Search

This paper argues that while the main drivers of economic development in the Asia-Pacific region will be a sound development policy and good governance, migration can play a facilitating role at a national, especially at a regional level within countries. It discusses the role of the demographic dividend and Asia-Pacific youth bulges in assisting development in the region and the potential role of migration in that context. It examines the evidence that migration has delivered developmental advantages to sending countries and regions through an analysis of the effects of remittances, diaspora, interactions and return movements. There also is, however, an evidence of brain drain effects having negative impacts. Nevertheless, it concludes that the potential positive effects of emigration on sending countries are being diluted because of poor quality governance of migration systems in the region. These include excessive rent taking at all stages of the migration process, corruption, lack of capacity in migration management and exploitation. The final part of the paper addresses the important issue of what needs to be done if the full potential of international migration to deliver development dividends to sending countries to the region is to be taken advantage of. This includes a change in the attitude towards migration which recognises its potential benefits, a more development-friendly migration policies at origins especially at destinations, capacity building and a parametric improvement in migration management, greater bilateral and multilateral cooperation and more evidence-based decision-making in policy and programme development. A role for Australia in this is also discussed. Migration is not a substitute for good governance and sound socio-economic policy in the development of Asia-Pacific nations, but it can have positive outcomes in poverty reduction and improving the lives and prospects of many people. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Research on the economic performance of small states has concentrated on the implications of small size and thin local markets. An interesting feature of many of the world's smallest states, of which the Pacific region has many, is that they face additional challenges than just small size. Many are remote from global markets for their products. In addition, a large number are also islands, many of which are also mountainous. Many of the smaller states are not just islands, but are also archipelagos. Hence in addition to small size, many of the world's small states also exhibit four other characteristics that may affect their economic performance: insularity, remoteness, being archipelagos and being highly mountainous entities. This paper examines the nature of the challenges posed by these four characteristics and seeks to produce empirical evidence of how difficult it has been to overcome these challenges. The paper draws on empirical evidence for 126 very small global states, dependent territories and highly autonomous regions. The paper then turns to the position of the Pacific small states and dependent territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pacific governments seeking to expand national economies are increasingly looking to tourism to provide revenues. At the same time, companies that operate cruise ships are searching for new destinations for increasing numbers of larger, faster ships which they are launching to cater for steadily increasing demand for cruises. The Pacific region appeals to both companies and passengers as a cruise destination. This coincidence would, at first glance, seem to provide an opportunity for a mutually beneficial relationship between companies and governments in the region. But little is presently available to those in the Pacific who must decide what role this form of tourism might play in their future. This paper reviews some of the environmental, economic and societal impacts of cruise ship tourism and concludes that, managed effectively, this form of tourism can yield higher returns with lower risks than some alternatives and could form a part of a sustainable tourism policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes an important new push by international financial institutions towards broadening and deepening capitalist social relations in the underdeveloped world in ways well beyond Washington Consensus structural adjustment or even post-Washington Consensus forms of institutionally-oriented “participatory neo-liberalism.” Described here as the “deep marketisation of development” (or simply “deep marketisation”), this process is attracting increasing resources that are formally allocated directly to private actors around states, while also demanding and promoting shifts in state form and function that relate to cultivating “enabling environments” for capital and facilitating “access to finance.” The article begins by conceptualising deep marketisation and placing it in historical and political context. The second section presents examples of deep marketisation in action in the work of the World Bank's private sector arm, the International Finance Corporation, in the Asia-Pacific. The article concludes by highlighting some serious concerns with the deep marketisation agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Northeast Asia presents a major theoretical puzzle: the region is rife with security challenges and seems continually poised for horrific military conflicts. Yet, despite many structural tensions, the region has been devoid of significant shooting wars since the signing of the Korean armistice in 1953. This essay examines two major contributions to that pacific condition: first, the pervasive focus on economic development and the growing economic links across the region; and second, the growing number of multilateral institutions within the Asia-Pacific. It concludes that while a ‘Pax Americana’ was important to peace in the past, the long-term prospects are for the continued absence of overt conflict but in ways that will reflect an overall decline in America's capacity to shape regional developments. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the interrelationship between economics and security in the Asia/Pacific region. It states that the economic influences on situations have increased while its economic motivations for conflict have lessened. The author stresses that the links between economic power and military potential are more ambiguous because of the costs of relevant military actions and the limited benefits. Moreover, strategic attention attempts to take an opponent than to localized conflicts designed to influence larger political or economic outcomes or to the spill-over effects of internal conflicts.