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The Trump administration's attacks on immigrant communities, especially undocumented people, produced major policy reversals on temporary humanitarian relief programs, such as the termination of Deferred Enforced Departure (DED). While these policies have had wide-reaching impacts across communities of color, within the broader immigration debate, the experiences of Black migrants have often been overlooked. This paper asks the following questions: How did extremist policies impact Black migrants under the Trump administration? What vulnerabilities did these policies produce or exacerbate? What do these efforts tell us about the "turn" toward authoritarianism in U.S. politics? Applying antiblackness as a theoretical framework, this paper conducts a content analysis of media outlets to examine the impact of extremist policies on Liberian DED beneficiaries. The ramifications of these policies intensified pre-existing antiblack dynamics of belonging and exclusion within the state by reinforcing racial hierarchies, producing social exclusion and vulnerability to state violence, and maintaining constrained access to citizenship. In assessing the many ways that antiblack racism manifests for citizens and non-citizens alike, we can extend our understanding of migrant justice, racial justice, and anti-imperialism as interdependent struggles in the face of rising authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores why the provinces of Ontario and Quebec devised contrasting policies in response to similar incidents of urban violence in the mid-2000s. In both settings, municipal police departments launched aggressive campaigns against so-called "youth gangs." However, Ontario went one step further and created a new "youth policy" to expand out-of-school programs for children and adolescents. By examining the origins of the policies in each province, the paper concludes that Black political actors in Ontario were leading champions of the youth policy, whereas, in Quebec, police chiefs took the driver's seat and advocated for a disciplinary strategy against "street gangs." The contrasts in policy and Black political participation exemplify the distinct racial politics of the provinces. Race-conscious policy in Ontario grows out of a tradition of Black radicalism and multi-racial coalitions. In Quebec, minority nationalism turns race into a proxy for clashes over ethnicity and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Trump administration’s attacks on immigrant communities, especially undocumented people, produced major policy reversals on temporary humanitarian relief programs, such as the termination of Deferred Enforced Departure (DED). While these policies have had wide-reaching impacts across communities of color, within the broader immigration debate, the experiences of Black migrants have often been overlooked. This paper asks the following questions: How did extremist policies impact Black migrants under the Trump administration? What vulnerabilities did these policies produce or exacerbate? What do these efforts tell us about the “turn” toward authoritarianism in U.S. politics? Applying antiblackness as a theoretical framework, this paper conducts a content analysis of media outlets to examine the impact of extremist policies on Liberian DED beneficiaries. The ramifications of these policies intensified pre-existing antiblack dynamics of belonging and exclusion within the state by reinforcing racial hierarchies, producing social exclusion and vulnerability to state violence, and maintaining constrained access to citizenship. In assessing the many ways that antiblack racism manifests for citizens and non-citizens alike, we can extend our understanding of migrant justice, racial justice, and anti-imperialism as interdependent struggles in the face of rising authoritarianism.

Between 1773 and 1777, a group of Black men presented four petitions to the Massachusetts legislature for the abolition of slavery. Although they have been examined for over two centuries, the story of these "freedom petitioners" and their place in their colony's patriot politics has frequently been misconstrued by historians or sidelined in larger histories of American abolitionism. Tracing the political, social, and discursive career of what in fact became the first organized, interracial, and successful abolition campaign in American history, I argue that a reevaluation is needed. The freedom petitions were not used to embarrass the patriot cause. They helped to bring about the downfall of royal government in Massachusetts. The American Revolution's "language of liberty" did not infect these actors. It was a discourse that they contributed to and helped create. And the freedom petitioners did not fundamentally fail to achieve their objectives. Their campaign played a crucial role in the effective as well as legal demise of slavery in their state. Between 1773 and 1777, a group of Black men presented four petitions to the Massachusetts legislature for the abolition of slavery. Despite having been examined extensively for nearly two centuries, the story of these "freedom petitioners" and their place in their colony's patriot politics has frequently been misconstrued by historians or sidelined in larger histories of American abolitionism. Tracing the political, social, and discursive career of what in fact became the first organized, interracial, and successful abolition campaign in American history, I argue a reevaluation is needed. The freedom petitions were not used to embarrass the patriot cause. They helped to bring about the downfall of royal government in Massachusetts. The American Revolution's "language of liberty" did not infect these actors. It was a discourse that they contributed to and helped create. And the freedom petitioners did not fundamentally fail to achieve their objectives. Their campaign played a crucial role in the effective as well as legal demise of slavery in their state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]