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Problem Statement: In recent years in Turkey, studies have been conducted that focus on the effects that globalisation has on education, but there have not been any papers based on the historical and conceptual framework of global education. Examining the literature, it can be argued that social studies courses have played a role in preparing individuals for the social and cultural lives in which they live. For this reason, it seems to be necessary to reveal the relationship between social studies courses and global education, as well as the extent to which the courses serve the aims of global education from the perspectives of primary school teachers. This study aims to reveal primary teachers' views on training individuals who can adapt to today's world based on the basic framework of global education in the context of social studies courses, and will also present solutions for preparing students for an increasingly global world. Purpose of the Study: This study aims to investigate primary school teachers' views about global education in social studies courses. Method: Semi-structured interviews and documentary analyses were implemented in this phenomenological paper. Interviews were conducted with 12 primary school teachers at six different primary schools in Eskisehir. Documentary analyses were based on the students' assignments from the interviewed teachers' classes. In this process, 105 assignments were analysed. Content analysis was used to analyse both interviews and assignments. Findings: According to the analysis process, four main themes emerged: (1) definitions about globalisation, culture and global education; (2) global education in social studies courses; (3) suggestions about infusing global education in social studies courses; and (4) students' assignments in social studies courses. Conclusion and Recommendations: According to the findings, it is found that there are misconceptions about global education and globalisation in teachers' identifications. In the paper, it was found that the teachers' definitions of globalisation and culture were mostly positive. Respect to differences toward multiple perspectives was mentioned in the social studies courses; however, this was not reflected in the students' work. It was found that activities that can be regarded in the context of global issues and global connections were insufficient and superficial.

This paper aims to examine the nature of the new elementary school curriculum in Turkey. In particular, the authors provide a coherent picture of the fundamentals, basic elements and the classroom implications of the new curriculum development initiative in five content areas: mathematics, science, social science, life science, and Turkish. This paper discusses the fundamental principles underlying the curriculum reform, including social, individual, economical, and historical and cultural aspects. In addition, the paper addresses the main motivators: Turkey's integration with the European Union, major issues with Turkish students' academic performance in national and international arenas which led the curriculum change. It is believed that the implementation of the new curriculum will give new insights to the policy makers, classroom teachers, students, parents and other related parties. The results of the implementation of the curriculum will open new opportunities for researchers to identify the strengths and drawbacks for further improvements. (Contains 1 table.)

During the last two decades, Turkish-Israeli relations were downgraded from a strategic importance status to an almost hostile one. At the same time, the trade between these two countries has not been affected at all by this negative development. Even though this paradox has already been noticed in the relevant literature, scholarly works have not yet focused on the study of the strategic trade between these two countries in order to examine deeper this contradictory trade-foreign relations interaction. Taking into account that the bilateral relations reached a bottom level only after a political change in Turkey in 2002, the present paper focuses on the strategic products that Turkey imported from Israel. Therefore, the paper addresses the question whether the latter turbulent Turkish-Israeli relations have affected the Turkish imports of strategic products from Israel. To this research question, the paper hypothesizes that the unfavorable climate of the bilateral relations had a quite negative impact on the imports of such products from Israel. Thus, the aim of the paper is to study these imports of strategic products in terms of size and magnitude in order to explore their role in the overall imports of Turkey from Israel and the bilateral relations of these two countries, as well. To achieve this aim, the paper analyzes the quantitative data of Turkish imports from Israel concerning a number of strategic products, from 1995 to 2019, employing descriptive and correlation statistics. The research results reveal that strategic products constitute the main content of the imports of Turkey from Israel, while their trading took place mainly during the years when the bilateral relations had been severely deteriorated. Therefore, the role of strategic products is proved fundamental for the trade and foreign relations between Turkey and Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper scrutinizes the role of the principal policy objective of military intervention in conditioning citizen attitudes for the use of force. Extending the scope of analysis beyond the independent effects, it next assesses how the effects of two core variables of intervention, namely international organizations' approval of the operation and the regime type of the target country, vary for interventions with differing mandates. The results of the conjoint experiment in two dissimilar cases, the US and Turkey, show that despite substantial changes in relative support for different types of operations, policy objective is still a highly potent determinant of individual attitudes. The results also concur that compared to foreign policy restraint and humanitarian missions, individuals are more sensitive to international organizations' endorsements of the use of force for peace and internal political change operations. Finally, individuals are significantly disapproving of operations that seek internal political changes in democratic targets, though in contrast to the democratic peace theory, for other types of interventions, they are indifferent to the regime type of the opponent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates if individuals' negative assessments of the future drive micro-level reluctance for international cooperation and reciprocal behavior, a core principle of multilateralism. To test our theoretical expectations, we field online survey experiments on a sample of over 3000 respondents in the US and Turkey in October–November 2020. The experimental results show that on average, individuals are fairly sensitive to target countries' policy actions and are inclined to reciprocate when contemplating whether to increase contributions to UN or consent to bilateral trade liberalization. Yet, further analyses concur that individual inclinations to reciprocate are substantially moderated by their future expectations. Specifically, individuals who are more pessimistic about their material prospects remain fairly indifferent to the positive actions of other countries, but are more likely to penalize negative foreign policy actions by reciprocating in kind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of TESAM Academy Journal is the property of Tesam Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper delves into an assessment of the impact of Turkey's quest for status since the 2000s on changes in its foreign policy. In other words, how has Turkey's search for status influenced its foreign policy stances since the 2000s? And can we consider the changes in Turkey's foreign policy change transformational or transactional in essence? In this vein, this paper will make essential contributions to the existing literature on Turkey's status-seeking strategies by using specific cases to link them to changes in Turkey's foreign policy and assessing the extent to which they are transactional or transformational. The examination of this topic is all the more important in light of internal developments in Turkey, such as democratic backsliding and economic crisis, as well external factors such as its tense relationships with the EU, its rapprochement with Russia and China, and its increasingly proactive profile in regional crises. This paper critically assesses the pattern of Turkey's foreign policy change from transformational and transactional perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Image and reputation are key factors in how nations are perceived by global audiences. Current and historical issues can pose as challenges to a nation's reputation prompting the need to save face. The Armenian genocide is one of the most critical issues the Republic of Turkey has had to manage in terms of its global image and reputation. While the vast body of literature on the subject borrows from history and political science focusing on the mechanism of denial, this paper offers a communication framework to understand the rhetoric of Turkey's image repair. Turkey's crisis communication strategies vis-à-vis the centennial of the Armenian genocide are analyzed by employing Benoit's image repair theory through a content analysis of official statements and declarations by the heads of state given in 2014 and 2015. In response to the emerging political crisis, the Turkish government primarily employed image repair strategies of evading responsibility and reducing offensiveness with the aim to appeal to international audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations & International Law Journal / Seriâ Meždunarodnye Otnošeniâ & Meždunarodnoe Pravo is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bingol University Journal of Economics & Administrative Science is the property of Bingol University Journal of Economics & Administrative Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Through a discourse-theoretic approach, this paper problematises the under-theorised chameleonic quality of populism. While populist politics is often expressed as construction of the people against the elite, this paper argues that the political should rather be sought in how populism revives itself despite (and through) constant discursive shifts. It examines the interrelations between populism, identity and foreign policy, inserting 'dislocation', the transitory moment of disruption in the discursive field, as the main enterprise of populist politics. Empirically, the paper scrutinises how Turkish President Erdoğan switched from conservative democratic to Islamist to nationalist discourses, each with repercussions in the field of foreign policy, and sustained the populist moment through successive dislocations. In particular, it focuses how the 'Ottoman' myth spelled different populisms and foreign policy discourses in different periods of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dokuz Eylul University Journal of Graduate School of Social Sciences is the property of Dokuz Eylul University Graduate School of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The occupation of Crimea determined the Crimean Tatars to react with obvious and clear-cut response: condemning the Russian aggression against the Ukrainian territorial integrity. This paper aims to analyze the post-2014 Crimean hybrid conflict situation of the Crimean Tatars, by investigating how the Crimean Tatars conditions have evolved under the Russian invasion forces for the last five years. In order to understand the post-2014 situation, the paper also focuses and examines the forced deportation (Sürgün or the Soviet Genocide), as well as Turkey's foreign policy reactions toward this regional conflict. Civil disobedience and nonviolent strategy of the Crimean Tatars have been used to pressure the Russian public opinion and political elites regarding the unlawful and unfair act toward the Ukrainian and Crimean sovereignty. In addition, the Crimean Tatars have voiced their concerns and demands in the international political arenas. Overall, the paper focuses on the repercussions of the Crimean crisis from political, psycho-social and international perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ties between Turkey and Pakistan are believed to be long before the establishment of Pakistan. Historically, in the sub-continent Muslims had shown a softness and sympathy towards the Sultanat-e-Usmania (Ottoman Empire). Since the independence of Pakistan both Turkey and Pakistan have been enjoying cordial relations politically and economically. This paper focuses on the historically deep rooted legacy of Pak-Turkish relationship and the strengthened diplomatic and economic linkages between the two. It also covers current development in the relations of the two countries, such as the role of both states on combating terrorism across globe in general and in the Muslim world in particular. This paper is a qualitative based approach and descriptive methods have been used to develop understanding about the given topic. The facts and figures of bilateral relations between Pakistan and Turkey are concrete and accurate for the readers’ information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the institutional factors that influence the development of think tanks in different political systems, with a focus on Russia and Turkey. It identifies various institutional factors such as the structure of the decision-making process, the type of regime, bureaucratic structure, level of democratization, approach of decision-makers, presence of pluralism, effectiveness of political parties, strength of foundations, legal norms, state of civil society, presence of an open public debate culture, and autonomy of the business world that influence the operation of think tanks. The study examines the similarities and differences between the institutional environment of Russia and Turkey, provides examples of how political and institutional factors in different periods in Turkey and Russia have had a facilitating or complicating effect on the establishment and development of think tanks. This paper contributes to the literature by highlighting the importance of institutional factors in the formation, development, role, and structure of think tanks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to evaluate the state of Greek-Turkish relations in light of recent developments in the reconfiguration of Turkish foreign policy. Following twenty years of détente and relative calm in bilateral relations, the year 2020 witnessed two escalations in Greek-Turkish relations, one in March involving refugees and immigrants on the Greek-Turkish land border and another in August involving military vessels of the two countries. The refugee crisis and potential military conflict regarding energy exploration in the Eastern Mediterranean have raised tensions at a moment the political and institutional tools for the promotion of conflict resolution between Greece and Turkey linked to Turkey's EU membership perspective appear to be obsolete. This paper seeks an answer to the question of whether structural or ideational factors played the most prominent role in the recent escalation of the Greek-Turkish disputes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey's government seeks to apply both "religious soft power" and "economic soft power" to increase its influence in Ghana. Turkey's religious soft power relationship with Ghana is exemplified by Turkey's paying for construction of a new national mosque in the African country, at a cost of USD 10 million. Turkey's economic soft power relationship with Ghana is exemplified by both considerable recent investments and in fast-growing bilateral trade. The overall aim of the government of Turkey is to increase the country's influence in Ghana, part of a wider initiative to expand its regional influence in Africa. Ghana is important to Turkey as it is regarded as a strategically important African country, one of the region's few democracies and an economic success. The paper assesses Turkey's various forms of influence in Ghana and considers what Turkey hopes to achieve in foreign policy terms. The paper is in four sections. The first examines religious soft power and Turkey–Ghana relations, noting that recently they have become closer and more cordial, involving both religious and non-religious aspects. The second section examines Muslims' traditionally marginal political position in Ghana and explains that over time Muslims have become more politically assertive, open to external religious influences, including from Turkey, a country well known to use religious soft power to try to expand its foreign policy influence. The third section assesses recent Ghana-Turkey relations, including the expansion of Turkey's economic soft power, with three examples: the national mosque, encouraging Islamic education, and mutual desire to quell the activities of what the government of Turkey refers to as the "Fethullah Terrorist Organisation". The section also considers the role of Turkey's economic soft power in increasing the country's presence in Ghana. The concluding section argues that the government of Turkey uses several techniques to increase its influence in Ghana, including both religious soft power and economic soft power. The government of Ghana broadly welcomes Turkey's influence from both religious and economic perspectives: from a religious point of view, Turkey's Sunni orthodoxy is seen as very unlikely to stimulate radicalization among Ghana's Muslims, while Turkey's economic presence is welcomed as an important means to help further build Ghana's economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey is among the strong allies of Pakistan, which has supported Pakistan on international forums and both countries share strong defense, economic and strategic ties. These strong relations have gained new momentum under President Erdogan. With the changing world order and regional geopolitics, both States have realigned their foreign policies. The objective of this paper is to explore the strategic areas of cooperation between Turkey and Pakistan and assess that how Economic ties between Turkey and Pakistan grew under Erdogan. For this purpose, the study has adopted a qualitative methodology to comprehend the in-depth analysis. The past years have been embarked the increasing cooperation in all fields. Moreover, President Erdogan has been vocally supporting Pakistan’s Kashmir stance. Both countries have similar stances on the Kashmir and Cyprus conflicts. This implies that the stronger collaboration and close ties can not only bring about tremendous benefits for both, but act as a strong voice for the Muslim W [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of EUL Journal of Social Sciences / LAÜ Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of EUL Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Balkans is considered a vital area in international relations. It has always attracted and is still attracting the interest of global and regional powers and factors on the international stage, including Turkey. Besides the political, economic, and defense aspects, the soft power of Turkish multidimensional diplomacy represents one of the most important segments of the relations between Turkey and the Balkan countries. Turkish government institutions like the Diyanet (Presidency of Religious Affairs), Yunus Emre, Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB), TIKA, Turkish State Media, Maarif education institutions, and various non-governmental organizations represent some of the most vital segments of the cultural, religious and educational expansion of the Turkish state in the Balkan countries. This paper is mainly based on the following research methods: historical, descriptive, and in-depth analysis. This study aims to answer the main question of this research - Do the above-mentioned soft power policy tools play a vital role in the further development of Turkey-Balkan countries relations? This paper concludes that the Turkish soft power policy in the Balkans faces a series of challenges that affect its expansion's functionality and success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the relationship between regime type and foreign policy through the observational lens of the Serbian – Turkish bilateral relationship starting from 2009 to 2018. The approach was chosen to analyse sources of authoritarian power at the points of convergence between domestic and foreign policy, in a realm free from EU conditionality and the push towards liberal democracy. The article argues that investigating foreign direct investment (FDI) in hybrid regimes dependant on foreign capital provides more granular insight into the wielding and consolidation of incumbent power. An empirical examination of the mutual economic relations and the trajectory of the Turkish factory in Serbia indicate that, while Turkish FDI are of smaller financial worth than investments of EU actors, they are highly valuable in qualitatively portraying the complexity of political power. The paper employs the concept of hybridity more holistically to incorporate the regime ambivalence across the entire trio of politics, economy, and society, thus providing simultaneous insight into the embeddedness of informal mechanisms throughout formal institutions, the fusion of economic and political authorities, and the personalization of political power in Serbia. Process-tracing was the primary method of analysis.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relations between Kosovo and Turkey are unique because of the difference in their sizes, potential and influence of these two countries in international arena, and their shared history. Studies on Turkey–Kosovo relations often fail to focus on Turkish foreign policy, which this paper attempts to remedy by analysing the political factors that shape relations between Kosovo and Turkey. This paper assesses the disappearance of the bipolar world order and up to the present. It later discusses relations between the two countries since 1990, when the issue of Kosovo took centre stage in international politics. Further, we explore the evolution of Turkey's policy towards the Balkans, including Kosovo's perceptions of its relationship with Turkey. Finally, the analysis focuses on the triangular relations between Kosovo, Brussels and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main argument of this paper is that Turkey had close relations with Middle Eastern states during the Atatürk period, which is contrary to the literature that claims the opposite because of Turkey's Western-oriented ideology. The article asks why Turkey as a Western-oriented state sought to have close relations with Middle Eastern states. To answer this question, the article uses discourse analysis focusing on Middle Eastern leaders' visits as represented in Turkish public discourse. Accordingly, it proposes two main answers. Firstly, the paper argues that the new state's relations with Middle Eastern countries played an important role in legitimation of its Westernization projects in the eyes of its citizens. Secondly, the Turkish state marginalized rival political discourses, mainly Islamism, by proving that even Muslim majority countries wanted to imitate modern Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Firat University Journal of Social Sciences / Firat Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Firat University, Social Sciences Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article investigates whether Turkish populism has undergone a 'civilizational turn' akin to what Brubaker, Haynes, Yilmaz, and Morieson have described occurring among populist parties in Europe and North America. The article applies Yilmaz and Morieson's definition of 'civilizational populism' to Turkey under the rule of the governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) in order to determine whether the party conforms to this definition. The article investigates how the AKP, an Islamist and populist political party lead by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, has increasingly incorporated what we term 'civilizational populism' into its discourse. The article shows the impact of civilizational populism on Turkey's domestic and foreign policy under the AKP rule. The article finds that the AKP has increasingly, and especially since the 2013 Gezi Park protests and the mysterious coup attempt in 2016, construed opposition between the Turkish 'self' and the 'other' not in primarily nationalist terms, but in religious and civilizational terms, and as a conflict between the Ottoman-Islamic 'self' and 'Western' other. Furthermore, the article finds that the AKP's domestic and foreign policies reflect its civilizational populist division of Turkish society insofar as the party is attempting to raise a 'pious generation' that supports its Islamizing of Turkey society, and its nostalgic neo-Ottomanist power projections in the Middle East. Finally, the paper discusses how the AKP's civilizational populism has become a transnational populist phenomenon due to the party's ability to produce successful television shows that reflect its anti-Western worldview and justify its neo-Ottoman imperialism in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the Turkish voting preferences in the UN General Assembly during the AK Party era between 2002 and 2020. It seeks to understand as to whether there is a congruence between Turkey's critical view of international society as epitomized by Tayyip Erdoğan's motto, 'The World is Bigger Than Five', and the way Turkish representatives voted during the same period in the UN General Assembly on questions such as nuclear disarmament, self-determination, search for a new international order, and human rights. Based on primary materials, this paper concludes that there exists an undisputable contradiction between Turkey's anti-establishment posture and behavioural attitude towards the outside world since 2002 on the one hand and it's voting orientation in the UN General Assembly on the other. The latter is largely the outcome of the 'Europeanization' of Turkish foreign policy based on Turkey's candidacy for EU membership and its NATO commitments. Hence, during the period under investigation, Turkey was broadly allied to the European position in the context of its voting pattern in the UN General Assembly which was conspicuous with its aloofness towards calls for substantial changes intended to bring about a more just and peaceful international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations & International Law Journal / Seriâ Meždunarodnye Otnošeniâ & Meždunarodnoe Pravo is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper develops the concept of spatial imaginations as the constructions of places as meaningful entities that establish identities of self and other through particular narratives and associated practices. It argues that traditionally, International Relations has ignored question of space despite their obvious centrality to the discipline. This has changed with the "spatial turn", which has its precursors in critical scholarship, especially drawing on sociology and political geography. The paper traces these contributions to the conceptual development of space in its material and discursive dimensions. It proposes that spatial imaginations are central to relations between "Turkey" and "Europe", establishing both as meaningful yet contested entities. In the works collated in the special issue of which this paper serves as an introduction, we may thus see facets of three core claim of the spatial turn: that space matters, that space needs to be made, and that spaces need to be formed. Against the prevailing attempts to fix the meaning of the spaces of "Turkey" and "Europe", I end with a plea to provide room for the articulation of a multiplicity of spatial imaginations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the Mediterranean imaginations of France and Turkey have served as a barometer for analyzing the level of their bilateral relations. Turkey and France have been among the region's prominent rivals since the Middle Ages, and their level of relationship has varied over time. This article investigates key patterns that shape the direction of Turkish-French relations and presents a fundamental factor: The spatial representation of the Mediterranean. If the Mediterranean images developed by the two countries are adverse/unfavorable/conflictual, the relationship in a given era deteriorates and vice versa. This study aims to situate the contemporary Turkish and French representations of the Mediterranean through a Critical Geopolitics, and Artificial Intelligence based Content Analysis method. This paper first deals with the theoretical and methodological aspects by focusing on Critical Geopolitics and "word embedding" as a promising technique in content analysis. Second, the historical dynamics between France and Turkey will be discussed by examining the shift in the two countries' representations of the Mediterranean. Finally, this study will shed light on how the Mediterranean representations of Turkey and France in the recent period affect contemporary bilateral relations in line with the empirical findings obtained from Agence France-Presse and Anadolu Agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Describes a doctoral student's experiences on a trip to Turkey. Discusses the Southeast Anatolia Project involving dam building on the headwaters of the Euphrates to provide electricity and irrigation. Suggests the experience as an example demonstration of complexities of human and environmental interaction and other themes of geography. (DK)

Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although populism does not dictate a coherent ideological or programmatic agenda, some of its elements still leave distinct marks on the formulation and implementation of foreign policy. This paper argues for the study of populism in its tangible policy impacts and scrutinizes the nexus of populism and foreign policy in contemporary Turkey under President Erdoğan's rule. Despite the abundant references to the 'people' in the populist rhetoric, it identifies personalization in foreign policy decision-making, nationalization in foreign policy implementation, and civilizationalization in the foreign policy discourse. Having established the patterns of populist foreign policy from a wider reading, this study then examines, generally, how populism has informed Turkish foreign policy and, specifically, Turkey's approach to the recent border disputes over the gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of ideas and identities in the making of the AKP's foreign policy in Turkey. After briefly examining the institutional and international constraints on Turkish foreign policy before 2002, the discussion turns to the driving factors in three evolutionary stages of AKP's foreign policy. It becomes apparent that a neo-Ottoman worldview and accompanying identity constitute the interpretive framework of the AKP's political elite. The article traces how this worldview became dominant in Turkey's policy making after the government dismantled the country's Kemalist institutions and the AKP consolidated its political power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main goal of this paper is to shed light on Turkey's power status as a rising state in the wider region of the South-Eastern Mediterranean and test its strategies to change the balance of power in this region. In doing so, we draw heavily on a novel conceptual framework of Itzkowitz Shifrinson (2020a) that articulates alternative strategies of rising states towards declining great powers based on specific goals and means formulating those strategies. We argue that, given the relative decline of great powers in the region of the South-East Mediterranean, Turkey is a rising power with a strategic vision to maximize its aspirations for leadership and control, and, where possible, alter the status quo. Towards this end, Turkey is employing a broad foreign policy agenda in several policy areas based on a variety of alternative strategies. Through this analysis, we examine and demonstrate the different strategies of Turkey in changing the power balance in three important geopolitical spheres of influence: a) Balkans-Middle East-Caucasus, b) Black Sea-Adriatic-Eastern Mediterranean-Red Sea-Persian Gulf and c) Εurope-N. Africa-S. Asia- Central Asia. Turkey's regional strategies have a considerable impact in the security context vis-à-vis the main great powers in the South-Eastern Mediterranean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Review of European Studies (ARES) / Ankara Avrupa Çalışmaları Dergisi (AAÇD) is the property of Ankara University European Union Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Global governance is undergoing a systemic transformation involving alterations in states' military, economic and demographic capabilities. This global restructuring is coupled with the emergence of new challenges and increasing uncertainty over what the global order will look like in the next 50 years. It is within this rapidly transforming global environment that Turkey has adopted an active foreign policy. Turkey's foreign policy is changing in response to the global restructuring and the new challenges it entails, and is partly driven by its aspirations to be recognized as a regional power and global player. Turkey's emphasis on national survival, assertive policy implementation and autonomous foreign policy choices all add up to demonstrate that Turkey is developing a new grand strategy in the international arena. This paper aims to assess Turkey's grand strategy in the light of these global challenges by looking at the developments in its global capabilities and foreign policy endeavors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After coming to power in 2002, the Justice and Development Party evoked the 'glory' of the Ottoman past, seeking to expand Turkey's cultural sphere of influence to the former territories of the Ottoman Empire – a phenomenon commonly referred to as neo-Ottomanism. While neo-Ottomanism is generally discussed as a component of foreign policy, the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency's (TIKA) intervention in the heritage dynamics of foreign countries was intimately linked with domestic policies. This paper discusses how neo-Ottomanist policies selectively created transnational heritage sites, and how these sites have dialectically become instruments of domestic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, Russia and Turkey have been among non-Western powers that have been more assertive in their foreign policies in the Western Balkans. Naturally, this creates the need to identify the key similarities and differences between these two geopolitical players. By using the case of Serbia, the pivotal country of the Western Balkans and a country whose foreign policy was largely influenced by the idea of hedging and engaging non-Western players, one can determine key similarities and differences between these two powers. This paper states two major similarities between these two powers and one major difference. The first similarity is that both Russia and Turkey are acting based on the same permissive environment of a regional power vacuum, the environment in which the EU's leverage has decreased and in which countries like Serbia feel emboldened to hedge their bets and diversify partnerships. The second similarity is that although the popular explanation is to stress to powers' ethnic and religious ties with the Balkans, Slavic and Orthodox ties in case of Russia and Islam in case of Turkey, or even as the continuation of old imperial traditions, the two countries are guided by strategic pragmatism. The difference between the two powers is that Russia can be defined as a status quo power as it aims to act as a spoiler perpetuating the current state of political dysfunctions; Turkey is not a status quo player as it does not oppose the region's membership in Western institutions as long as its interests are respected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]