Search

In this paper, we aim to document and analyze the long arc of connectivity between China and Latin America. First, using analytical international trade and economic tools, we provide a new economic perspective of the First Globalization–-the Ming and early Qing China's economic and business links with Latin America and Europe. Second, due to U.S. government trade policies toward China in the 1990s, the Second China's Globalization was ushered in with its entry to the World Trade Organization (WTO). During this second phase, China exchanged manufactured goods with minerals and resources from Latin America. Finally, the tough technology and trade stance by the Trump and Biden Administrations prompted China to intensify the third phase of China interaction with Latin America. For the 2020s and beyond, one important pillar of the Third China-Latin America-Europe Globalization is heightened efforts for China to increase its digital-AI, telecommunication and platform business presence and access into the Latin American markets. To enrich our analysis, we will provide Chinese-style digital-AI business and economic models to help illustrate our discussions. Throughout our paper, we want to point out that government policies were instrumental in bringing forth these Three Globalizations that involve China-Latin America-Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a special branch of global trade, the trade of agricultural products has an important impact on food security and the environment. In this paper, we studied international trade network of agricultural products from 2000 to 2016 as a whole and in part. We explored the overall characteristics of the network, analyzed the evolution of communities and identified core countries of the communities. The results show that the structure of the trade network became increasingly complex and the trade relations became closer over time. There were four major communities in the network, whose primary core countries were Germany, the United States, Brazil, and China. Since 2007, the community represented by China has disappeared, and the community pattern of the network has been in a three-pillar state and basically stable. We discuss the actual roles of certain trading countries, the formation of communities and the impact of economic events on agricultural products trade. This paper reveals the underlying patterns of the agricultural products trade and provides a way to track its evolution over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's relationship with Latin America countries experienced a process of significant expansion over the past two decades. Even though Latin America was not considered as part of the BRI when it was first established, China designed its economic strategy toward the region by emphasizing investment, financial and industrial capacity cooperation, besides trade. Afterwards, China invited Latin American countries to participate in the BRI at the China–Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) Ministerial Forum in Santiago in January 2018. Twenty-one Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries have signed up to the BRI. However, there are few LAC countries that have not done so, among them the region's largest economies such as Brazil, Mexico and Colombia, although Brazil is with full AIIB membership. This paper focuses on the specific economic relations between China and Mexico, as far as Mexico is the less involved LA country into the BRI, and Mexico's position toward China is more aligned with that of its North American partners than to the Latin American countries. This article analyzes the specific situation of Mexico, characterized by its deep integration and dependency on the US market and examines the current economic relations of China and Mexico, considering the impact of the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement on the bilateral economic relations. The structure of bilateral trade between Mexico and China is also examined, using the Grubel-Lloyd Index (GLI). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview of the trade in artists' materials in Canton between 1750 and 1842. Through an investigation of China's foreign trade archives and records, this study gives a picture of international trade in artists' materials, particularly pigments, during this period in Canton. Furthermore, it reveals a close trade in Western modern pigments between the West and China. The results of this research may be helpful to conservators and conservation scientists conducting treatments or technical studies on Chinese export paintings of this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper integrates trade policy and foreign direct investment into a unified analytical framework, and investigates the effects of input trade liberalization on the entry of foreign firms. To identify the causal effects, we utilize China's accession to the WTO in 2001 as a quasi-natural experiment, and perform difference-in-difference estimation. The results show that input trade liberalization significantly increases foreign entry. We also find that input trade liberalization not only promotes the entry of new foreign firms, but also restrains the exit of existing foreign firms, thereby contributing to the net growth of the number of foreign firms. The mechanism tests show that increasing variety as well as quality of intermediate input and reduction in marginal cost are the potential channels through which input trade liberalization promotes foreign entry. This paper further demonstrates that institutional environment strengths the positive effect of input trade liberalization on foreign entry, and the promotive effect of input trade liberalization on foreign entry increases with industry import intensity, additionally, input trade liberalization is also conducive to improving the quality of foreign investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of income inequality has persisted for decades in China, rendering it one of the world's most unequal countries. Given the increasing significance of international trade in China, it is important to understand whether it widens urban-rural income inequality. This paper aims to investigate the causality between international trade and the urban-rural income gap in China through the Granger causality test. We found that variables including foreign direct investment, dependence on exports, and GDP can cause urban-rural income inequality, while urban-rural income inequality causes rural income growth. Our results contribute to the controversial literature on income inequality with a focus on the urban-rural difference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of 'new' state capitalism has garnered increasing attention among scholars due to the emergence of a polymorphism of state interventions in recent years. These interventions are now being examined through a spatial lens, departing from the previously dominant methodological nationalism. In this case, the 'new' Chinese state capitalism is particularly noteworthy. The People's Republic of China (PRC) has adopted a spatial state-led strategy to facilitate the Renminbi (RMB) transnationalization. This strategic approach transcends traditional national boundaries, stretching across different spaces. Our research focuses on the specific case of Luxembourg in relation to this spatial strategy. We assert that the RMB transnationalization represents a distinctive feature of the 'new' Chinese state capitalism, as it is underpinned by explicit Chinese state policies, unlike other currencies whose global use was the result of growing economies. Moreover, we contend that the PRC's explicit policies regarding the RMB do not aim for full convertibility and widespread acceptance like the US-Dollar (USD). Instead, they prioritise its role as a trade currency for international trade settlements, as the main goal is to reduce the dependence on the USD and to create a stable International Monetary System (IMS) that will bring benefits to its trade-oriented economic model. Overall, this paper significantly contributes to the existing literature by offering a novel perspective on the RMB transnationalization within the framework of the 'new' Chinese state capitalism, emphasising China's quest for autonomy from the USD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the continuous advancement of the CAFTA strategy, the relationship between China and ASEAN countries have gradually strengthened, and the trade exchanges between the two sides have developed rapidly, thereby promoting the economic growth of ASEAN countries in the region. This paper uses differences-in-differences method and HS-6 customs statistical code to study the development of China-ASEAN high-tech industries from 1998 to 2017. It turns out that the establishment of the CAFTA has played a positive role in promoting the development of high-tech industries in ASEAN countries. The specific performance is that China and ASEAN countries have closer trade exchanges, and the trade in computer communication technology and electronic technology has become the fastest developing foreign trade sector. In addition, it is found that low economic level and low education level countries will be affected more significantly by the establishment of CAFTA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even if China and the United States (US) are not heading toward a redux of classic military, Cold war logic, they are locked in an economic confrontation that has quickly turned into a dispute over prospective economic supremacy and heavily driven by technological advances. While the first area of intervention was international trade, progressively, the protectionist policies both nations began to implement were directed toward a broader plan to secure a leading edge in the future of technological development. Then, technological decoupling might be a more accurate term to describe the key courses of action to be followed in the forthcoming hegemonic struggle. In this setting, the question arises, what are the risks and opportunities for China in its relation with the Andean Community (CAN)? The departing argument is that the economic tensions between the world's largest economies will cause growing competition. On the one hand, this will provide CAN an opportunity to improve their participation in the global economy, but on the other hand, risks for China for securing resources. The results show that Andean Community (CAN) trade relations with both the US and China follow a typical centre-periphery model. Still, it is noteworthy that China's imports from CAN are almost entirely basic goods, while the US purchases significant amounts of goods that make part of the region's productive diversification efforts since the 1990s. Regarding the opportunities for CAN, through a novel methodology, it was found that there are effectively some added-value manufactures that can substitute trade between China and the US. They represent a huge opportunity for the Andean nations to shift away from primary export dependency to manufactured goods. Regarding risks for China, on the one hand, the largest competition is expected in minerals such as molybdenum and tungsten; and agricultural products such as buckwheat and fish fats. On the other hand, the US has the lead in current LAC exports, given that it exceeds China's current purchases [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pursuit of Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) by numerous countries, aimed at promoting trade among member nations, is widely acknowledged. Nonetheless, policymakers often voice concerns regarding the potentially short-lived nature of PTAs' trade-promoting effects. In light of this concern, we present empirical evidence that substantiates the transient nature of the trade-enhancing impacts associated with PTAs. We identify the expanding economic influence of China in the global trade sphere as a primary driver for this trend. These findings are reinforced by a compelling illustration within the context of the PTAs involving Korea and Japan with Latin American countries. Our case study suggests that the attenuation of the export-promoting effects of Korea and Japan's PTAs with their Latin American counterparts can be attributed to the penetration of Chinese goods, the sustained reduction of Most Favored Nation (MFN) tariffs, and the proliferation of comprehensive PTAs within regional contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The food supply chain (GSC) involves multiple links from production to consumption. The interruption of one or more links will lead to supply risks, evolving into food crises. To better guarantee food security, maintain national security, it is essential to improve the structural imbalance of China's food supply. This article innovatively regards trade as an important link in the food supply chain and quantitatively designs 16 indicators from the four links of production, consumption, trade, and circulation to evaluate the food supply chain risks of 30 provinces in China from 2003 to 2019. The results show that: (1) The GSC risk value at the regional scale is generally stable, and the western region is slightly higher than the eastern region. (2) The distribution of risk value shows significant spatial clustering. (3) During the study period, China's grain risk has not changed significantly. The highest average risk is the production link of the supply chain, followed by the distribution and trade links. He also believes that adjusting production, enhancing regional trade, strengthening suitability, and enhancing defensiveness are corresponding measures to improve the food supply chain. It is expected to provide a reasonable reference for government agencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]