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Background During the 1990s, inequalities in smoking prevalence by socioeconomic status (SES) have widened in Europe. Since then, many tobacco control policies have been implemented. Yet, European overviews of recent trends in smoking inequalities are lacking. This paper aims to provide an overview of longterm trends of socioeconomic inequalities in smoking cessation in Europe. Methods We used data for 11 countries taken from Eurobarometer surveys from 1987 to 1995 and 2002- 2012, with a total study sample of 63 737 respondents. We performed multilevel logistic regression to model associations of the quit ratio (proportion former smokers of ever smokers) with SES, measured by education and occupation separately, with adjustments for age, sex and time. Results We found a significant, positive association for education and occupation with the quit ratio. The strength of the association decreased slightly from 1987 to 1995 and increased again from 2002 to 2012. Inequalities increased between the two periods in most countries and decreased in only one country. While in 1987-1995, the quit ratio increased among all SES groups and most strongly among the low SES group, in 2002-2012 it increased only among the high-education group (OR=1.38, 95% CI 1.02 to 1.87), and nonmanual occupation group (OR=1.59, 95% CI 1.19 to 2.12). Conclusions Socioeconomic inequalities in smoking cessation rates have strongly increased since the 1990s and during the 2000s. This suggests that the tobacco control policies implemented during the 2000s have not been able to counter the trend in increasing inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

England was the first European country to pursue a systematic policy to reduce socio-economic inequalities in health. This paper assesses whether this strategy has worked, and what lessons can be learnt. A review of documents was conducted, as well as an analysis of entry-points chosen, specific policies chosen, implementation of these policies, changes in intermediate outcomes, and changes in final health outcomes. Despite some partial successes, the strategy failed to reach its own targets, that is, a 10% reduction in inequalities in life expectancy and infant mortality. This is due to the fact that it did not address the most relevant entry-points, did not use effective policies and was not delivered at a large enough scale for achieving population-wide impacts. Health inequalities can only be reduced substantially if governments have a democratic mandate to make the necessary policy changes, if demonstrably effective policies can be developed, and if these policies are implemented on the scale needed to reach the overall targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives To explore similarities and differences in policy content and the political context of the three main English government reports on health inequalities: the Black Report (1980), the Acheson Enquiry (1998), and the Marmot Review (2010). Methods Thematic policy and context analysis of the Black Report (1980), the Acheson Enquiry (1998), and the Marmot Review (2010) in terms of: (i) underpinningtheoretical principles; (ii) policy recommendations; (iii) the political contexts in which each was released; and (iv) their actual or potential influence on research and policy. Results There were great similarities and very few differences in terms of both the theoretical principles guiding the recommendations of these reports and the focus of the recommendations themselves. However, there were clear differences in terms of the political contexts of each report, as well as their subsequent impacts on research and policy. Conclusion The paper calls into question the progress of health inequalities research, the use of evidence and of the links between research, politics and policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]