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The article focuses on prediction logic and quasi-independence in empirical evaluation of formal theory. In the paper by researchers D.K. Hildebrand, J.D. Laing and H.L. Rosenthal, a paradigm for the statement and empirical evaluation of a class of propositions predicting specific relations between qualitative variables was proposed. The approach represents a substantial departure from traditional modes of analysis. Consequently, it is not surprising that one encounters resistance and misunderstanding in those who work in different traditions. The lengthy critique of the paper by researchers L.A. Goodman and W.H. Kruskal, henceforth G&K, illustrates the inappropriateness of evaluating the paradigm using traditional perspectives. G&K operate in two contexts: measures of association and multiplicative models for probabilities in cross-classifications. The primary objective in the paper discussed by G&K was to design a general model that provides a distinct and operationally interpretable measure of the prediction success attained in a population by any logically distinct proposition stated, a priori, in the prediction logic.

The present paper outlines some rough suggestions for a possible Nordic computer-based information system for storing, processing and delivering the output of theoretical and empirical research on human communication that is being carried out within scientific and applied contexts first and foremost in the Nordic region. Such a system may contribute towards an integrated body of knowledge of human communication systems. The suggested areas covered and some gross dimensions of a possible reference frame for the organization of information are indicated, and user relations and requests are commented upon. It is advocated that both processed empirical data and theoretical propositions be handled by the proposed information system (called CRISS for short), and reasons for the need of it being partly computerized are given. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with a hypothetico-deductive model regarding the "self". The model consists of 12 circular propositions, involving the variates of (1) phenomenal field, (2) situational symbol, (3) balance, and (4) conformity. The self organizes a "phenomenal field" under a "situational symbol", and his "balance ' depends on the extent he experiences a disturbance in the phenomenal field. The performance of the situational symbol is "con"fruity'. The propositions are then examined in the light of available empirical data. By and large, there are good supporting data, and this model may be useful for further empirical studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines some theoretical and empirical problems in local-cosmopolitan analysis. Although this distinction has been popularized through exploratory studies conducted by Merton (1957), Gouldner 1957-58), and others, the theoretical status of this distinction and empirical knowledge acquired through its use remain obscure. Judged by the frequency with which this distinction gets used in ad hoc interpretation of research findings (e.g., Glock and Stark, 1965:280), it would appear that localism-cosmopolitanism constitutes a well-established explanatory principle in sociology. In fact, frequent use of the local-cosmopolitan distinction is a poor indicator of either explanatory power or empirical knowledge about the social relations or processes these terms may be taken to represent. Usage is often vague, e.g., regarding the nature of the theory or what, if anything, is to be explained by it (cf. Blau and Scott, 1962:64-71). This paper makes problematic what is sometimes assumed about localism-cosmopolitanism, and attempts, through analysis of empirical findings and propositions, to assess the prospects for a theory of localism-cosmopolitanism. Of concern here are: (i) whether writings on localism-cosmopolitanism consist only of an elaboration of an insightful distinction, or whether these writings contain empirical discoveries that through refinement can be worked into a theory of explanatory power; (ii) whether various interpretations of social events in terms of localism-cosmopolitanism focus on some common empirical referents about which a single theory is appropriate; and (iii) what the content and nature of local-cosmopolitan theory should be. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the efficiency of the branch-and-bound technique for solving the production scheduling problem. Since the efficiency of this technique depends on a powerful lower bound, five promising bounding procedures are studied and investigated empirically. This investigation is based on the number of nodes explored and the computational time involved. Several computational experiments are conducted and results reported. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concern is with the communicative process of negotiation as a form of conflict resolution. Contemporary literature expresses the view that the role of communication in negotiation cannot be ignored. Communication researchers, however, have not identified, analyzed, and integrated into a single model the specific communication patterns that exist during bargaining. The paper presents a paradigm to (1) facilitate empirical research, and (2) report the results of two empirical studies derived from that paradigm. A communication-centered theory of negotiation derives from a recognition that negotiation models often ignore the interaction of the negotiators and instead focus on a determination of outcome.

A number of questions have been recently raised or re-raised with respect to the status and intended function in sociology of the methodological device known as the "type." Martindale's summary of the historical and contemporary uses to which the typology has been put as well as his formulation of the issues connected with such use permits the economy of moving directly into a specification of the problems considered in this paper, and the proposed solutions. The present effort is directed primarily at providing one solution to the often raised problem of "the relation between the idealization involved in the type and the empirical reality," although less pressing issues are also treated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, a number or authors have identified conditions on individual preference orders that imply transitive majorities or which imply that at least one alternative is not beaten by any other alternative under simple majority comparison. Within the context of a three-alternative situation, this paper summarizes these contributions and proves several new results that complete an analysis of sets of individual preference orders that guarantee a simple-majority winner among the three alternatives. Along with guarantees and odd-guaratees for sets of strict partial orders authors of this article consider the guaratees notions when all orders are required to be weak orders. Four definitions will be used to identify restrictions on individual preference orders taht will be used in the analysis. The article further presents numerical presentation of the research topic.

The article focuses on operational traps into which researchers working with measures of social perception including empathy and identification may fall. In terms of meaningful research strategy, it now seems advisable that empathy and identification be operationalized along specified, important content categories. Instead of asking about a person's total identification with his father, it might be advisable to ask about his sex-role identification and his occupation-role identification. Selection of these categories becomes, in itself, a meaningful area for empirical research. Of all the problems involved in researching empathy and identification, the most difficult is the specification of the other. The operational problem involved is one of the operations of chance. Most operational methods require a specific, fairly small number of possible descriptions of the other and of the self. It should be noted that there are many difference scores that are derived by combining three or four measures that might be quite meaningful.

The article presents information on the studies in the recent marriage and fertility data of England and Wales. The article attempts to set forth the relevant particulars somewhat differently and, in illustrating the recent demographic history of England and Wales, to show ways in which this may with advantage be exhibited and to suggest methods for possible use in more advanced researches among marriage and fertility data. In January 1950 the inaugural meeting was held of a demographic Study Group formed by the Institute of Actuaries Students' Society. Many of the ideas in the article are based on the fruitful suggestions that were made at that time by members of the actuarial profession as to the objects to which attention should be devoted. Legitimate fertility data have been sub-divided according to such factors as age of parent, duration of marriage and size of family, but in spite of diligent search it has not been possible to find significant characteristics according to which the experience has been consistent year by year since 1938 within the limits of random variation.

The article is an attempt to determine whether the attitude of high school students toward a particular social institution could he shifted away from their original attitude through the use of propaganda. The following results were noted: 1. all averages for boys, girls, and total showed significant shifts in the direction intended by the stimulus material following the use of the negative and positive propaganda. 2. All averages for boys, girls, and total showed significant shifts in attitude after a period of two months had elapsed from the time the propaganda was used in a direction favoring the first used stimulus material. 3. Regardless of the intent of the social stimulus material the resulting distribution of attitude scores tend to be bimodal, the lower frequencies being at or near the indifference point. Attitudes of the sort here measured are for or against and not neutral. 4. In this experiment, as in other experimental literature, the girls showed a tendency to be influenced more by the propaganda than did the boys. 5. In the experimental groups all of the spreads of the scores failed to reveal any significant differences.

The article focuses on empirical evaluation of formal theory. In the paper by researchers D.K. Hildebrand, J.D. Laing and H.L. Rosenthal, henceforth HLR, proposed an index to measure the adequacy of a particular kind of theory when confronted with harsh facts. The authors L.A. Goodman and W.H. Kruskal, henceforth GK, presented a critical analysis, together with constructive proposals towards partial mitigation of the flaws and gaps they found in HLR. The authors do not agree with the rationales given in HLR for the independence like denominator of the proposed index. One can, however, take the index as given and ask how it performs. It was noted in GK that the HLR index compares the theoretically empty cells with the multiplicative yardstick probabilities for those cells, and no adequate justification for this comparison was found. This is so for both the unweighted and weighted forms of the index. In GK, some modest ways around this problem was suggested without claiming necessarily wide applicability for the suggestions.

The article presents information on the empirical analysis of dramatic structure. It is tradition to discuss the form of Western drama by describing its linear structure, how the sequences of the play relate to one another over time according to some unifying construct such as "tension build" or "level of interest." Aristotle seems to have set this precedent in the book "Poetics" by defining plot as "the arrangement of the incidents and devoting parts of all chapters to procedures for analyzing such arrangement.

The article discusses various strategies in typology construction. Over the last decade two strategies of constructing criminal-delinquent types have been employed: an empirical strategy and an explanatory strategy. The empirical strategy combines as one type those patterns of crime and delinquency between which a moderate to high empirical relationship obtains, and the explanatory strategy combines as one type those patterns of crime and delinquency which enter into a similar set of causal relations. The basic problem to which this article is addressed is that of constructing theoretically significant types that is, conceptualizing as one type those patterns of crime and delinquency, which share a homogeneous causal structure. As a reaction to the traditional employment of legal distinctions or significant categories of common discourse which do not seem to generate causally homogeneous types two strategies can be distinguished: an empirical strategy and an explanatory strategy. The empirical strategy combines as one type those patterns of crime and delinquency between which a moderate to high empirical relationship obtains. However, as authors have argued such does not insure that the types, which emerge, will be causally homogeneous. The explanatory strategy by combining as one type those patterns of crime and delinquency which share a causally homogeneous structure does insure the emergence of theoretically significant types; but by defining types in terms of the content of concepts otherwise used to explain them, it also generates other problems.

Two general expansions of urban density models are used to account for directional bias in complex urban forms. These expansions can be applied to simple functions where density is continuously declining with distance, or to more complex functions where maximum density is reached at some distance from the urban center. This approach may be required for more realistic empirical analysis, such as accounting for the axial bias typical of most cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the approach of Richard L.Bale from Institute for Social Research, Florida, to the use of statistical tests and the use of the term, highly significant, in a psychological research. It can be argued that statistical tests are merely tools to help the experimental researcher come to decisions about his data. If this is the case, then the only time that the statistical test is really crucial is when the decision is close. The statistical tests contributes very little to the conclusions drawn by the author regarding the meaning of the results. There are several points in Bale's discussion that call for specific comment. Bale's objection to the term highly significant is trivial and goes against standard practice. It is the custom of psychological researchers whose statistical results are much larger than that required for the conventional .05 level of significance to call attention to that fact by using the term, highly significant. There is no harm in this practice, and the statistical purist who is offended by this can easily adjust his reading of this to merely, significant. The term, highly significant, by no means should imply, as Bale has inferred, that the minimum acceptable alpha level was set at such an extreme.

Sociologists are writing an increasing amount about various parts of higher education. Fundamentally and briefly, these can generally be described as topical, normative, discursive and frequently interesting. The total impact of this growing list must vary with the background of the reader. While each is informative and most contain shrewd insights, the list indicates only a personal and not a theoretical concern with higher education. We have finally begun the scrutiny of the complex organization where most of us are domiciled. That is to say, the publications seem to warrant the inference that more and more sociologists are concerned about higher education, but scarcely any have been cast in a framework commensurate with our state of knowledge and methodological sophistication. When the Academic Man (Wilson, 1942) first appeared, Wilson's style of research was appropriate to the task. It was scholarly, normative in places, insightful and carried the weight of the personal observer. At that time, the theories of organization which could be appropriate to research today were not available. Moreover, in the interim, the dash between theory and research—neither well defined—subsided, and general sophistication in both methods and techniques developed. Some volumes appeared between Wilson and the current crop. Typical of these was The Academic Market Place ( Caplow and McGee, 1958). While a certain effort at systematic research was revealed, most empirical observations seemed somewhat independent of the statistical or sampling design. Certainly more credance could be given to the typologies developed, however related they were to the role of the observant participant. Sociological theories were not particularly advanced during this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study proceeds along the well pioneered lines of elite sociometry to identify and characterize influentials. It differs from most of the studies cited above in that it has been designed as a comparative study in four geographically distinct areas to explore two important unanswered empirical questions: 1. How much variation in influence structures will be encountered from one community or area to another? 2. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents information on child planning and family size. It is informed that if parents really want three children regardless of sex, they might reasonably be expected to try not to have any more after the three have been born. Should they want three boys, however, and persist in the effort to reach this goal, they may have to have more than three children in order to have the three boys they desire. In fact, they will have an average of about six children by the time they succeed in having the three boys. It is opined that preferences regarding the sex of the desired children affects the expected family size. It is common knowledge that many parents do have such preferences and some empirical studies have been made of the relationship between sex distribution and number of children. A number of investigations have been published of the expected effect on the sex ratio if parents who practice contraception either wish to have at least one son, or have definite preferences for sons.

The article analyzes a hypothetical stationary population by family units. The term family unit is throughout used to denote either a married couple, a widow, a widower (together with, any unmarried children under 25) or an unmarried person over age 25. The rates of mortality assumed have been based on the experience of Great Britain in the years 1942-4, adjusted to eliminate deaths attributable to war causes. A model population constructed on this mortality basis requires an annual crop of 1537 births in order to maintain a constant total of 100,000 persons. The probable future level of marriage rates in Great Britain has been based on that experienced in England and Wales in 1938, these rates being broadly equivalent to the experience in the five years 1945-9, if allowance is made for the additional remarriages resulting from the high level of post-war divorces. The future level of divorce rates, though probably higher than in 1938, is very speculative. Whatever the assumptions made, the importation of divorce (and subsequent remarriage) rates into the calculations would complicate them considerably.

This article presumes that empirical research in communication is a part of a process directed toward the formulation of an adequate explanation of human communication behavior. It emphasizes that all research reports should be subjected to rigorous criticism before any attempt is made to apply their conclusions to the revision of explanatory formulations. The authors discuss the need for critical specialists who can provide objective critical analyses of current research and set standards for future research and reports. They also identify a tentative set of criteria for use in communication with some instances of their application.