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History has placed the stamp of approval on the publication of the Pentagon Papers, the top-secret history of the Vietnam War. If WikiLeaks editor-in-chief Julian Assange is another Daniel Ellsberg, then it is possible the website's disclosures will be viewed over time as similarly in the public interest. A classroom discussion on the release of secret diplomatic cables by the WikiLeaks website can lead to important questions about the First Amendment, the Espionage Act, and press treatment of national security secrets.

This paper focuses on the recent political spars between Canada and Saudi Arabia as well as China and their impact on Canadian universities. It asks three questions: (1) What key issues did Canada's political strains with Saudi Arabia and China raise for Canadian universities' international education (IE) initiatives and what issues were absent? (2) What do these key issues suggest about Canada's approaches to IE in an era of new geopolitics? and (3) What implications can be drawn from these cases about Canadian university-government relations in the context of new geopolitics? Given the powerful role media plays in education policy, a systematic study was conducted across three main media sources to identify 74 articles and news releases between August 2018 and November 2019. Three dominant themes are identified and analyzed, each vividly illustrating the close ties between global politics, government foreign policy and IE within Canadian Universities. On the one hand, the narratives speak to concerns about IE as a risk to national security and, on the other, as a vehicle for Canada's economic prosperity. However, what the media has not achieved is a broader discussion on how Canada needs to revisit its IE objectives and approaches in light of broader geopolitical shifts. Using the theoretical framework of soft power, the paper speaks to the limitations and short-sightedness of Canada's approach to IE as soft power in this era of new geopolitics and concludes with three recommendations for Canada.

On Sunday, October 14, 1962, an American U-2 aircraft, flying a photographic reconnaissance mission over Cuba, took 928 images (one is included with this article). The next day, analysts at the National Photographic Interpretation Center concluded that the photographs showed evidence of Soviet missile site construction in Cuba and conveyed their findings to McGeorge Bundy, President John F. Kennedy's National Security Adviser. Using this featured photograph and the copy of Pres. Kennedy's speech, teachers can lead a class discussion with the following questions: (1) What kind of document is it?; (2) When was it created?; (3) By whom?; and (4) For what purpose? This activity can help students recognized how helpful a group of advisors could be.

The paper reports on an innovative approach to evaluate the level of harmonisation of Ukrainian border guards training with the common standards for border guarding in the European Union (EU) member-states. There are different types of borders and different organisational structures in border guard agencies in the EU. The authors present the results of a research aimed at analysing the level of interoperability of Ukrainian border guards. In case of border guards' training, interoperability stands for their level of professional readiness for joint actions with representatives of foreign border guard authorities. For this purpose, the EU border guard agencies under the supervision of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex Agency) introduced the Interoperability Assessment Program (IAP), as the means to assess, first of all, the level of integration of the Common Core Curriculum (CCC) for basic border guards' training into border guard authorities' national curricula. The programme's results provide information on the degree to which the CCC meets the requirements regarding its content. The overall CCC implementation at the NASBGSU was 77.5%, namely: by modules (General Studies -- 95%; Land Border Module -- 75%; Air Border Module -- 81%; Sea Border Module -- 58,6%); by content (General studies -- 96%; Legislation -- 73,9%; Practice -- 80,8%). The results of the evaluation held at the National Academy of the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine named after Bohdan Khmelnytskyi, involving cadets of the Faculty of Foreign Languages and Humanities showed that Ukrainian border guards and their system of education and training are in line with the EU member-states' common standards and the Ukrainian border guard agency personnel can be effectively used for the various operational and service activities of protecting different border sectors.

Scholarly efforts to predict the future character of the U.S.-China relationship abound. Few however looks to leaders’ beliefs as valid explanatory variables. In this paper, we argue that state leaders’ belief systems are key to understanding both the states’ intentions and policy choices. We analyze China’s national defense white papers (1998-2015) published to date as the source material to gauge the core collective beliefs of three generations of Chinese leadership. The operational code framework is employed to conceptualize and measure these beliefs. Our results identified important crossgenerational changes in a few belief indicators. In the Xi Jinping era, for instance, the political world is seen as less friendly and cooperative strategies are viewed less favorably. In terms of tactics, the policy tools “threaten” and “promise” are viewed as significantly more useful by the current leadership than by past Chinese leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia's new government is committed to delivering the next defence white paper in 2015. The two previous white papers took a predominantly risk-management approach to Southeast Asia, generally ignored the strategic opportunities in the region, treated it as a stand-alone region largely unrelated to developments in East Asia and failed to link Australia's policies in Southeast Asia with the broader goal of helping to ensure greater strategic stability in Asia by putting constraints on Chinese assertiveness and encouraging its peaceful rise. After offering a summary of recent Australian defence thinking on Southeast Asia, this paper outlines why managing China is the key variable when it comes to strategic stability in the region. It then examines how China's strategy and behaviour can be shaped and influenced by events and relationships in Southeast Asia, and offers some suggestions as to the role Australia can seek to play in Southeast Asia that relates to Canberra's China-focused objectives and strategic stability in Asia more broadly If that can be achieved in the 2015 defence white paper, Australia - which is often criticized for being preoccupied primarily with managing the relationship with its superpower ally the United States - will demonstrate to itself and Asia that its heavy reliance on the ANZUS treaty is no barrier to strategic creativity in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little research has examined public diplomacy as a comparative education issue, particularly regarding social-psychological, economic and political fears or personal and national insecurities. This paper discusses American public diplomacy as a mostly Cold War strategy adapted to post-9/11 national security interests, fears and desires. It further explores differences, similarities, and debates in Canadian media, policy documents and academia, in response to American political, economic and military pressures or demands for a "North American" (i.e. joint American-Canadian) security approach. From a critical pedagogy perspective the paper argues that modern public diplomacy has been a dubious, pseudo-educational, fear-mongering concept nurtured by academics, politicians and military leaders as part of an American foreign policy, military security and propaganda strategy. The paper further shows that post-9/11 Canada, problematically, adapted its own public diplomacy policies to serve American interests. Further research is needed to examine more closely public diplomacy's impacts on Canadian education. (Contains 1 note.)

The 2013 Defence White Paper places greater emphasis than its predecessors on defence engagement, and begins to link regional security to the defence of Australia itself. It does not explain, however, what Australia has to do to achieve its objectives, or what commitments it would have to enter to do so. Overall, the White Paper moves towards a reinterpretation of 'self-reliance' that focuses more on the way in which Australia would operate in a coalition conflict, but developing a new defence strategy that links force structure, posture and employment to the achievement of Australia's strategic objectives is left to future White Papers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines educational linkages to persistent conflicts and contemporary security challenges in Kosovo. It reviews some historic foundations, debates and socioeconomic contexts concerning education as a security issue. It argues that poverty and underdevelopment coupled with failed diplomacy (particularly surrounding a 1996 ''Education Accord'')-with inappropriate militarized responses to disputes amidst broader and chronic lack of attention to education concerns-contributed to human rights abuses, violent civil conflict and a major war in 1999. Without justifying violence on either side, the paper shows how both Albanians and Serbs were both responsible for abuses in different periods while education was a contributing factor. The paper further discusses how education has (problematically) been part of the human security building and ''reconstruction'' process after NATO 1999 while many issues that led to international military intervention remain unresolved some 5 years later. It closes with some reflections on post-war or ''post-conflict'' education dilemmas, cooperation imperatives and new research challenges for Kosovo.

The depiction of Australia's strategic environment in the 2013 Defence White Paper has been one of its most favourably received elements. This article examines the White Paper's treatment of China's rise, and of the US-China relationship, the newly introduced construct known as the 'Indo-Pacific strategic arc', and the White Paper's renewed focus on defence engagement with Indonesia, and with Southeast Asia more generally, highlighting some of the challenges of this approach. While acknowledging the favourable reception that much of the analysis contained in the 2013 White Paper has received, the article concludes by observing that it may have over-corrected trying to redress the shortcomings of its 2009 predecessor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2013 White Paper reaffirms the centrality of the US Alliance for Australia. It identifies a number of concrete areas for future cooperation and provides the foundation for developing greater strategic ties with China while remaining firmly anchored in the US camp. It is less clear, however, when it comes to Australia's future contribution to burden-sharing within the Alliance. Putting actions behind the goal to play a greater role in Southeast Asia will be an important litmus test for the alliance relationship. In many ways, the White Paper reflects a phase of re-orientation in the Alliance: away from operations further afield towards the increasing security dynamics in Australia's own region. As the future of China's trajectory-and US-Sino strategic relations—is still very much uncertain, the 'hedging' approach taken White Paper's approach makes sense. What happens if US-Sino strategic relations become more competitive is left to another day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this white paper the Chinese government assesses the security environment; defines, and elaborates on, its national defense policy including its commitment to the policy of no first use of nuclear weapons at any time and under any circumstances; and describes the defense situation and activities in 2006. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the Canadian government’s foreign and security policy responses to Russian disinformation in the context of the Russo-Ukrainian war. It asks whether, how, and why the government has securitised the “crisis of Russian disinformation.” The paper first briefly reviews literature on the Copenhagen’s School’s “securitisation” theory and how it has been used to explain responses to other crises. It then adopts the framework to contextualise the Canadian federal government’s official rhetoric, and then to categorise government policies and actions. The sources consulted include government actors’ reports and stated intentions and policies from 2022 to 2024. Adopting a securitisation framework reveals that Russian disinformation has been rhetorically securitised by government actors as an existential threat to national security and democratic integrity which requires urgent action. Within a context of cascading risks, the government has taken a range of distinct yet reinforcing policies and actions, some more comprehensive than others. The paper argues that together this “pervasive rhetorical securitisation” and “ad hoc practical securitisation” comprise the Canadian government’s ongoing process of partial securitisation. This process is legitimising different methods of governance: security and warfare communications (to address threats to national defence and security), democratic resilience (to address threats to democracy), and, most controversially, blocking and sanctioning (to signal discontent to the Russian regime). The analysis further reveals that each approach has different benefits and limits. The paper concludes that the securitisation process is incomplete compared to the government's rhetoric, with no over-arching organisation or strategy. It outlines implications for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the development of U.S. technology transfer and scientific and technical information policies since World War II as they relate to national security issues. Topics discussed include technology transfer policy, the position of the United States in high technology areas, the impact of U.S. policy, and policy recommendations. (40 references) (LRW)

A feature of the growing discussion of the environmental issues in the United States is the use of language traditionally associated with violence and war to understand environmental problems and to motivate action. The idea of "environmental security" and its implications on spending and organizational priorities are discussed. (KR)

Emphasizes the need to present students with conceptual frameworks that will enable them to understand and deal with changes, continuities, uncertainties, and contingencies. Describes a textbook that approaches the future of U.S.-Soviet relations from a framework of four different possible futures. Discusses programs using the text in teaching international relations, nuclear arms, and national security policy. (DK)

The article discusses and reviews two documents titled "Australia in the Asian Century: Australian Government's White Paper" and "Strong and Secure: A Strategy for Australia's National Security". It mentions that "Australia in the Asian Century: Australian Government's White Paper" describes the three assumptions regarding the future economic position of Asia in the global landscape and its reduction of interdependence on other nations leading to negligible conflict.

Summarizes addresses at the second annual Forum on Federal Information Policies at the Library of Congress. These presentations explore the direction of federal information policy in terms of international influences, national security, differentiation between products and information, information technology, and other areas of interest to librarians and information scientists. (CLB)

Reviews world conditions which support the development of a new, global "manifest destiny" for the United States. Lists five major threats to international security, in addition to positive signs of cooperation. Concludes with seven "attitudinal learnings" for American students, and are the hallmarks of future global leaders. (JDH)

Identifies five types of metaphors typically associated with the idea of "freedom" and discusses how they have formed the ideological core of an uncompromising foreign policy. States that the prevailing idea that freedom is "fragile" must be modified to construct a more balanced conception of national security. (GEA)

Recent reports and proposals for the improvement of foreign language education and general education (with implications for foreign language instruction) are examined and critiqued, and consideration is given to current developments for this field and the establishment of a national foundation for foreign languages and international studies. (CB)

Vaky, former Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, presents an assessment of how the United States regards Latin America, how Latin America views the U.S., and how the two impact upon each other. Concludes that the security and leadership of the United States rests on collaboration with Latin America. (GEA)

This paper seeks to examine the violation of territorial integrity as a stage of hybrid warfare. Grounded in the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism, this study analyses nations' foreign policy strategies considering both global and domestic factors. Employing primarily qualitative research, this study concentrates on a case study of the South Caucasus region. Against the backdrop of the war which broke out in the early 2022 between Russia and Ukraine, the preservation of territorial integrity emerges as an imperative aspect of national security policy. Despite the longstanding recognition of territorial integrity as a fundamental tenet of international law over the centuries, this war has galvanised all nations with regard to the violation of territorial integrity. The paper delineates the principles of territorial integrity vis-à-vis the national security of the South Caucasus countries, substantiating the assertion that violation of the territorial integrity of the particular countries in this region serves the interests of external actors, either directly or indirectly, and is employed as a strategic tool in the pursuit of protracted hybrid warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]