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The South African Basic Education System does little to provide skills, needed to survive outside the schooling system, for those who do not wish to pursue post-secondary school education. The education system produces secondary school graduates who are poised, as content carriers and an un-employable labour force. A research question grappled with in this paper is whether this secondary school curriculum design inherited from the colonial formal education system is beneficial for South African learners? The paper argues that the continuation of the provision of this curriculum is tantamount to contributing very little to the national educational strategic goals of creating a skilled workforce needed to run the South African economy. Additionally, this also contributes to the exacerbation of the unemployment in South Africa. From a decolonial point of view, the paper provides a comprehensive overview of the basic education curriculum from the colonial period until the contemporary period and shows how it has contributed to huge numbers of jobseekers visa-versa employees and subservient of the curriculum design and schooling system. Methodologically, this paper is informed by a qualitative research approach in the form of document review. The research revealed four major important elements in decolonization of the school curriculum namely; history lesson, social justice and self-determination, formulation and execution of the protection of indigenous knowledge systems and promoting the significance of indigenous languages and use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between Australia's Indigenous and settler colonial systems of democracy through the lens of deliberative systems theory. It suggests that the ongoing effects of colonialism have rendered Indigenous democracy largely invisible causing a harmful divide in Australia's democracies. A pluralist conception of democracy is necessary to understand the disconnect between the two systems, evidenced by a striking absence of literature on Australian Indigenous democracy. In response, this paper first theorizes a conceptual framework of a concurrent deliberative system, then describes the Indigenous deliberative system and the colonial system's efforts to eliminate Indigenous democracy. Against this theoretical and empirical background, it considers whether the recent referendum for an Indigenous Voice to Parliament was just a colonial legacy or represented a pathway towards a shared postcolonial democratic future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Printing technologies that arrived in Laos with French colonialism (1893-1945) facilitated the Lao manuscript culture by introducing new writing tools and writing support. When storing and categorizing manuscripts in a repository, librarians began using new technologies such as writing tools and paper labels as well as the Roman alphabet to encode pronunciations for vernacular titles of anisong manuscripts. Monk-preachers began using pen to correct sermonic texts written on palm leaves. Affiliation markers in the precolonial as well as colonial periods were written mostly in the modern script, since monastic lay assistants--who were sometimes responsible for transporting and storing manuscripts in the monastic library--were illiterate in the Dhamma script. Since the modern Lao script was available in modern printing machines, there was a gradual decrease in the use of the traditional Dhamma script. The modern Lao script was thus used to compensate for the dwindling knowledge of the Dhamma script and to accommodate those who could not read the traditional script but were still part of the manuscript culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

History is a political tool. It is a tool of power either to the exploited or to the exploiters based on the narration of it. Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe's Things Fall Apart witnesses the pre-colonial, under-colonial and post-colonial phases of Igbo society, a territory that represents colonized Africa or to some extent, all the colonized societies. This paper aims at illustrating the tools and the means incorporated to strengthen the base of imperialist interests marginalizing the historical narratives of the local "other" people. Therefore, this study explores the tools, like religion, education and administration, and the means, like the church, missionary and administrative system which are used by the colonial rulers to prevail hegemony in the novel. To this end, Edward Said's Orientalist Discourse and French Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser's article "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses" in which he has discussed discourse of State Apparatuses like Ideological State Apparatus and Repressive State Apparatus which will constitute the cornerstone of this study. Thus, this paper will contribute and enrich the existing African, Caribbean and postcolonial literatures and come up with a new approach - Things Fall Apart: Tracing the Tools and Means of Constructing Colonial Historiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A multitude of educational programs attempt to facilitate young people's engagement with ideas and practices of active citizenship. For young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander or Indigenous people in Australia, such interventions are often subject to complex experiences of senses of belonging and non-belonging. This paper responds to calls from researchers to develop better understandings of young Indigenous people's own senses and practices of belonging and to better understand the ways in which these perspectives and practices are spatially influenced at the level of local communities, 'country' and cultural groupings, and within larger state, national or transnational settings. Their testimonies illustrate the tensions that young Indigenous people must navigate in a settler colony that has never truly recognised Indigenous sovereignty but show that sovereignty remains intact. Focus groups were conducted with 58 young Indigenous people in Melbourne and regional Victoria who were participating in an Indigenous youth leadership program designed to foster formal and informal active citizenship practices, and to nurture a strong, affirming sense of Indigenous identity. The testimonies of these participants provide valuable insights into educational sites as spaces in which young people experience a spectrum of weak to strong senses of belonging. They also provide insights into the possibilities of engaging the challenges faced by many young Indigenous people in educational settings, challenges that include race discordance and exclusion, deficit discourses and gaps and distances in educational practice. They highlight the need to recognise the aspirations of young Indigenous people and the capacities of colonial education systems to meet them, and the imperative to celebrate young Indigenous identities in meaningful, non-tokenistic ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars examining racial stereotyping and prejudice in racially organised social systems have largely focused on how non-White ethnic and racial groups experience racial stereotyping in White-majority national contexts such as the US, Australia and European countries. There is only scant scholarship on experiences of ethno-racial communities in Black-majority countries such as South Africa, a country where Whites are a minority. Even though there is ample scholarly work on racial stereotyping of racial groups in South Africa such as Coloured people, much of it is focused on their experiences during colonial and Apartheid eras. Little is understood about how Coloured people experience racial stigmatisation in post-Apartheid South Africa. This paper addresses this gap. Based on interviews with fourteen Coloured participants from Westbury, Johannesburg, this study found that many interviewees claimed that Coloured South Africans were negatively racially stereotyped as people who use drugs, as aggressive and violent people, as alcoholics and as criminals. Many participants also resisted and countered the negative stereotypes by talking about Coloured people in positive ways, which shows their agency. The negative stereotyping of Coloured people which prevailed during colonial and Apartheid times is still deployed by society to describe Coloured people in post-Apartheid South Africa. To capture the continuity of negative stereotyping in South Africa about Coloured people, I developed the analytical term of 'perpetual racial stereotyping'. Many decades after the end of the Apartheid system, negative racial stereotyping of Coloured South Africans still continues in everyday life, and Coloured people are still associated with racist prejudices, narratives, discourses and stereotypes that were invented many decades ago by settler colonialism and Apartheid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the ways in which critical reflection, a model for critical incident debrief within social work, is an act of abolition pedagogy and social work which confounds settler colonialism and carceral logics which pervade this profession as well as educational/learning environments. Theoretically grounded in the abolition thinking of Angela Davis and Mariane Kaba, this paper argues that opportunities to unpack binaries and hidden assumptions through collective learning are opportunities to unpack the ways in which Foucault's Panopticon Effect is unwittingly internalised and reproduced within 'helping' professions and at the micro level. In addition, an intersectional, critical autoethnographic exploration of a personal experience in a critical reflection group is interwoven throughout. I contend that the integration of these 'selves' serves as a reminder that use of self in its most authentic form has the potential to challenge and confound the constructed separation between personal and professional that attempts to depoliticise all realms of our lives and relegate our primary duties to that of working and consuming. As a site of potential transformation and liberation, critical reflection's alignment with abolition stands in direct contrast to neoliberal educational structures often focused on individualism, credentials, surface learning, and brevity. Finally, CRoP provides a site for abolition social work and pedagogy to take root in its capacity to foster an unrestrained imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper examines Nadine Gordimer's The Conservationist (1974) in order to present a postcolonial reading of it in light of Homi K. Bhabha's ideas. It firstly discusses the significance of this novel and its narrative style, along with its context (Apartheid and the Zulu culture). Then it examines the central characters (Mehring and Jacobus) with the help of Bhabha's key concepts of hybridity and mimicry. The paper analyzes the relationship between the foreign white master, Mehring, and his native black servants, and underlines that the displaced colonial subjects (such as Jacobus) can, through mimicry, defy the oppression of imperial hegemony from within. In the text of Gordimer's novel we can witness the formation of new cultural hybrids. It is characteristic of Gordimer's fiction to reflect upon interactions between European and indigenous cultures. It is also argued that the funeral at the very end of the novel is in fact a transformation; for one, it brings about a change of focus and the readers shall end the novel bearing the memory of the black man in their minds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to explore Sahrawi women's experiences of maternity within the Sahrawi liberation struggle, framing it as both an individual and a collective act of resistance against the occupation of Western Sahara. Rooted in the pronatalist politics of the Sahrawi liberation front's (Polisario), it investigates how Sahrawi women approach biological reproduction as part of a minority group. Choices of biological reproduction among Sahrawis are inscribed within a history of occupation and refuge that, together with colonialism and nationalism, also shape Sahrawi women's agency in navigating the socio-political dimensions of reproduction. This paper critically engages with an increasing number of humanitarian interventions in reproductive health, exploring the balance between addressing health concerns and the potential imposition of Western perspectives on biological reproduction. Empirical evidence highlights Sahrawi women's adaptive strategies within in response to changing realities, emphasising the intricate interplay between reproductive autonomy, collective resistance, and identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of obscenity in colonial India is a multifaceted and complex subject that intertwines notions of morality, culture, law, and power dynamics. Obscenity, defined as material that is offensive or morally repugnant, was a contested terrain during the colonial period as it is now, reflecting the clash between what was claimed as indigenous traditions and the values imposed by British colonial authorities. Notions of Victorian morality played a huge role in conditioning a section of Indian society to apply similar standards in India. This paper explores the nuances of obscenity in colonial India, examining its manifestations, the responses it elicited, its implications for society, and mainly its contestations in the legal arena. By looking at the obscenity trials of Sadat Hasan Manto and Ismat Chughtai, this paper will also try to highlight the complexities of the artistic process, which was often at loggerheads with forces that tried to regulate and reshape what was socially and culturally permissible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deliberates on the re-positioning of Africa to combat the negative impact of the coloniality of knowledge by the West. It shows how this epistemic injustice, designed for the mental subjugation of Africans has relegated Africans to the backwaters of intellectual and socio-political developments. To reverse this unwieldy situation and re-position Africa as a legitimate partner in the global arena of competing cultures, the paper argues for a genuine decoloniality and de-westernization of knowledge systems in the continent. In view of this important goal, it advocates for the integration and reinforcement of African indigenous epistemic orientation in African research and studies as encouraged by the demands of Afrocentric epistemology – an emancipatory decolonial intellectual approach that asserts the legitimacy of the African order of knowledge as a valid frame of reference in intellectual inquiry. It argues that the imperative for such commitments to Afrocentrism in African scholarship resides in the need to effectively contain the threats of coloniality of knowledge in the continent as well as ensure the re-invention of Africa, where Africans can assert themselves intellectually and psychologically, breaking the bounds of mental colonization. It concludes that Afrocentric epistemology has the capacity to push the bounds of the new wave of African revolution against the mental coloniality of knowledge. The expository and critical methods of research are adopted in the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the intersection of cheetah ecology, human wildlife conflict (HWC), settler colonialism, and private land ownership in Namibia. Cheetahs' ecological adaptation(s) in Namibia point to the need for a fuller picture of the permutations of conservation and conservation NGOs in Africa. In the case of Namibia, cheetahs' ecological adaptations to interspecies threats have shaped their territory to be primarily on private commercial farms where they cause HWC. While cheetahs cause HWC on commercial farms and farming communities in Namibia writ large, HWC itself is not the conflict discussed in this research. Rather, HWC is the catalyst for what this paper will analyze to be a conflict between two private sector industries—commercial farming and cheetah conservation. After thirteen months of ethnographic fieldwork in Namibia, this case study suggested diverse politics are at work within the NGOs conservation intervention policies at global, national, and local scales. This research identified a theoretical and conceptual fissure which led to an anomaly in the field of political ecology. This paper will argue HWC is an organizing structure in the business of saving cheetahs. The NGOs studied in Namibia are a service-based industry. They invest in both tangible and intangible conservation services rather than market-based participatory approaches, ecosystem services, and/or economic development. This is illustrative of a shift from market-based conservation to a service-based approach and calls for widening the political ecology lens to account for other cases of NGOs' on-the-ground conservation business practices in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the purpose and development of the journal Ethnic & Racial Studies. The journal was created to provide a dedicated space for publishing discussions about key books and articles in the field of race and ethnic studies. The current issue includes papers on topics such as the changing meanings of race and conviviality, the use of graffiti and murals as a form of resistance in Palestine, and fan racism in sports. The issue also features two book symposia, one on Michèle Lamont's book "Seeing Others" and another on Ali Meghji's book "A Critical Synergy." The journal aims to continue publishing research papers, book symposia, and book reviews in future volumes. [Extracted from the article]

This paper explores how culture, religion, gender, and the politics of knowledge production were entangled in the mission, policies, and practices of the Asian University for Women (AUW) in Bangladesh. The article contributes to documenting how decolonisation efforts in women's education and empowerment play out in an institution located in the periphery and established with an explicit mission for women's empowerment. The article critically looks at the (sometimes) contradictory discourses, desires, and agencies at the student, community, staff, and institutional levels, along with the power dynamics and reproduction of colonial and postcolonial practices and legacies in the context of operationalising gender and development (GAD), highlighting the paradoxes and challenges that arise from such endeavours. Finally, this case study highlights how pedagogies of community building at the institutional level become integral in responding to such tensions and conflicts and in countering the alienation from culture and religion that global practices of GAD often create. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While existing scholarship has demonstrated that the experiences of international students in Western contexts are shaped by colonial power relations undergirding higher education internationalization, there remains a dearth of a comprehensive and nuanced perspective on international students’ relationships to colonial forms of power. To address the research gap in question, this paper proposes the development of a power-conscious framework to elucidate the international student–colonial power entanglement. Developed through a systematic literature review, the framework foregrounds three interrelated themes – subjugation, submission, and subversion – capturing the multifaceted interplay between international students and colonial forms of power. By emphasizing the complexities of the interplay, the framework challenges static portrayals of international students vis-à-vis colonial forms of power, highlighting the dynamics among the students’ vulnerability to, complicity in, and potential to resist the paradigm of otherness rooted in colonial forms of power. The framework also underscores the importance of situating inquiries on international students within the broader context of the lived realities of marginalized communities in settler colonial states, emphasizing the need to critically examine the responsibilities and agency of international students in unsettling ongoing colonial legacies of domination and oppression. Based on the development of the power-conscious framework, this paper contributes to advancing a transformative understanding of international student experiences and the (im)possibilities of engaging with internationalization in a more equitable and inclusive manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to disrupt hegemonic ideas in transboundary water governance literature about rivers and borders being fixed and rigid. I argue that rivers are sites of uneven experiences not only in terms of access and use, but also in the way they are experienced as ‘borders’ by different communities, reflecting wider settler colonial dynamics and legacies. On the Yarmouk Tributary of the Jordan River, the river environments are borderised and territorialised in very unequal ways by nation‐states and through bilateral river basin agreements. Through paying attention to how river‐border environments have been transformed and how they function, this paper explores how the border is experienced and navigated in three border environments on the Yarmouk. This paper complicates the river‐as‐border scholarship by attending to how river borders are environments which are experienced differently by communities living in them through different forms of infrastructural and slow violence. Centring slow violence in this analysis offers a window into unexamined social worlds and experiences, showing how infrastructures on the border become environments and not just banal assemblages of pipes and pumps separate from people and land. It also presents an original contribution to examine transboundary river politics in the Jordan River Basin from the vantage points of the communities that continue to re‐configure ways to forge and mend relations with the river and border environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an exploration of possible journeys towards freedom from colonial states of mind. These inner worlds are the distorting forms of self‐observation brought about by living under oppressive conditions, and includes those associated with colonialism itself, and also coloniality, the enduring legacy left behind by colonial regimes. Fanon describes the effect of colonialism on subjectivity as creating "a zone of nonbeing" and suggests freedom from it requires internally "an authentic upheaval." This paper draws the parallels between Fanon's zone of nonbeing and states of mind untethered from the shackles of colonial definition. These states, akin to reverie are potentially the place from which the quest for a new authenticity of being might be found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By 1865 British Imperial governments had accepted that colonial courts had the authority to invalidate colonial statutes which contravened the relevant colony's constitution. This situation arose notwithstanding the lack of any express grant of such jurisdiction to colonial courts in Imperial or colonial legislation. This paper evaluates the first instance of a colonial court asserting that jurisdiction, during the Dog Act crisis in Van Diemen's Land (Tasmania) in the 1840s. Part one of the paper charts the background to, conduct of and judgment in the relevant litigation. The second part, which will appear in a future issue of this journal, explores the consequential attempts of the colony's Governor to remove the judges from office and to re-enact the invalidated colonial law. The suggestion made is that the Dog Act controversy provides considerable insight into how, despite the absence of any explicit statutory grant of such jurisdiction, the power of judicial review of colonial legislation by colonial courts became established as an orthodox element of British colonial constitutional law in the latter nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the separation of church and state in the Philippines during the early American colonial period, contextualizing it within the process of American overseas expansion and considering it as one of the projects of imperial hegemony construction. After the Spanish–American War, the United States substituted Spain as the new colonial ruler of the Philippines, legitimizing its regime as the spread of 'civilization' to the Filipinos. On this basis, the Americans enacted laws guaranteeing religious freedom and introduced an American-style institution dealing with church–state relations. Beyond the legal and administrative initiatives, the new regime also constructed an official narrative of the transformation of political–religious relations in the Philippine that emphasized the absolute 'difference' between the American human rights principle, which guaranteed freedom of worship, and the Spanish theocracy, which was dedicated to the consolidation of privileges. By legislating the separation of church and state, buying up church properties, recognizing the equality of denominations, and constructing the official imperial narrative of church–state relations, the Americans hoped to 'teach' Filipinos that the 'true' belief was rooted in the inner convictions of individual Christians, not in the authority and coercion of the hierarchical church. By disciplining the construction of 'difference' under tutelary colonialism, the separation of church and state movement initiated by the American colonial government in the Philippines became an important source of imperial self-endowed legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paul refers to peace twice in Phil. 4:7 and 4:9. This paper argues that the peace of God is a prefiguration of the eschatological peace to come in God's world. It is be proposed that as Philippians is dealing with a social order (i.e., that of life in Christ) that is distinct from the dominant social order of the Roman empire or that of the colony of Philippi, political implications are at the very least a corollary of what Paul is writing to the Christ devotees in this city. The main points that will be argued are that peace is best understood as a key dimension for God's upcoming new world that is already present "in Christ". The Philippian community is called upon to stand firm in Christ (Phil. 4:1), which is, due to devotional and ethical practices, to result in the experience of God's peace or the God of peace. This must be understood as both a present and a future reality. Accordingly, the Philippian community can be seen as prefiguring God's future world by inhabiting this world now already in their communal life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the issue of translating genderisms from Uzbek into English. It investigates and compares the approaches taken by both native and foreign translators to address this issue through a case study based on Uzbek author Abdulhamid Sulaymon o’g’li Cho’lpon’s unfinished dilogy, Night and Day. Originally written between 1933 and 1934 and translated into English by native translators Muminov and Khamidov in 2014 and foreign translator Fort in 2019, Cho’lpon’s work was specifically chosen, because it depicts women's repression in the male hegemonic cultures of Central Asian countries during the nineteenth century, particularly in the Uzbek context during the colonial period. Based on both the content analysis (CA) and critical discourse analysis (CDA), the researchers extracted the genderisms in the source text (ST) and compared them to their representation in the target text (TT). The CDA results revealed that genderisms in the ST manifest themselves in women's reliance on men, the limitations on their independence, their low status and powerlessness, and their abusive treatment and threats by men. Analysis of the translations showed that native translators mostly omitted genderisms in translation, attempting to protect their culture by avoiding the introduction of negative views of their nation. On the other hand, the foreign translator kept the genderisms in the TT, trying to realize the author's original goal of using genderism to encourage independence and selfconfidence in women. The results of this study serve to reduce the problems of expressing gender representation in translations from many Turkic languages into English. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the impacts of using Indigenous Young Adult Literature with teacher candidates at a liberal arts university to develop their competence in Indigenous topics and issues. Research on the use of young adult literature for examining race, culture, and equity has shown the efficacy of the genre in supporting student learning in teacher education programs. The present study expands on this work and explores the use of Indigenous authored texts to support learning and understanding of the issues, identities, and experiences particular to Indigenous Peoples with attention to both historical and contemporary forms of settler colonialism. Through the analysis of 26 student interviews and an array of classroom artifacts, including student writing, class discussion notes, visual art projects, and reflective memos, students provided crucial insights into the need for deeper engagement with Indigenous topics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The settler nature of Québécois society makes it a distinct case of minority nationalism. Québec's claim of self‐determination is necessarily more complex and intricately woven with parallel claims from the Indigenous peoples of the territory. This paper argues, first, that Québécois society holds significant obligations toward Indigenous peoples reflected in the commitments made in the historical French treaties and second, that the normative principles embedded in those treaties should be used to transform the relationships it holds with Indigenous peoples and Québec's nationalist project itself. Overall, the paper suggests that Québécois nationalism needs to move away from settler colonialism by considering more seriously the shared nature of the territory it purports to have sovereignty over and by upholding the principles that allowed settlers to stay on the land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debate on the concept of gender in postcolonial studies is extremely complex and involves a variety of theoretical and practical perspectives. Postcolonial studies has shown the connection between gender identity, colonial power, and decolonisation processes. This paper will explore the social construction of gender in colonial contexts, the way in which colonial practises have influenced gender dynamics, and the struggles for resistance and freedom in which women and gender-nonconforming people have engaged in postcolonial countries. The issue will be raised of how gender is interpreted and experienced in different cultures and social contexts. Furthermore, the analysis of colonisation and decolonisation processes will provide a starting point to understand how gender hierarchies have been built and criticised in postcolonial contexts, leading to the development of the most recent ecofeminist and decolonial perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout history, empires have promised perpetual peace and justice for all; however, they have constantly bathed in blood while expanding their colonies and control. This paper intends to explore the theological concept of peacemaking from the experiences of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) and the Presbyterian Church in the Republic of Korea (PROK), both of which suffered from U.S. (neo)colonialism. It also aims to study how we can live faithfully amidst the empire by decolonizing theology and the church. To achieve this, I will begin by reviewing the concept of peace as proclaimed by empires, from the Roman to the American, and contrast it with the biblical concept of peace. This will be followed by analyzing and evaluating the impact of the received colonial American Protestant cultures and the churches' responses to the colonial gospel. The final part will propose peace as a way of peacemaking amid the empire. This paper suggests that the concept of peacemaking is essential to decolonizing theology, particularly the theology of sallim (life-giving). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the Groundnut Scheme, a postwar colonial development project in East Africa infamous for its catastrophic failure. It examines the plans made by British state managers and the Scheme's planners at both the United Africa Company and the Overseas Food Corporation to transform African colonial subjects into stabilized wage-labourers. The paper seeks to understand this social transformation in the context of the contradictory nature of capitalist social relations. This is achieved by using Marx's concept of primitive accumulation: the separation of the worker from their means of subsistence. The paper focuses on two aspects of this process. Firstly, the creation of remote villages for the Scheme's workers, physically separating them from traditional support structures. Secondly, the creation of a new gendered division of labour that would have transformed the homelife of the Scheme's workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the Fascist Colonial Institute (ICF) of Bologna as a local space in which fascist ideals of empire, gender and class collided and were reproduced. Founded shortly before Italy's invasion of Ethiopia in 1935, the ICF served to transmit colonial consciousness to the Italian people, and, most especially, to young middle-class women. Analysis of the local Bolognese ICF, however, reveals a more complex reality. Courses designed to create fascist imperialists out of middle-class women and forge a ruling settler class for the colonies evidence that the institute used the empire as a tool to shore up gender norms in fascist Italy. The author argues that an unintended outcome of these courses was that the ICF became a space of limited freedom and of social and professional mobility for its young women participants. In addition to learning transgressive skills, these women took advantage of their affiliation with the institute, using it as a springboard for further employment opportunities. The paper is based on a rich collection of sources from the Bolognese branch of the ICF, held in the Museo Civico del Risorgimento di Bologna in the Archivio dell'Istituto Fascista dell'Africa Italiana – Sezione di Bologna. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the graphic choices in two sixteenth-century Nahua pictorials concerning the property distribution of don Miguel Damián after his death: Mexicain 34 and Ayer 1900. The uniqueness of these complementary documents has been unrecognized until now and helps us see the Central Mexican colonial testamentary tradition in a new light. The work on these documents so far has primarily focused on understanding their relationship to the Spanish will. But thinking about them also in relation to Aztec and colonial Nahua accounting documents can help us explain why testaments were so quickly and widely adopted by colonial Nahuas. The paper also shows how a careful visual analysis of these documents offers us a peek into the interstitial spaces generated by the conquest, spaces in which modes of recording, family structures, and expressive choices capture lived experiences in the process of radical cultural change between a Prehispanic past and a colonial reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines ecological practices at the Palestine Museum of Natural History in Bethlehem, West Bank. Through an analysis of the museum's botanical gardens, the article explores what it calls 'biodiverse futures' as a spatio‐temporal alternative to the ecological domination of settler colonialism in Israel/Palestine. While much scholarship has focused on the environmental imaginaries that have informed colonial conquest in Palestine, this paper draws attention to the ways in which these relationships extend into constructions of the future. Combining the literature on environmental violence with the literature on futurity and decolonisation, this article develops an approach that foregrounds the relevance of 'ecological temporalities' in examining alternatives to settler futures in Israel/Palestine. To date, only a limited number of contributions have examined environmentalism as a powerful discursive tool for constructing the future. The case of the museum gardens highlights three interrelated aspects of the production of ecological counter‐futures: futures as knowledge, futures as (bio)diversity, and futures as survival. Drawing on ethnographic material and interviews with museum staff and volunteers, this paper contributes to the study of the temporalities of environmental violence and ecological resistance in Israel/Palestine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2013, after extensive consultations with stakeholders, the African Union (AU) adopted Agenda 2063 to address underdevelopment and coloniality in Africa. Agenda 2063 is a continental strategic framework that seeks to attain inclusive economic growth, integration, peaceful Africa, and self-determination and is underpinned by Pan-Africanism. Pan-Africanism is an ideology set to attain national liberation, economic independence, and a united African continent. Therefore, Agenda 2063 seeks to attain the objectives of Pan-Africanism and calls for Africa's right to development. However, as per the Second Continental Report on the Implementation of Agenda 2063 (2022), there is minimal implementation of Agenda 2063's First Ten-Year Implementation Plan (2014-2023) by AU members. Therefore, the paper seeks to critically analyse Agenda 2063 as a continental development programme. The analysis is twofold: on the one hand, it determines whether the aspirations of Agenda 2063 are realistic and attainable; on the other hand, it determines whether the implementation of Agenda 2063 will lead to attainment of Pan-Africanism. The paper uses a qualitative and analytical-explanatory approach to collect data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on ethnographic research with Māori women in northern Aotearoa (New Zealand) I use this paper to encourage reflection on how the loss and damages (L&D) discourse might better engage with Indigenous peoples' lived realities of climate change. I argue L&D scholarship and policy-making is dominated by reductive economic, hazard-focussed, and fatalistic framings of climate impacts and adaptation that are largely misaligned with Indigenous (and specifically Māori) approaches to loss and damage. I illustrate recurrent themes in the research using the narratives of two Māori women who employ forms of cultural resurgence to revitalise health-giving relationships with the land and offset multiple losses, damages, and harms to health and wellbeing sustained through settler colonialism, neoliberalism, and climate change. The narratives re-frame loss, damage, and adaptation from the perspective of Māori women. They provide much-needed empirical evidence of intangible, non-economic, lived, and felt L&D, their socio-political (as opposed to simply biophysical) drivers, and the actions Indigenous women employ to transform vulnerability, adapt to change, and secure intergenerational wellbeing in line with their view of the world. Together, the narratives underscore the vital importance of engaging social context when conceptualising and responding to L&D, support the move towards Indigenous-led, decolonised adaptation, and reaffirm the important role of Indigenous women in responding to climate change and leading social transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will first review the debate over the definition and recognition of Indigenous peoples with regard to the people of Ryukyu/ Okinawa, focusing on the colonial history, specifically regarding the case of the lawsuit calling for the return of the Ryukyuan ancestral remains. Then, after an overview of the history of the lawsuit calling for the return of the Ryukyuan ancestors, which was instigated in 2018, I will present what has been achieved so far, the challenges that remain, and the prospects for the future. There, the 'colonialism by academic knowledge' nurtured since the colonial period will be exposed, and the recognition by the state of the people of Ryukyu and Okinawa as Indigenous peoples, and the possibility of solidarity among civil society and domestic and international Indigenous and minority peoples will be analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent writing by Latin American feminists offers a unique political philosophy based on a novel and transformative analysis of the relationship between capitalism, coloniality, patriarchy, and terracide. Focusing on the work of Rita Segato, Julieta Paredes, Lélia Gonzalez, Raquel Gutiérrez-Aguilar, and Moira Millán, this paper introduces the term "Rooted-South feminism" and outlines its epistemic-rationality. I first show how these thinkers root their epistemological frame in the collective struggle of racialized women. Through this account I then make explicit the relational political ontology that grounds their thinking, paradigmatically expressed in the notions of "territory-body-land" and "terracide." In describing how patriarchy functions as a system of domination that desensitises subjects to the suffering of the Other, I argue that Rooted-South feminists expose the structural relationship between capitalism, coloniality, violence against women, and the destruction of the Earth. Here, the feminine is conceived as a social function produced throughout the long histories of women. This "politics in a feminine key" uniquely understands the sphere of reproduction not simply as a vector of domination, but as the foundation for the liberation and regeneration of life in its totality. Rooted-South feminists propose an authentic historical pluralism engaged in the co-construction of an inhabited earth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an examination of the history of settler colonial violence against Indigenous peoples and lands in Canada, Palestine, and Australia, this paper exposes the links between colonialism and the penitentiary, across borders. This paper interrogates the differences and similarities between the use of prisons as a tool in settler colonial expansion in these three states. As a contribution to abolitionist thought and theory, this paper highlights the need for an intersectional analysis of the overlapping consequences of settler colonialism and international carceral regimes. Efforts to resist carceral expansion around the world must include efforts to resist colonial expansion, and the voices of Indigenous peoples must be centred throughout this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In various ways, postcolonial initiatives in Germany contribute to the formation of 'national cultures of remembrance' and to the debate about Europe's responsibility for the negative effects of colonial expansion that can still be felt today. One approach, which the activist groups use in their educational and activist work, is that of the guided walking tour – a method that allows them to sensitize an interested audience to colonially contoured spaces in German cities. Interestingly, the postcolonial initiatives do not see themselves as providers of tourist services, even though they use the rather fundamental touristic form of the 'city walk'. As this discrepancy in perception allows discussions about tourism in a more general, conceptual sense, this paper examines the tours at the nexus of activism, education, and tourism. Thereby, it asks what constitutes the walks and discusses their relation to urban tourism. To do so, the article first explains relevant concepts of tourism geographies and postcolonial studies and then connects them to insights gained from the qualitative and quantitative analysis of empirical data collected in a field phase in Germany in 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between outdoor sports and the age of empire on the American frontier using the lens of gender performance. Focused on the years from the mid to the late nineteenth century, it provides an exploration of hunting as a vector of imperial masculine journey and a physical and imaginative pursuit where hunters stalked and shot the iconic animals of the western states on behalf of settler colonialism. In the first part of the paper, contemporary testimonies are used to plot the ways in which hunting desires to own the animal body fuelled a powerful homosocial culture grounded in ideas of primal pageantry. Sport and game in this context represented essential elements of a performative leisure economy in which pursuit and capture dictated the terms of human-animal engagement and refracted broader impositions of colonial political authority. From here, it turns to dynamics of community on the game trail where the primacy of the sporting hero was confirmed and recalibrated along racial, class and gender lines, before travelling indoors to examine how the afterlife of the hunt (expressed in taxidermy) allowed the authority of the victorious hunter to be performed in the 'great indoors' and for colonial claims over space to be materially and symbolically affirmed. Today, the stories of the imperial hunter elite and their taxidermy trophies represent traumatic historical artefacts. However, they also denote important remnants of empire whose complicated provenance helps to explain how mutually supportive mechanisms of masculinity and colonialism operated to sanction the killing and (later) the conservation of game species. Offering a closer look at 'the bison in the room' and its embodied story of pursuit and capture, this paper provides valuable insights into the dynamics of sport in colonial space and the value of performance as a useful category for contextualising human-environmental relations in the age of empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes Bernardo Vega's September 1962 campaign speech delivered in Caguas, Puerto Rico, to assess its potential to perform a decolonizing function. Vega was one of the top leaders of the Movimiento Pro Independencia (MPI) in Puerto Rico. This speech was one of several he made during a recruitment campaign for the MPI. The speech offers a window into the rhetorical style of independentistas in Puerto Rico. A discourse analysis of the speech provides a means to evaluate its potential to produce a decolonizing function, understood as a disposition to engage in anti-colonial political behavior. The paper finds that Vega's speech act failed to meet the conditions that might have made it a decolonizing tool because of its structure and, most importantly, due to a fundamental incongruence between text and context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the history of the Crow Indian Woman's Club, an organization founded in 1930 that persisted, on and off, through the early 1980s. Marshalling their identities as "educated Indian women" and lacking direct channels of political power, Crow clubwomen relied heavily on the written word, creating a paper trail of the club's perspectives. Foregrounding sources produced and curated by clubwomen and their descendants, this article recounts these women's advocacy in health, education, and family life, as well as politics and policy--as women and tribal members, but also as clubwomen who took their responsibility for advancing their people's welfare seriously. Toward this end, they navigated complicated alliances, including with the colonial state and with white clubwomen whose commitment to Crow causes proved fickle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the experiences of racialized PhD students in British elite universities. It is framed by Mills' (2007) conception of white ignorance and reflects on the power of whiteness that shapes everyday experiences in such places of privilege. For Mills, the production of racism relies on epistemological processes that produce ignorance, and which promote various ways of ignoring the histories and legacies of European colonialism. Research has shown that professors find it difficult to talk about racism and coloniality within higher education. Professors responses are important as they may affect the outcomes of conducting research for PhD students, yet there is less understanding of how racialized PhD students experience or address white ignorance. Using in‐depth interviews with 14 racialized PhD students, this paper critically examines the intertwined relationship between the coloniality of knowledge and white ignorance within elite universities in the United Kingdom. While universities have been regarded as "neutral" knowledge‐producing institutions, this study challenges the assumptions, interactions, and practices of higher education disciplines in the social sciences, namely anthropology and sociology. Based on the findings of this work, we argue that white ignorance is an epistemic strategy that justifies racial domination within and beyond the halls of academia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses public conflicts over school policies that seek to advance Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) equality. It focuses in particular on conflicts where Muslims, who protest LGBT-inclusive policies, become racialised as other to secular national/Western values. Growing attention has been paid to the secular arguments used by majority and minority religious groups to publicly counter LGBT-inclusive education. In this paper, I contend that neither contemporary arguments for, or against, LGBT-inclusive education are neatly secular, i.e., non-religious, in their public appearance. Introducing a Critical Secular approach, I contend multiple parties in such conflicts work with "strategic" secularisms. Strategic secularisms are prevailing discourses which privatise, and deprivatise (make public), aspects of minority religious and sexual identities on neo-colonial, secular Christian terms. I present a thematic analysis of 149 newspaper articles covering protests largely by Muslims against LGBT-inclusive education outside schools in Birmingham, England. The analysis shows that newspapers foregrounded discourses seeking to privatise (assert private authority over) or deprivatise (publicly surveil) Muslim religiosity. LGBT identities were also variously framed as "beliefs" to be kept private, or an essential part of the public self which must be confessed to be "free". Based on this analysis, I argue public discourse should certainly challenge queer/Muslim and secular/religious dichotomies. But more fundamentally, there is a need to cultivate education publics that refuse strategic secularisms based in neo-colonial, racialised discourses of secular Christian civilisation, and engage the losses created by the privatising and deprivatising of specific forms of minority religious and sexual identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the significance of the preservation of the Mitsubishi Workers' Housing Complex in Samneung, Korea by examining its landscape and historical context as a legacy of colonial power during the Japanese rule of Korea. Mitsubishi Workers' Housing is the only remaining living quarters in Korea used by the workers of the Mitsubishi Military Factory, many of whom were forcibly mobilized, where human rights abuses and labor exploitation were a daily routine. It remains a symbol of poverty to this day and has been neglected on the periphery of urban development. Through field visits and interviews, this paper argues the importance of the site, which is historical evidence of forced labor mobilization, as a place of modern cultural heritage and a dark tourism site, so that it may be reborn as a place for historical awareness and education to prevent historical tragedies from repeating themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the coloniality of botany and its transnational genealogy by examining critical questions about agency of representation of botanical nomenclature. We use two examples— Hortus Malabaricus in the seventeenth century, and the Traditional Knowledge Digital Library (TKDL) from the twenty-first century—as bookends to examine the legacies of colonial botany. The Hortus is a comprehensive treatise developed by Hendrik van Rheede, the governor of Dutch Malabar, with the help of local botanists, doctors, and physicians. It remains one of the most comprehensive works on the flora of Asia and the tropics. The impetus for the Hortus was the desire for a catalogue of local plants so colonists could more efficiently extract the rich botanical resources in Asia. The TKDL is a digital repository of traditional knowledge of India. The impetus was to establish prior use of herbs and medicines in India and challenge global biopiracy of traditional Indian knowledge. Both the Hortus and the TKDL are repositories that respond to colonial regimes of power—the former for more efficient colonial extraction, and the latter to thwart it. Yet both are caught up in Western norms of botanical nomenclature. Drawing on feminist, postcolonial, and transnational studies, this paper examines the two moments to explore the enduring and shifting meanings of transnational colonial regimes of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deploying a critical juncture agency approach, this paper undertakes a genealogy of the adoption of consociationalism at colonial state formation in Lebanon to compare different consociational experiences as actually existing processes. It also aims to amplify the effects of variations in the sequencing of state formation and the adoption of consociationalism on state forms and political trajectories in the original European cases and in postcolonial contexts. Formal consociational arrangements in the European cases emerged after a long process of state formation that overlapped with state building and created substantial cross-pressures at the organizational levels that, in turn, militated for moderation and later de-pillarization. By contrast, in Lebanon, the postcolonial and postwar elite instrumentalized consociationalism to capture state institutions and resources to stymie state building (or rebuilding) and produce (or reproduce) sectarian politics. Unlike the experiences of the classic European states, then, and by capturing the institutions and political economy of the state in the name of power sharing and mutual coexistence as it was being formed during colonial state formation—or rebuilt during the postwar moment—the sectarian political elite denied the state any role in interest group intermediation, thus blocking the very possibility of de-pillarization and de-consociation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Myanmar has been grappling with internal conflicts and instability since colonialism, ethnic tensions, and military dominance. These issues have led to political turmoil, humanitarian crises, and human rights violations, particularly with the 2021 military coup. This article examines the historical context, socio-cultural underpinnings, and political landscape that have influenced Myanmar's current situation. It proposes solutions focusing on inclusive political dialogue, social cohesion, economic development, and improved governance. It also highlights the role of regional and international actors like India, ASEAN, and China in influencing Myanmar's path towards stability. The paper aims to illuminate pathways for achieving lasting peace and stability in the region, revealing the causes of unrest and identifying potential avenues for peace and enduring stability in Myanmar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research delves into the intricate geopolitical dynamics underpinning the economy of the South Pacific region, focusing on attaining self-sufficiency and environmental sustainability amidst competing interests from global powers such as the United States, Australia, Japan, India, New Zealand, and China. It scrutinizes the geopolitical and geoeconomic factors influencing Pacific nations, curating data from academic papers, policy documents, media, and relevant websites. Challenges, opportunities, and concerns facing the region are discerned within historical and contemporary contexts, emphasizing the need for Pacific nations to integrate with China and India’s economies. Recommendations prioritize transparent, sustainable partnerships, advocating for alignment with Chinese and Indian economic prowess while safeguarding regional interests and values. A mixed-methods research framework is employed, upholding ethical standards and furnishing pragmatic recommendations for policymakers, international entities, and local stakeholders. Emphasizing reconciliation, community empowerment, and sustainable development, the research aims for a more equitable and resilient future. By illuminating the enduring imprint of colonialism on the region’s socio-economic trajectory and geopolitical dynamics, this study contributes to understanding and navigating the complexities of colonial legacies in the South Pacific Islands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores an enormous elephant in the Mediterranean space: European security assistance's impact on the continuation of a global postcolonial order. We identify three core practices of security assistance that provides for postcolonial readings: externally producing 'the problem' and designing 'the solutions' to be tackled; linking the 'provider' and 'recipients' in material dependencies; and contestation as 'thin' adjustments rather than 'thick' resistance. Contrary to claims of functionalism, what we observe in contemporary European security assistance practice is consistent with postcolonial logics that produce distinct subjectivities and reproduce patterns of inequalities. European states – whether former colonial powers or not –use security assistance to structure the world in hierarchical ways. We argue that security assistance is not primarily about strategic effects but principally about signalling superiority and reproducing dependencies and colonizing/colonised mentalities. Moreover, security assistance practices reveal the need for security assistance – i.e. European SA presence often gets entangled with insecurity, and as such, security assistance practice makes the need for security assistance visible – a self-producing evidentiality that is as taken out of the colonial playbook. The paper explores constitutive processes at work by drawing on insights from British, French, Italian and Swedish approaches to security assistance in Libya and Lebanon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within food systems governance spaces, civil society organizations (CSOs) play important roles in addressing power structures and shaping decisions. In Canada, CSO food systems actors increasingly understand the importance of building relationships among settler and Indigenous peoples in their work. Efforts to make food systems more sustainable and just necessarily mean confronting the realities that most of what is known as Canada is unceded Indigenous territory, stolen land, land acquired through coercive means, and/or land bound by treaty between specific Indigenous groups and the Crown. CSOs that aim to build more equitable food systems must thus engage with the ongoing impacts of settler colonialism, learn/unlearn colonial histories, and build meaningful relationships with Indigenous peoples. This paper explores how settler-led CSOs engage with Indigenous communities and organizations in their food systems governance work. The research draws on 71 semi-structured interviews with CSO leaders engaged in food systems work from across Canada. Our analysis presents an illustrative snapshot of the complex and ongoing processes of settler-Indigenous engagement, where many settler-led CSOs aim to work more closely with Indigenous communities and organizations. However, participants also recognize that most existing engagements remain insufficient. We share CSOs' practices, tensions, and lessons learned as reflections for scholars and practitioners interested in the continuous journey of building settler-Indigenous partnerships and reimagining more just and sustainable food systems, work which requires iterative and critically reflexive learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the temporal tactics of continually renewed coloniality—where some impasses are made to appear insurmountable while others demand swift solutions—in relation to housing and mining at Borroloola in Australia's Northern Territory. Distinct policy and regulatory regimes encourage analyses that set housing and mining apart. Yet together they signal the settler state's simultaneous remedial and extractive orientations to remote Aboriginal communities. Mining leeches into housing, and housing is a promise extracted from late liberal recognition, for community members forced to wait for promised amenities while fighting for long‐term environmental protections. The analysis demonstrates the central significance of temporal control to settler colonialism: by selectively deferring action; by producing the appearance of actions that are not actually taken; and by intervening to expedite processes that serve the interests of extractive capital. We argue that the confection of intermittent urgency to intervene is a key feature of the deferrals enacted by Australian settler governance, as it rations remedial solutions and displaces harms into mortgaged futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]