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This paper employs a simple, static, partial-equilibrium approach in order to describe the likely effects of mixed monopolistic, monopsonistic, and competitive elements at different levels of a vertical market network: and it then develops some of the implications for rice policy in Thailand of such a disaggregated view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam, are a group of countries that have boundaries with each other and lie between India and China. In all but Vietnam, Theravada Buddhism is the predominant religion. Apart from these resemblances, the pattern of cultures and of political trends is variegated and complex. Thailand, however, is relatively homogeneous in culture and tranquil in politics. Yet in spite of its notorious charm, it has not attracted many field investigators. The major exception to this is the work of the Cornell University Thailand Project, and especially its study from 1948 to 1958 of the village of Bang Chan near Bangkok. From the improvised fieldwork in a north-east province the impression one gets is that some factors that divide and cause conflict within other societies are absent or at least well concealed in Thailand. The Thai intelligence is pragmatic rather than theoretical and hitherto sociology has had no very great appeal in Thailand. Of countries in the list, the one most fitted by temperament and intellectual tradition to produce its own sociologists is probably Vietnam. Unfortunately the widespread political disturbance is an adverse factor.

This paper will attempt to trace the forms which financial transfers out of agriculture took in Thailand in one recent year. Financial transfers are predominantly savings out of income. They are not necessarily the only, or even the most important, form in which resources can he transferred; but for open, export-oriented developing economies, intersectoral savings are particularly difficult to measure and trace. As a prelude to any meaningful analysis of the function of intersectoral transfers in development planning, it appears useful to devise a technique, however rudimentary, of checking the sector saving data derived from national accounts against an estimate of the assets into which such savings are converted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the numerous and varied problems that beset the developing nations of the world, perhaps none is receiving more attention than that of population. Very little or no really significant betterment accrues to the country because a large share of the resources for development must be devoted simultaneously to maintaining the ever-increasing population, thus leaving almost nothing or only minimal amounts for improvement of the level of living. To meet this situation enormous amounts of time, energy, skill, resources, and money have gone into the advocacy of family planning as one means to help reduce the size of the population. This article is devoted to one particular aspect of this program in Thailand. The analysis of female sterilization reported in this paper is made from data collected from a selected sample of women in Thailand in a project carried out in the fall of 1962. The main purpose of the research was to secure information pertinent in assessing the attitude of the Thais as regards the necessity for family planning.

The article focuses on the value system and economic development in the comprehensive theory of social change with special reference to Japan and Thailand. It supports the proposition that changes in political and social institutions will not bring about sustained economic development, unless the fundamental human values in the society are conducive to development. There are numerous similarities between Thailand and Japan. Both countries possess traditions of selective cultural borrowing over a long historical past, and both are within what might be loosely called the same general oriental culture area. In spite of these similarities, there was a wide disparity in the economic development of the two countries. The Japanese case represents an example of highly successful economic development involving a large part of the nation. In order for economic development to come about, it is essential that the value system fulfill two functions: it has to provide goals, either public or private, which can be promoted by increased production; and the value system must generate the propensities and the activities associated with them. The components of the value system may be identified primarily from religious and ethical teachings. The Thai value system centers around personal values as opposed to the Japanese emphasis on political values. It requires very little in terms of obligation or commitment to other individuals or institutions.

Studies the liver function of hepatic amebiasis incidents in Thailand in order to evaluate the sensitivity, significance and value of each test in the diagnosis of the condition. Complications of hepatic amebiasis; Method and material used in the study; Results of the study.

Focuses on educational planning in Thailand. Information on the Second Economic and Social Development Plan launched in 1962; Problems of manpower forecasting in the country; Recommendation for secondary education; Estimated average of annual flow of demand and supply and actual supply in 1960 to 1966.

Presents the author's response to the paper "Income, Productivity and Factor Allocation in Thailand: A Comment," by Paul B. Trescott that was published in vol. 35 of the Journal "Economica." Comparison between agricultural and industrial productivity in Thailand; Influence of labor force on productivity; Differences between urban and rural cost-of-living; Welfare effects of labor movements in sectors.

The Thai bureaucracy, viewed as a subsystem of Thailand's self-contained political system, variously manifests cultural uniqueness. Insulated from external pressures as a result of the absorption of major societal interests within the government, the bureaucracy's orientation and preoccupations are conspicuously introverted. Political influence, personalities, and prerogative provide the immediate frames of reference of administrative officialdom. Career strategies, working doctrines, and standards of conduct in the civil service are flexibly calibrated to the particularistic norms of ranking superiors. Authority relationships, structured mainly by impermanent personal clique groupings, are tenuous and unstable. But efforts to institutionalize formal sanctions and channels of accountability founder on a cultural predilection for informal and covert control devices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Expanding upon 'formal-informal' distinctions, four modes of bureaucratic communications are defined. Communications within differing bureaucracies are compared using the four modes. The setting associated with each mode and its effectiveness in accomplishing various tasks are explored. Illustrations and descriptions of the four modes are given from cases of Thai local administrative behavior. A cultural explanation is sought for the choice of each mode. In the Thai situation the status of the officials determines the preferred mode of communication whereas the particular task determines the effectiveness of the communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article takes a brief look at Thai education within the national context to examine some of the problems in primary education and to observe what is being done and what can further be done to improve the situation. The rate of expansion in the Thai education system has been considerable, as data on primary school enrolments between 1950 and 1971 indicate. The education system has increasingly been seen as a means of bringing about social and economic development. The author describes the system as wasteful and irrelevant to most of those who live in the rural areas, using up vital resources and not leading to greater economic or agrarian development. Many of these problems are recognized, but reforms set in motion do not go far enough but merely help to perpetuate the existing system.

The article discusses family planning in Thai culture. The effect of male-child preference on family planning, or the desire for more children is examined. The authors found that most families in Thailand show no preference for child gender, however ethnic Chinese in urban areas demonstrate a strong preference for sons. Thai family structure and reproductive behavior are examined in the broad context of sociological and demographic features of Thailand. Marriage and reproductive data are presented.

This article examines the election ritual in a Thai village. In February 1957 a Thai version of a Western institution, a national election, came to Bang Suaj, a village of 1700 people 32 kilometers from Bangkok. In strictly political terms, the results of this election were of no great consequence. In Thailand, elections are but one means, and probably not the most significant, for achieving political power. However, as an historical event in which peasants participated in a relatively new political form, the February 1957 election is of cultural and analytic significance.

Analyzes the types and frequency of pathological changes in the liver of patients admitted at Siriraj Hospital in Bangkok, Thailand. Types of malignancies encountered in the study; Percentage of males with liver cell carcinoma; Common inflammatory lesion found in the study; Kinds of cirrhosis that were identified in the study.

A report is presented on child day care in three countries. In Thailand, a country with limited resources, urban and rural children may benefit from such a service. Swedish day nurseries and analogous facilities on Israeli kibbutzim provide conditions favoring physical, emotional and intellectual development. The relevance of these observations to the United States is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explains the economic and social forces underlying the economic transformation of Southeast Asian countries from agrarian societies to commercial ones. Types of labor activity in an agrarian economy; Establishment of a pluristic society in Burma based on a racial division of labor; Percentage of crop given by a farmer to his landlord in the Philippines; Increase in rice specialization for the Thai farmer.

Provides information on a study which examined the agricultural mechanization process and employment in Thailand. Impact of mechanization on employment and agricultural productivity.

Urbanization and bureaucratization are usually connected with a high rate of social mobility in western industrialized societies. In Thailand, however, mobility has declined between at least certain strata of Thai society following the consolidation of a bureaucratic elite in the expanding urban centre of Bangkok. The growing size, the monopolization of certain status symbols, the development of a distinct subculture, and the concentration of economic and political power are indications that the bureaucratic elite is developing into a social class. It is therefore concluded that urbanization and bureaucratization in formerly loosely structured societies may lead to the formation of a class system and to a temporary decline of social mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study that examines the dental development of children living in a Siamese village. The authors inspected the teeth of children living in Bang Chan, Thailand in order to investigate the nutritional status of residents. The authors discuss signs of malnutrition among study subjects.

This article deals with efforts to upgrade the science education program of in Thailand. Like most Asian countries, Thailand is an oligarchy. This form of government, wherein political power is centralized, has a decided effect on the educational system. Also, the country has an agrarian economy but has no mechanization of agriculture. With regards to classroom situation, instructional materials are quite limited. Throughout the school system, most of the teaching is done by the lecture method. The biggest impediment to Thailand's educational problem lies in the field of teacher training. It has been estimated that in order to correct the inadequacies, at least 10,000 new teachers should be graduated each year from its teaching institutions.

Presents an analytical study of industrial organization in Thailand and its implications for economic development. Interpretation of Thai economic development; Details of the entourage economic model; Response of the peasantry.

This article focuses on the high interest rates in the unorganized rural money markets in Thailand. Rates of interest on loans from banks and from money lenders are only two rates in a wide spectrum which includes rates on private loans among businessmen, on loans by urban money lenders, on industrial shares, on the stockholding of commodities and, most important of all, on the ownership of land; the economic significance of the rates on loans from banks and from money lenders depends to a large extent on their effects on the spectrum as a whole. The very much higher rates on personal loans might be accounted for by risk and cost of administration. The small difference between the rate of return on the stockholding of rice and the measured rate of return on the ownership of land, could be attributed either to the riskiness of stockholding or to the expectation of a gradual rise in the rent of land due to domestic inflation, population pressure or a rise in the world price of rice. The evidence presented here does not advance in any respect the debate over the risks and monopoly explanation of moneylenders' rates, unless perhaps the existence of low rates of return on productive investment supports one side or the other.

The incidence of superficial dermatophytosis in Bangkok, Thailand, is about 40 per cent of dermatological cases. Of these, Staphylococcus aureus is the only one which could cause skin infection. This article studies the means of its spread and its role in the occurrence of superficial dermatophytosis in Bangkok. The authors chose for their subjects four groups of 10 women each: 10 controls, 10 with Trichophyton rubrum infection, 10 with Candida albicans infection, and 10 with noninfectious skin conditions such as neurodermatitis, psorasis, contact dermatitis, etc. Bacterial and fungal cultures were taken from seven sites: canal of right ear; right nostril underside of index finger of right hand, intragluteal cleft, perineum, fourth toe web of right foot, and skin lesion. In controls, Staphylococcus aureus was found 50 per cent of subjects at intragluteal cleft and fourth toe webs, 40 percent of subjects at canal of right ear and beneath index fingernail of right hand; 30 percent of subjects at right nostril and perinum.

Both in the developed and the developing world the role of religion in affecting fertility levels and changing rates of population growth is a major concern. The article focuses on religious differentials in fertility in Thailand. In 1960 the Thai census enumerated 26.3 million persons. The 1969 population was estimated to be about 35.0 million. Thailand is quite homogeneous with respect to religious composition. According to the 1960 Census, 93.6% of the population are Buddhist, 3.9% are Moslem, most of whom are concentrated in the four southern provinces adjoining Malaysia, and 1.7% are Confucian, a majority of whom live in Bangkok. Together, the remaining minority groups of Christians, Hindus and others constitute less than 1% of the population. Despite its small proportion of non-Buddhists, the Thai government, as part of its growing concern with the overall rate of population growth, has been increasingly interested in the extent of fertility differentials among religious minority groups within Thailand and their need for and receptiveness to family planning. Yet, only limited data have been available to date on religious differentials in fertility in Thailand.

This section offers news briefs on World Council of Churches (WCC) activities. The East Asia Christian Conference held its 4th Assembly in Bangkok, Thailand from January 30 to February 8, 1968 with WCC represented by its President and General Secretary. The WCC Executive Committee met at the Ecumenical Centre in Geneva, Switzerland to discuss its upcoming Assembly in Uppsala, Sweden. Father George Dunne, S.J. was appointed Exploratory Committee on Society, Development and Peace secretary.

It is argued that mutually inconsistent religious beliefs do not necessarily product cognitive conflict in their adherents. Examples gathered from research undertaken in Thailand are presented showing that there are various ways people use to cope with a logical contradiction between one master religious principle to which they subscribe and certain other specific beliefs and practices to which they also subscribe. It is suggested that for Thai Buddhists, and perhaps for most people everywhere, the test of the compatibility of religious beliefs and practices is not whether they are logically consistent but whether they are felt to cohere, that is, whether they are felt to be true. Several hypotheses are developed to account for how people manage to acquire and sustain the conviction that the various elements of their religion are true. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on inferences from a sample of 910 village families, it is asserted that the nuclear family is both (1) the ideal form and also (2) the statistical normative form. To a limited extent, (about one-third of all cases) extended families were found. The sample data were obtained in 35 villages in six widely separated provinces of Thailand. The foregoing findings regarding Thai family forms were largely identical with the results reported by Janlekha in his study in a single village-Bang Chan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on special tabulations of 1960 census data on migration within Thailand, this analysis attempts to assess the role of migration in the urbanization process and the relation between migration and fertility. The importance of migration to urban growth is evidenced by the clearcut positive relationship between the percentage of persons classified as either lifetime or 5-year migrants and the urban character of their 1960 place of residence. Yet, the evidence also points to an increasing proportion of urban growth in recent decades attributable to natural increase. The specific relation between fertility and migration varies depending on the measure of migration used: Compared to nonmigrants in their place of destination, the fertility levels of lifetime migrants are not very different; but those of 5-year migrants are considerably lower. Regardless of migration status, however, fertility level is markedly lower for those living in urban places compared to those in rural places. This suggests the important role of both migration and urbanization in affecting fertility levels in Thailand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]