public information and the strict implementation of usury law against exorbitant interest rates. Indonesia's extrajudicial settlement and writ of execution need to be included in the Small Claims mechanism. The absence of writ execution renders the result useless. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]