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One often reads that popular written medias bare a special responsibility in the linkage between migration and security. The argument is that medias often (if not always) portray the movement of people as negative; thus, fostering a sense of threat and insecurity. As well, scholars have argued that medias have created a "migration crisis" inducing the securitization of migration in Western countries. In addition, several senior analysts/bureaucrats interviewees for this study have ranked media as a highly significant actor in the process of securitizing migration. In fact, the argument is often presented with such a level of ubiquitousness that it is rarely unpacked. Yet, I demonstrate in this paper that such a conclusion is grossly incomplete. Proceeding within a sociological constructivist perspective, I have investigated editorials of two major newspapers in Canada and France between 1989 and 2005 to show that the role of media varies considerably within and across cases. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Configurations of social actors networks engaged in the fight for an alternate globalization continue to vary across places. Even if global mobilisations, such as the World Social Forum, facilitate the production of transnational mobilisations and some convergences between social movements across the world, marked differences still exist between them. By analysing networks of social actors engaged against neo liberal globalisation in two countries (France and Canada) and four places (Paris, Marseille in France, Ontario and Quebec in Canada), we show that these differences are linked with key factors such as the genealogy of alter- globalization movement in each context and the way it was embedded in local political dynamics; the nature of the relationships between actors and different level of governance (local; national or supranational or international). Building on the notion of political space and the recent literature in geography, the first part of the paper will expose the three political spaces of alter-globalization movements found in Canada and France and the specific relationships each of these spaces has with global events and mobilisations. In the second part of the paper we will analyse in more details the political dynamics that explained most of these differences, considering both the history of social movements building processes till the middle of the eighties and more recent contexts of mobilizations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary Canada is widely seen as a symbol of multiculturalism. Within the Canadian federation, however, contemporary Quebec is seen as a symbol of the endurance of nationalism. The purpose of this paper is to shed new light on this contradiction, informed by a sociohistorical analysis of the international origins of La Nouvelle France and the Canadian state. Building on the theory of social-property relations, the analysis will reconstruct the initial laboratory of the Canadian state through an analysis of the clash between two property regimes: capitalist England and absolutist France. Recasting the political dynamic generated by this act of birth, the analysis will conclude by bringing a speculative new light on contemporary Canadian multiculturalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]