Search

The article presents comments on sociologist Bernard C. Go's paper "The Chinese in the Philippines: Facts and Fancies," which was published in the October 1972 issue of the "Philippine Sociological Review." The author agrees with many of Go's conclusions, notably with his statements that the Chinese no longer dominate the Philippine economy nor do they control it, that not all the Chinese in the Philippines are rich, that the Philippine Chinese community is not a fertile ground for the spread of communist ideology, that Chinese girls are willing to marry Filipinos, that never before in the history, be cause of the changes that have taken place, has the prospect of integrating and assimilating the Chinese into the mainstream of Filipino society appeared brighter than it does today. Chinese in the Philippines are far from homogeneous. Because of the existence of disparate factions sometimes working at cross purposes, the Chinese are not a monolithic group, nor are they united. However, one cannot deny the fact that the Chinese, especially the China-born, are clannish in the sense that they continue to cling to their family, clan, village, and district associations.

The article presents comments on sociologist Bernard C. Go's paper "The Chinese in the Philippines: Facts and Fancies," which was published in the October 1972 issue of the "Philippine Sociological Review." Some 30 or more years ago, the Chinese may have dominated a big portion of the retail trade but, as Go has emphasized, they never did control the economy of the nation. With the Retail Trade Nationalization Law in full force and effect for the past 18 years, Chinese domination of this facet of the economy has become a thing of the past. At the rate Filipinos are taking over retail business in the Philippines, it would not be presumptuous to assume that, perhaps 10 years from now, Chinese retailers in the Philip- pines will have been reduced to a minimum number, or entirely wiped out. The economy is made up of interdependent parts. It includes commerce, industry, agriculture, mining, servicing, and other sectors. Commerce alone embraces the retail and wholesale market and import and export trade. The Chinese investments in this country are mainly in commerce, including retail, wholesale, import, and export.

Comments on articles about diffusion of technology. Information on the economic transformation of Manchuria, China; Economic and non-economic factors in technology diffusion.

The article takes a look at the American attitudes toward Japan and China in 1937-38. The Chinese Cultural Society of New York published in October 1937 a reprint of 39 editorials from American papers on the Far Eastern crisis. The editor, M. Hsitien Lin wrote in the foreword "Of some 5,000 editorials which have been examined, there is none that justifies Japanese aggression or condemns Chinese resistance. In the American press Japan is almost universally treated as the aggressor and China as the victim in the undeclared war. As to American policy, the press generally favors neither extreme isolationism nor political entanglements or alliances, but a golden mean, whereby world peace, it is hoped, may be maintained." The present study is designed to test the validity of this impression as well as to test the utility of a method of attitude measurement by press sampling. It is impossible here to enter into a discussion of the relationship between beliefs as to facts and emotional attitudes such as are measured by the indices used, except to suggest that attitudes, which are at first accompanied by emotions, may in time become beliefs regarding "facts" which are taken for granted.

Between the end of the Canton Crisis of 181-15, and the Bank of England Crisis of 1825, the financial usages of European houses in China had become better defined. Increased reliance and valuations upon negotiable paper instruments of finance were apparent. Quite apart from the extensive use of the East India Co.'s remittance paper as negotiable in India and China, the provision of private credit facilities for private trade in India and China were now explicit. Records of short-term lending on the spot and deposit accounts were now in evidence. The individual consigner of Indian cottons and opium who surveyed on a large scale for the China market could now also obtain direct credit backing from China agencies, albeit at the exorbitant rate of ten to 12 per cent. Indian agents of the China houses were also encouraging and financing groups of small investors under joint consignment accounts. In turn, the China houses now had sizeable credit accounts with their London, England, agents, which they covered by the periodic hypothecation of China goods to the United States. For a good many years the London money crisis of 1825-6 was slowly but clearly building up. In the build-up of the crisis conditions, the Bank of England was not above blame. Some China houses had not yet reached this level of rationale in their financial affairs, but the new mood of independence was symptomatic of the important changes through which the system was undergoing.

The present paper summarizes papers given at the 8th International Family Research Seminar in Oslo, Norway, 1963, which describe and explain differential frequencies of those decisions to marry which result in teenage marriage. Sociological analysis of marriage usually points out that age at marriage varies with the type of society and, therefore, reflects the stage of industrialization and urbanization. The lowest ages at marriage are generally found in peasant agricultural countries, such as India and China. During the rapid growth phase of urban industrial nations, age at marriage apparently rises, but later the age at marriage once again turns downward, though not rapidly. One way of viewing trends of teenage marriage is in terms of the percentage of males and females under 20 years of age involved in marriages contracted. During 1961, in 6% of all marriages contracted in Yugoslavia one or both spouses were under the age of 18. However, in such marriages the wife was under 18 years of age in 91 % of the cases, the husband in only 9 %. From 1953-1961 there was a gradual decrease in the percentage married under 18 years from 6.6 % to 6.0 %.

The article presents information on the beginning of credit finance on the China coast. The volume and area of the Chinese trade in private hands expanded as the English East India Company abandoned its Indian trade monopoly in 1813 and its China trade monopoly in 1834. The market for Chinese goods in the United States also developed, at first on the initiative of the American houses on the Atlantic seaboard and then with the connivance of English agency houses. Western finance on the Chinese Coast at the time was confined almost exclusively to the entrepreneurial context of trade, hence it was from the extension of trade that advances were made in methods of finance. The eastward expansion of the China trade to the Atlantic seaboard of the United States brought China traders into the financial orbit of Philadelphia (in the twenties) and New York. The crisis of 1812-1815 forced the China houses to experiment with private bills and, after the crisis, to develop their use. It also illustrated the main elements upon which the earlier China trade was based, and the weaknesses of large scale and expanding trade operations entirely based upon bullion movements.

The article presents authors' comments on two research papers on economic development of China by economists Ta-Chung Liu, Kung-Chia Yeh and Alexander Eckstein. In his paper Eckstein has argued that the Chinese followed in Soviet footsteps of concentrating on capital-intensive industrial projects during their First Five Year Plan. During the Second Five Year Plan, however, they opened up a second front of labor-intensive investments in both industry and agriculture, thereby embracing technological dualism. The article discusses in brief Eckstein's underestimation of the Soviet rate of investment, the extent of "technological dualism" in underdeveloped areas and the reason for disparities between China and the Soviet Union in labor productivity growth rates. Moreover, the article asserts that paper of professors Liu and Yeh is a major contribution to the literature on Communist China. It is a study, which is a short-run contribution sheds light on specific economic developments in China from 1949 to present, and in a long-run contribution pointedly reminds that there is nothing so basic or central to economics as its' principles.

This paper discusses the Chinese indoctrination methods for prisoners of war (POW). In the wars of the last 50 to 100 years, American soldiers who fell into enemy hands experienced a variety of physical and emotional hardships, but the Chinese have made the first major attempt to produce defectors and collaborators among American POWs and to indoctrinate them in an alien political ideology. The article does not propose to consider the Chinese aims in conducting this enterprise, nor does it discuss in any detail how the indoctrination program affected men. Instead, this paper will present a brief account of the specific experiences of the POWs from the time they were captured until the time they were repatriated. To some extent, it will be possible to present a chronological account. It should be pointed out, however, that most of the significant experiences were occurring contemporaneously. Therefore, it has been chosen to organize them into some social psychological categories rather than simply to recount them as they occurred.

Cultural traits from China have been slowly entering Europe for more than two thousand years. Some of these, such as gunpowder, the compass and paper have been of outstanding importance while others have created but passing fads. It is impossible to identify all of the influences of Chinese origin which have entered European culture during this long period. Even in the case of clearly recognized Chinese traits the records are inadequate as to many of the details of their westward journey. Despite the incompleteness of our knowledge, a brief survey of the existing in formation throws light on some aspects of European cultural history and on some of the mechanisms of diffusion. There were four main periods of contact between China and the West. The first was the era of silk trade with Rome and the ancient Mediterranean world which lasted from the first century B.C. to the middle of the sixth century A.D. The rise of the Arab Empire in the seventh century began a long period of relations between China and the Near East in which the Moslem world acted partially as a barrier but also as an intermediary between China and Europe. The Mongol Empire of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries made possible brief direct contacts of Europe with China. Modem relations of China and the West began with the Age of Discoveries in the sixteenth century.

The press in communist China is essentially a political instrument with which the regime conducts socialist and communist education among the masses. During the last few years the regime has developed the press into a specialized apparatus with each of its parts designed to reach a specific audience and to serve a definite function. The author says that with a regular readership comprising a majority of the vast population, the press is indeed the most important instrument used by the regime in the conduct of socialist and communist education. The performance of the press, therefore, may well determine the pace and even the success or failure of the communists' adventure in remolding the Chinese people's ideology. To ensure maximum effectiveness and absolute political reliability, the regime has found it necessary to put this giant press apparatus under rigid control and close supervision. Through organizational control the regime determines the structural setup of the press. It is the regime that decides when, where, and how many newspapers should be founded.

This paper is to study the demand for money during the Chinese inflation of 1945-49. Based on the Chinese experience, the results confirm the hypothesis that during hyperinflation the expected rate of change in prices is the most important variable in the demand function for money. The estimated value of the coefficient of cash balances adjustment close is close to one. Thus, the assumption that the desired level of real cash balances tends to equal the actual level during hyperinflation is supported. This study, based on the Chinese experience, confirms the hypothesis that, during hyperinflation the expected rate of change in prices is the most important variable in the demand function for money (Cagan 1956). Although the velocity of money increased during the hyperinflation, the demand function for money is predictable if the model includes the variable of the expected rate of change in prices. Furthermore, the magnitudes of the parameters in the estimated demand function indicate that the hyperinflation in China was not self-generating, that is, independent of money supply. This study has also investigated the assumption of a lag in the adjustment of real cash balances through the process of hyperinflation. The empirical findings suggest that the value of the coefficient of adjustment is close to one. Thus, the assumption that the desired level of real cash balances tends to equal the actual level during hyperinflation is supported. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objectives of our paper are to examine economic, political, social, demographic, and professional factors in the United States and Taiwan which may account for Chinese scholars' decisions to stay in the United States or their reluctance to return to Taiwan. Our paper is divided into five sections. Sections I and II provide background and definition of terms used in the paper. Sections III and IV present data and statistical analysis. The final section summarizes the findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to show that in spite of the favorable factors, the Schultz hypothesis remains plausible for a newly settled region; that is, no significant growth of agricultural productivity may be expected for the region in the long run if production is based on traditional factors. To support the argument an attempt is made to derive an agricultural productivity index through constructing aggregate output and input indices for the northeastern region of China—Manchuria. The region has an area approximately equal to that of the states of Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Michigan, and Minnesota combined. After it was open to immigration in the late nineteenth century, agricultural population rose from half a million in the 1880s to 20 million in the mid-1920s and 34 million in 1957. The increase was largely derived from the expansion of traditional inputs. Manchuria, therefore, provided a typical case of newly settled traditional agriculture. Section II outlines the approach employed to derive the productivity index for Manchurian agriculture. Section III presents the principal findings. An interpretation of these findings is contained in section IV. Section V is a short summary of conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of Asian societies has not yet had its share of attention within the framework of comparative sociology as a whole. As one step towards remedying this situation, a one-day conference, called by the British Sociological Association, was held in London, England, at the School of Oriental and African Studies on December 2, 1961, to discuss the position of sociology in Asia. Papers dealing with India, China, Japan, Malaysia, Thailand and Indo-China and Burma were presented at the conference. Coverage was thus fairly comprehensive, though certain areas, including the whole of the Middle East, were left out on this occasion. The aim of speakers present at the conference was to assess the present state of knowledge about societies they were considering, with special reference firstly to sociologists of Asian nationality and secondly to the current contribution of British scholarship. Papers that were presented, while they showed wide variation in the state of sociology in different countries, also showed for Asia as a whole a volume of work being done which western sociologists could ill afford to ignore. Some criticism arose in the discussion of the idea of regional research entrees and of inter-disciplinary teams assembled for area studies. There was discussion also of the alleged problem of translating sociological concepts into Chinese or Japanese.

Family Structure is a core social unit and fundamental social change necessarily involves a redefining of such a basic structural element. The leadership of the People's Republic of China, largely through specific attention to mate selection and marital arrangements and rituals, has attempted to strengthen the conjugal bond and weaken the filial bond in the Chinese family. Information gathered from press reports, and more importantly, Chinese families, suggests significant changes have occurred in the area of mate selection. It was found that a marriage between two well-acquainted individuals characterizes one-half of rural marriages and all urban marriages of respondents since 1958. The socially and geographically mobile youth are most likely to many freely because they are beyond parental control, and they have participated in heterosexual peer relationships in school and on the job. Closer examination reveals, however, that changes in the more complex areas of obligations and responsibilities to the household and parents are much slower to manifest. The ultimate form and style of the family relationships will be in large part determined by the balance between the community and peers and the family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's first public opinion poll was fittingly inaugurated on the her national anniversary, October 10, 1942. To Americans, accustomed to reading daily reports on the state of their opinion, this may not seem an important event, but in China it marks the first real recognition of the value of understanding public attitudes apart from their concrete expression in political activity. Even today many of China's scholars and officials do not believe in the existence of public opinion in the sense Americans have come to take for granted. According to one American-trained professor of political science and member of China's People's Political Council, public opinion in China is restricted to the articulate, educated minority. His views are entirely consistent with the Chinese historical tradition of government by scholars, but they are not consistent with the actual facts of political force in China today. Even in this restricted group of intellectuals, any opinion which differs from that of official circles must be discounted. Such is the semi-official view of public opinion in China, and so this initial step in public opinion surveys, made in spite of this attitude, is doubly encouraging.

The article focuses on various methods of news reporting in China. To report the vast area of China, with nearly a quarter of the world's population, only a few correspondents of foreign news agencies and newspapers were regularly stationed there. The larger American news agencies, and a few American daily news-papers, stationed foreign correspondents in Shanghai, China, which became news center for all of continental Asia. When Sino-Japanese War broke out anew in July 1937, Americans had only a handful of correspondents in the Orient. Conditions of work of foreign correspondents in China and those in Europe are radically different. In China, the foreigner meets a strange language, which often remains a mystery to him for life. To get news to cable home, these correspondents are forced to tap the following poisoned springs of misinformation. Natives are employed to read, translate and digest the local China press.

The iron and steel manufacturing apparatus in mainland China has been developed through several major stages, each of which manifests a distinctive pattern underlined by certain overriding factors. From the embryonic period at the turn of this century to World War II, transportation, capital availability, and market condition were alternately the chief determinant in the location of this industry. Since the Communist take-over and through the various construction and expansion programs, particularly as a result of the development of new resources, a new pattern has taken shape which tends to guide the future growth of this industry. This paper offers a locational analysis of the major nuclei in the emerging pattern and their effect upon the development of the secondary centers in the various regions of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on inflation in China from 1937 to 1947. A conclusive study of the development of inflation in China is impossible without more complete data pertaining to the aggregate effect of the wars on China's economy, and it can be made only after the nation has returned to normal. Although the data presented in this paper and the statistics derived there from are not all that one could wish for, they are nevertheless more complete than anything hitherto available, and on a number of critical points, are fairly adequate. The use of these provisional data may likewise find justification in the fact that more definitive figures will probably not be obtainable for many years to come. Perhaps no nation has experienced a more serious inflation than China during the war and postwar years since 1937. In order to survey the current situation, it seems appropriate to review first the manner in which inflationary pressures were set up during the war. In this section the survey is devoted to the developments up to V-J Day in August 1945. Postwar events will be dealt with in the succeeding sections. The movements of prices, as emphasized by the official indices furnish an appropriate starting point.

Malthusian theories are not an exclusive intellectual discovery of European writers. They have occurred elsewhere, in period of rapid population increase. In this paper, a Chinese example is analysed and the relevant essays translated. The essays were written at the same time that Malthus published his ideas and contain most of Ii is philosophical notions but are not supported by any statistical evidence. Unlike those of Malthus in Europe they did not evoke any controversy in China, although their author was well known as a man of letters and close to the central authority. Today, of course, Malthusianism is a subject much discussed in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses operations research in China. This type of research was emerged during the liberation of mathematics in the country. Under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, mathematics has striven forward. Linear programming, numerical analysis, mathematical statistics, and differential equations are the most important mathematical methods that have been applied. The essential achievement of this direction of research is not the results already attained but rather its profound influence for the future.

Copyright of Demography (Springer Nature) is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Jinminpi (the "People's Money") is the currency now circulated in communistic China. It is usually abbreviated as JMP$. Only the People's Bank of China issues the notes. They are inconvertible paper money, and neither gold nor foreign exchange has been provided as reserves. Chinese communists generally follow Soviet communists. There is no exception in accounting. The cash control system in Communistic China is practically an extension of that in the Soviet Union. Simply speaking, there are three parts in the Soviet Ruble Control System: cash control; credit control; and transfer control. The democratic cash control differs from the Soviet cash control, not only in the operation but also in the object. The chief purpose of the democratic cash control is to insulate the abnormal fluctuation of cash circulated in foreign countries in order to stabilize the external value of the currency in foreign exchange market. By the cash control system; the central bank effectively controls the receipts and disbursements of all organizations. Since the cash in hand and cash settlements are limited, the volume and speed of money in circulation can be reduced and controlled by the central bank. Prices can, therefore, be stabilized.

The article presents comments of the author on a paper on the iron and steel industry by Kuei-Sheng Chang. He has adopted a useful approach in analyzing the locational pattern in terms of major nuclei associated with secondary centers in the various regions in China. Based on my current research, however, I fear that the picture of Communist China's iron and steel industry that emerges in this paper is one exaggerated achievement and it is likely to mislead some readers who have not followed recent developments.

Since the change of political regime on the Chinese mainland in 1949, new values and attitudes have been consciously introduced by the Communist Party. The family institution has undergone a rather drastic alteration not only in form but also in composition, structure, roles of its members and especially in values and patterns of mate selection and marital adjustment. According to traditional Chinese social values, one should marry a person of relatively similar social background consistent with the concept of homogamy discussed by Burgess and his associates. This paper is a discussion of the new trend toward political homogamy which often results in the emergence of inter-class marriage. Along with the new freedom in mate selection, there are numerous incidents of romantic love involving individuals of different background and education. Under the reeducation of Party leaders, a new value based on political compatibility in socialist ideology has been stressed with reference to the establishment of a new family. Equality of the sexes through the participation of women in labor will liberate them from the traditional shackle of dependence on men.

Patterns of Chinese family life are changing under Communism. This paper is a descriptive report on the dating and courtship practices, husband-wife adjustment patterns and problems of the working mother in Communist China. Due to the increasing number of women participating in labor, most young people meet through working together under various circumstances, in offices, factories, or on farm cooperatives. Introductions by friends at parties, dances and pre-arranged meetings are not uncommon. In general, the wedding ceremony consists of obtaining a certificate from the local People's Council or registering at the Commune's registration office. According to informants, sometimes "Dutch treat" wedding celebrations are held by friends of the newly-weds, thus keeping the traditional value of rejoicing without putting too much financial burden on the new couple. The Communist leaders find that there is a new trend toward "early" marriage among the Communist youth. One of the relatively crucial problems working wives encounter is the readjustment of relationships between spouses resulting from the drastic change in the wife's roles.

The article comments on trade and finance in China in the period 1784-1834. The first contrasts the decline of the great monopolistic companies with the rise of the free trade elements, and the second looks upon the trade as a bilateral buyer-seller relationship. The first covers the rivalries between the European elements, the second provides the basis of interpreting European relations with China. In most studies, a combination of both patterns are used, but always with an eye to the elements of contrast rather than those of similarity. Hence the differences between the great companies and the private traders are seen to work towards the eventual dissolution of the great Companies. In concentrating on the rivalry between the Company and the private traders, and on the deterioration of relations with China, the real significance of the opium trade is often missed. The first point requiring re-emphasis is that opium was the first commodity in over two hundred years of western trade to China which made a substantial impact on the China market, it was one of the main causes for the subsequent reversal of China's trade balance. Until then silver dollars were the main means of payment for the purchase of Chinese products.

Public accountancy in Hong Kong may be divided into three major parts, auditing, taxation and costing. Costing is a special feature of public accountancy in Hong Kong. It is associated with exports under the Commonwealth Preference scheme. Auditing in Hong Kong may be either compulsory or voluntary. The proper title of a public accountant engaged in company auditing is the "authorized auditor," an official list is kept by the companies' registry and published yearly in the government's December gazette. The official accounting body in Hong Kong is the Authorized Auditors Board. The application of statistical techniques, sampling, probability control, etc., to auditing has not received enough attention, but the popular method of direct confirmation used in the United States is also widely accepted in Hong Kong. Income tax supplies the largest portion of the total Hong Kong revenue, although the rate is quite low. The standard rate of tax is now 12.5%, a rate unchanged since 1951. Profits tax is charged on every individual, partnership or corporation carrying on business in Hong Kong.

The article traces the relationship between the price of silver and the Chinese purchasing power. There are several reasons why the silver movement has acquired an even greater importance in recent times. One of the most important reasons is the provisional agreement signed by India, China, Spain, Australia, Canada, Mexico, Peru, and the U.S. According to this agreement, during a four year period beginning in January 1934, the first three countries named will limit their sales of silver, and the rest guarantee to buy or withdraw from the market a minimum of 35,000,000 ounces per year. The U.S. absorbs 70 percent of that amount. The article gives a brief description of the reasons why silver interests have a considerable amount of power in the U.S. A common observation is that the recent decline in the price of silver has reduced the purchasing power of the Orient. This observation is based on the fact that the users of silver, e.g., the Chinese, purchase their imports and pay their debits not with the proceeds of their exports and their credits but proximately with gold and ultimately with silver. The supposed reduction in purchasing power can lead to dire consequences not only for the Orient but for the U.S.

The article describes and analyzes certain methods of trade monopoly in a rustic environment in China. The field is West Town, in West Yunnan and the time of investigation is between January and May 1942. In West Town there are several guilds of which that of butchers of pigs is not the least important. This guild is said to have had its beginnings about forty or fifty years ago. It was then an independent but not formally organized thing. About six years ago the District Kuomintang Headquarters of Tali urged and helped to organize it into a definite Butchers' Guild and made it subordinate to Butchers' Guild of Tali. Family is the basis of membership in the guild. There are eighteen member families, which comprise all butchers in West Town. The Guild has an executive body of two representatives and two secretaries. The former have charge of external relations and the latter have the duty of managing internal affairs. In reality, however, secretaries only run errands to prepare for ceremonial occasions while all matters of importance are in hands of the two representatives. Officers are elected separately in both areas. Representatives are as a rule the senior-most persons in the trade in each area. But election occurs only when officer express a desire to relinquish their posts.

For the past fifteen years, comparisons of the economic organization and development of India and Communist China have had a strong fascination for analysts in many parts of the world. The similarities of the economic structures of and problems faced by the two most populous nations on earth and the sharp contrast offered by their economic doctrines have been grist for numerous articles in many languages. The functions of this paper are to: briefly review the years 1950-57 so as to take into account recent scholarship by others; evaluate selected major developments since 1957; and offer some conclusions on the subject of Indian vis-a-vis Mainland Chinese economic progress since 1950. The performance of China's economy and particularly her industrial growth rate vis-a-vis that of India since 1950 has been grossly exaggerated. This is as true of 1957 and earlier years as it is of "The Great Leap Forward" and the subsequent period of distress. The extent of the exaggeration over the last fourteen years and the extent of whatever differences in performance may actually exist are impossible to determine, at present, given the statistical impasse which prevails. In both cases, the statistical association between the amount and kind of foreign aid received on one hand and the industrial progress registered on the other was self-evidently very high.

The article focuses on economic development of China. During 1952-57, the average annual rate of growth of net domestic product was 6 per cent per year in constant 1932 prices. Regulation and control of economic activities were progressively and drastically tightened during the period 1952-57. The severity of the control measures introduced during those years, however, was mild indeed when compared with the developments in 1958. Communes were introduced in 1958. Within a few months, the entire rural population was organized into 26,000 communes, most of which were almost indistinguishable from army camps. In addition to providing an instrument for total political control of the population, the communes afforded a means of integrating agriculture and industry into one gigantic machine that could utilize all human labor resources to the maximum. On top of the continued emphasis on modern and capital intensive industrial development, a massive effort was made to increase production by using labor-intensive techniques on crude equipment. Backyard blast furnaces were built to produce steel in cities and in villages, and such techniques as deep ploughing and close planting were employed in agriculture. All these efforts, in industry and in agriculture, were to bring about a great leap forward in 1958, generally aiming at a doubling of output in one year from 1957 to 1958.

This article analyzes the population policy in mainland China. Population policy in Communist China has little demographic significance. It is of interest mainly for what it reveals about the nature of the administrative and decision making process in Peking. Although evidence is often ambiguous, distinct phases of population policy can be distinguished, during which policy shifted from categoric denial of population problems to an endorsement of birth control and back to the denial of population problems.

This paper discusses the stability of prices and the condition of economic development in Mainland China from 1951 to 1963. Information is provided on the extent of inflation since 1951 and its significance to the economy of the country. The government has two basic approach form maintaining a balance between aggregate supply and demand on the consumers' good market. The urban wage bill and state and co-operative purchases of farm products are two principal sources of purchasing power over which the authorities exercise control. Consumer taxes are the most important measure for closing the inflationary gap.

The divisions of the ceramic `table-ware' industry into different production subgroups and the flow of finished products into various markets are indicated in the chart below. `Body' is here used as the shaped but unpainted piece. The following topics will be treated in this paper. Some problems of finishing manufacturers: Before the war, they were a kind of merchant employer (toiya) and had a predominant power over body manufacturers and painters. This was indicative of the backwardness of Japanese economy. Noritake China has an overwhelmingly predominant position in this industry. The Specialized production (which means the division of production processes among finishing manufacturers, body manufacturers and painters, as expressed in the above chart) still exists even though the merchant-employer system has disappeared; but it seems to have backward characteristics compared to integrated manufacturers. Though there is the problem of overproduction in the background, this industry has been working at full capacity.

Discusses the climatic maps of proper China and Manchuria according to the Thornthwaite 1948 classification. Formula for computing the potential evapotranspiration; Presentation of climatic conditions; Classes of maps presented by Thornthwaite.

The article focuses on the governmental accounting achievements in China during the Chou Dynasty. The book "Rites of Chou," by an unknown author, provides an early description of how the Chinese government at that time operated. The Chou rulers recognized the importance of using funds to allocate resources for specific purposes, which would be later known as general revenue funds. The government did have a relief fund for needy people that was supplied with surplus from the government's own store of grain. The calendar that was used during the Hsia dynasty differed from that used by the Chous and influenced how the government ordered its spending. The financial management system used by the Chous is compared to that of modern times, particularly how surpluses and taxes were handled.

How to classify bureaucrats or administrators is a common concern today in political science, administrative science, and sociology. The author reports here his studies of this problem in the comparative historical context of eleventh-century bureaucracy in Sung China and draws parallels between his studies and current literature in the social sciences. The article suggests that in the Chinese cultural environment a moralistic basis was more important than a rational-legal basis for classification. It suggests further that moral conduct can be considered objectively as a variable in constructing behavioral types of bureaucrats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a list of papers related to mining, manufacturing and construction. Some of the papers are "Postwar status of the aircraft industry," by W.A.M.Burden; "Mineral resources of China, with special reference to the nonferrous metals," by K-P Wang and "Wartime development of the aircraft industry."

The article informs that the Russian insistence that scientific research have immediate practical application so that it can aid in economic construction, an insistence that seems to misunderstand the role of pure research in scientific development, is reflected in the report on the work of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, the Academia Sinica, made by J.S. Lee at the first National Congress of Scientific "Workers in Peiping. The academy has thirteen research institutes covering history, archaeology, physics, chemistry, an observatory, a technological laboratory, and preparatory offies for institutes in the fields of psychology, geography and paleontology. Two additional institutes are planned in the fields of geology and paleontology. The academy set up several periodicals for publishing papers and reporting news of scientific activities and achievements in China and abroad. It is promoting the translation of reference books and textbooks. It has several projects going, one of which, engaging a reported 118 specialists, is at work unifying scientific terms.

The article presents a response of the author on comments made by scholar Theodore Shabad on his paper on the iron and steel industry in China. The study of any important aspect of the industrial geography of Communist China involves difficulties and pitfalls seldom encountered in other endeavors. I fully understand what Shabad means by the frustrating process he himself is now engaged in. Aware of limitations of individual effort, from the outset I choose only a limited objective to offer a locational analysis of the major nuclei in the emerging pattern and their effect upon the development of secondary centers in the various regions of China.

This article focuses on C. K. Yang of the University of Pittsburgh as the first U.S. sociologist to visit the People's Republic of China. After receiving an invitation on short notice, Yang spent roughly one month in China during last October-November 1971. During this period he returned to a number of places he had known prior to the revolution. His trip took him to six cities and two communes. Because Yang was afforded this unique opportunity to compare the present with the past, he was asked to respond to several queries for the American Sociological Association (ASA) members at large. He is presently writing at greater length on the topic, though he notes that his role was that of the tourist-sociologist rather than sociological researcher. Yang said what impressed him most deeply was the information gap between what he saw in China and the China depicted in Western literature in general, including partly his own writings on communist China during the past twenty years. The inaccurate and in some cases unrealistic impression on China poses a serious problem for educators who have a responsibility to inform the U.S. public, most especially the younger generation.

Academic sociology has vanished in the Peoples Republic of China since 1952, while it has been growing in all other nations, capitalist or socialist. This perplexing phenomenon calls for an explanation. The view advanced here is that a nameless sociology has not only remained quite alive in China today, but has also become the intellectual property of the people. Evidences in support of this view will be shown in the present article, which attempts a general review of the development of sociology in China from its beginning to the present time. The review will deal with the emergence of a Chinese sociology, critical comments on Western sociology during the anti-sociology campaign in 1957, sociological elements in Mao Tse-tungs writing and the rise of the "mass sociology." The early form of sociology as represented by the works of its founding fathers made its debut in China in 1903 when Yen Fu, an articulate interpreter of Western classics, published his translation of the book "Principles of Sociology." In the academic world, departments of sociology first appeared at St. John's University in Shanghai in 1914 and Yen-ching University in Peking in 1922 and later gained acceptance by several other major universities in Peking, Shanghai and Nanking.

The article focuses on the attitudes toward German, Austrian and Polish refugees who escaped the Nazi terror to the International Settlement in Shanghai, China, from 1938 to 1939. As the number of refugees approached 1,500 by December 1938, and the tempo of their arrival increased almost daily, all residents of the settlement, including the Jews, feared that this influx can not be absorbed. Objections to the refugees are manifested in different ways, most of which can be traced to the overriding fear of economic competition and the severe housing shortage in Shanghai. The attitude of the Jews of Shanghai, as well as of other parts of the world, helped shape the generally negative reactions toward the refugees.

Oral tradition states that the first Chinese cemetery in Victoria, Canada, was possibly west of Swan Lake, but its precise location and history are unknown. The application of an ideal Feng Shui topographic model and the use of aerial photographs, cadastral and topographic maps, material in Chinese archives, and records of the Land Registry Office, show that the Chinese Association in Victoria purchased a plot of land north of Swan Lake in 1891. The site could not be used as a cemetery because of objection by residents in the vicinity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the economic development of Manchuria, China between 1860 and 1960. Types of development patterns; Economic benefits of industrialization.

From mortality levels in 1949 similar to those in the United States during the nineteenth century, China claims to have reduced mortality to levels comparable to those in the United States 30 years ago. The data used in this study come from Chinese medical research journals, which are published in Chinese and English for both the Chinese and international medical communities. It may be argued that the vital statistics in such publications are presented for propaganda purposes specifically by boosting morale or setting examples. If the health conditions of town dwellers had improved more rapidly than those of the rural populace, this would tend to bias reporting because hospitals and public health organizations located in urban areas contribute more information than rural areas, despite overall improvement in data collecting. With such a history of high mortality, the 1953 census statistics and concurrent large-scale vital registration surveys present an incredibly low death rate of 17 per thousand. Historically, infant mortality has been more affected by economic and political disruptions in the environment than has adult mortality. Infant mortality, always high in China, rose during the war years to 200 per thousand live births in some rural districts.

The article examines kinship and family structure in Chinese communities. Co-habitation with the husband's family is common among married Chinese couples for the first several years of marriage, thus kinship has a strong impact on Chinese society. Data presented in the article indicate that there are several types of extended kinship ties in family life, including nuclear with vertical extension, nuclear with lateral extension, and nuclear with both lateral and vertical extension. Families with no extended kinship are also examined for comparison purposes.