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Examines the international economy and trade in 2005. Risk of economic growth of China; Potential for growth of growing countries, including Brazil; Background on global economic imbalances.

This paper presents findings from a study exploring children's participation and protection rights. The research was conducted by the International and Canadian Child Rights Partnership (ICCRP) – a multi-sectoral partnership, involving academic institutions, non-government organisations, and young people in five countries. Although funding came from a Canadian federal agency, partners adopted a decolonial approach to break down inequitable power dynamics. This approach ensured the usage of contextually relevant methods and that children's voices were heard. This paper reports on findings in Brazil, China, and South Africa, where participatory methodologies were used, to explore how young people and adults conceptualise the experience of 'participating together.' Our findings show that there is no single conceptualisation of participation that fits the different contexts where the ICCRP worked. In China, the emphasis is on education and respect for parents' decisions about their lives; in South Africa, it is on respect and duty to elders and community; while in Brazil, participation relates to 'protagonism' where there is a rhetoric of young people's autonomy in public policy. However, in all cases, intergenerational relations are dynamic and evolve over time. Additionally, individuals who experience meaningful participation in public spaces, change their attitude to participation in the private sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fast-growing developing countries have emerged as an important destination and source of trade, investments and technology. Furthermore, trade between developing countries has grown rapidly over the last decades, and is becoming more diversified, where exchange includes from primary commodities to manufactures and high-end services. The aim of the special issue is to look at these dynamics and how the leading developing countries have turn into growth engines and technology drivers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Precision medicine (PM) is emerging as a scientific bandwagon within the contemporary biomedical sciences in the United States. PM brings together concepts and tools from genomics and bioinformatics to develop better diagnostics and therapies based on individualized information. Developing countries like China and Brazil have also begun pursuing PM projects, motivated by a desire to claim genomic sovereignty over its population. In spite of commonalities, institutional arrangements produced by the history of genomics research in China and Brazil are ushering PM along different trajectories. In the Chinese case, we identify a strong state-backed push for PM combined with a dynamic network of international academic and private actors along the lines of networked technonationalism that has made large-scale, speculative PM projects possible. The Brazilian case is characterized by an institutional void at the federal level in which PM is driven by domestic academic actors in universities in the regional level, resulting in smaller scale, needs-driven PM projects. Through these cases, this paper shows how a scientific bandwagon adapts to national histories and institutions. Through this peripheral translation of the scientific bandwagon, the global infrastructure of biomedical knowledge has the potential to be transformed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several developing countries have become world leaders in the field of renewable energy, of which China, but also Brazil and India stand out. This research paper focuses on the positions they occupy in the world rankings of hydro, wind, solar and bio energy capacities, as compared to the developed countries. At the same time, the investigation points to specific catalysts or, on the contrary, deterrents of the "green revolution" in the developing world. Hydropower is the most important form of renewable energy in all the three countries included in this evaluation. It is underscored that China is the first one in each of the four world rankings, taking into account the total installed capacity of renewable energy: hydro, wind, solar and bio. It is also the largest investor in renewable energy capacity worldwide. Brazil ranks second as regards hydropower and bioenergy capacities, while India ranks fourth in wind and bioenergy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a neo-classical aggregate production and Stochastic Impacts by Regression on Population, Affluence and Technology (STIRPAT) modeling framework, the paper attempts to explore the relationship between disaggregated energy consumption, economic growth, and carbon dioxide emissions in case of five emerging market economies-Brazil, Russia, China, India, and South Africa (BRICS) over the period 1992 to 2016. The study applied the robust unit root, cointegration, and long-run elasticity estimation methods like Pooled Mean Group and differenced panel generalized method of moments for empirical exercise. Having detected the panel heterogeneity and cross-sectional dependence, the cointegration tests documented the evidence of a long-run association among the variables. In the long-run, capital, labor, and non-renewable energy consumption are found to affect the economic growth positively. On the contrary, the impact of renewable energy consumption on the economic growth is found be positive but statistically insignificant. Moreover, population, per-capita income, and non-renewable energy consumption are found to increase the emissions whereas renewable energy consumption decreases them. Therefore, along with a proper emissions controls, BRICS countries should design and implement effective support policies so as to ensure the economic growth along with environmental sustainability.

The Green Revolution is often seen as epitomising the dawn of scientific and technological advancement and modernity in the agricultural sector across developing countries, a process that unfolded from the 1940s through to the 1980s. Despite the time that has elapsed, this episode of the past continues to resonate today, and still shapes the institutions and practices of agricultural science and technology. In Brazil, China, and India, narratives of science-led agricultural transformations portray that period in glorifying terms—entailing pressing national imperatives, unprecedented achievements, and heroic individuals or organizations. These "epic narratives" draw on the past to produce meaning and empower the actors that deploy them. Epic narratives are reproduced over time and perpetuate a conviction about the heroic power of science and technology in agricultural development. By crafting history and cultivating a sense of scientific nationalism, exceptionalism, and heritage, these epic narratives sustain power-knowledge relations in agricultural science and technology, which are underpinned by a hegemonic modernization paradigm. Unravelling the processes of assemblage and reproduction of epic narratives helps us make sense of how science and technology actors draw on their subjective representations of the past to assert their position in the field at present. This includes making claims about their credentials to envision and deliver sustainable solutions for agriculture into the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large emerging economies, typically Brazil, India, China and South Africa (BICS), demonstrate a strong upward trend in many aspects of their macroeconomic performance in recent decades. This surge is attributed to 'size effects' whereby economies of scale and scope, and agglomeration impact, create productivity improvements. This paper concentrates on both conceptual and empirical studies about the most important contributions from real and financial sectors towards economic growth in large emerging economies. In particular, the transmission channels from finance to growth are discussed in this paper, to show how size effects can affect these transmission mechanisms from finance to development. The econometric estimations use a structural vector autoregressive (SVAR) model for four specific large emerging economies - BICS - and analyse dynamic shocks from real sectors and financial sectors, together with size-effect variables: education investment, government spending and military expenditures. We conclude that real shocks have much higher impact effects on output and growth compared to financial shocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents a number of ideas on how climate change policy implementation in developing countries can be supported by alternative international cooperation mechanisms that are based on stakeholder interests and policy priorities including broader economic and social development issues. It includes a brief review of current development policies, technological research and promotion efforts, and climate change that demonstrates that mutual policy initiatives undertaken by governments and the private sector actually have major positive impacts on climate change without being initiated by this global policy concern. Furthermore a number of examples are given on how future development objectives in Brazil, China, and India jointly can support economic and social goals and global climate change concerns if these goals are taken into consideration and supported by international cooperative mechanisms. The paper proposes international cooperative mechanisms that can support the implementation of integrated development and climate change policies. The mechanisms include an international sustainable development (SD) and Climate Finance Mechanism (SDCFM), technology development and transition programmes, technology standards, and other measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Fogarty International Center (FIC) initiative, "International Tobacco and Health Research Capacity Building Program" represents an important step in US government funding for global tobacco control. Low- and middle-income countries of the world face a rising threat to public health from the rapidly escalating epidemic of tobacco use. Many are now parties to the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) and capacity development to meet FCTC provisions. One initial grant provided through the FIC was to the Institute for Global Tobacco Control (IGTC) at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health (JHSPH) to support capacity building and research programmes in China, Brazil, and Mexico. The initiative's capacity building effort focused on: (1) building the evidence base for tobacco control, (2) expanding the infrastructure of each country to deliver tobacco control, and (3) developing the next generation of leaders as well as encouraging networking throughout the country and with neighbouring countries. This paper describes the approach taken and the research foci, as well some of the main outcomes and some identified challenges posed by the effort. Individual research papers are in progress to provide more in-depth reporting of study results.

In this paper we present preliminary results of hematopoietic stem cell transplantation for autoimmune diseases in Brazil and China. Chinese experience transplanting lupus is significant and the Brazilian experience with several autoimmune diseases is growing. We discuss peculiar conditions in developing countries which could affect the results, and future prospectives for the organization of phase III randomized trials in those countries.

This paper considers the rise of the BASIC bloc of emerging economies (Brazil, South Africa, India and China) and its influence in pursuing the adoption of an international agreement on climate change acceptable for all countries. It first questions the mere existence of BASIC as a negotiation group. Indeed, whereas the BASIC bloc is now a reality, BASIC countries do not formally want to be distinguished from the Global South. The study tries to explain this equivocal matter of fact by decoding the perimeter and dynamics of BASIC. It also analyses what would be a balanced outcome of climate change negotiations from BASIC's point of view, through the three challenges any future agreement will have to take up, namely legitimacy, equity and effectiveness. It appears that BASIC may be considered in a transitive phase regarding the climate change issue. BASIC countries seem to want more power but to fear responsibilities. Therefore, they find it much more comfortable to experience their evolving status as parts of a group of other growing actors of international climate negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Projections for the global economy frequently center on the BRIC countries: Brazil, Russia, India, and China. As futurists and economists alike define and re-define both formal and informal coalitions (for example, by broadening the R in BRIC to include all Eastern European economies or instead re-directing the discussion to G-8 countries or to World Trade Organization members), the education profiles of the individual nations sometimes resemble economic indicators: what is imported, what is exported, and what is the potential for expansion. Higher education, and specifically distance learning (the Clicks element of this paper), can already be charted in these terms for some nations. This paper describes the current role of distance learning in countries described as growing economies and proposes a typology for describing change as additional data become available. The paper informs readers of global developments in distance education, using the BRIC nations as examples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose — The main purpose of the paper is to propose an empirical analysis of the relationship between total consumption of different key metals (aluminium, copper, lead, nickel, tin and zinc) and per capita income of some important developing countries (Brazil, China and India) today present in the international scenario with very different perspectives from in the past. Design/methodology/approach — The research is carried out investigating a double aim. Mainly, whether the environmental Kuznets' Curve (EKC) model related to material consumption (and hence ‘renamed’ as material Kuznets' Curve) could be used — in empirical terms — as a possible explanatory pattern of past and current trends for these three important countries. Second, whether the observable trends in industrialised countries is similar to those already implemented in the developing ones. After a brief, but ineluctable, premise considering the theoretical basic assumptions to define the issue and regarding general statements, the specific cases for Brazil, China and India are proposed. Findings — Results do not closely fit the theoretical expectations but, as has already been seen for industrialised countries in previous research work, there is a prevailing trend in the lowering of material intensities with rising per-capita income levels. Originality/value — Without pretending to be exhaustive, this paper can be useful in improving the understanding of such developing economies, considering features not yet included in the international literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign infrastructure investment (FII) is essential to the economic growth of developing countries. However, developing countries are prone to higher levels of political risk, which act as detractors to such investment. The nature of political risk has been well documented and includes such factors as corruption, inadequate legal protections, opaque regulatory processes, and unstable governments prone to volatile shifts in project support. Even so, the impact of political risk on FII does not arise from environmental factors alone, but also emanates from the internal attributes of the infrastructure delivery system; which is to say not all projects are impacted to the same extent by a given political climate. Although the external political risk environment has been extensively explored, the internal vulnerabilities are not well understood. This study identifies the impacts of foreign infrastructure vulnerability on FII and its mediating capacity in offsetting the adverse effects of political risk on FII in developing countries. It draws on a database of China and Brazil from 2006 to 2019, as exemplars of developing nations. A partial least-square structural equation model (PLS-SEM) method is employed in analyzing the database against existing system vulnerability factors as identified: political risk exposure of the system, system's capability of dealing with political risk, and the relationship between host and home countries. The findings confirm that, ceteris paribus, FII flows are hindered when infrastructure projects carry higher risk exposure. Moreover, where systems possess the capacity to mediate political risk, FII participation is facilitated, while also diluting the negative impacts of that risk on the delivery system. These findings add to the body of knowledge in the domain of vulnerability theory, while offering a practical political risk management pathway for multination investors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding the causes of growing carbon transfers between developing countries is likely to be the first step in their mitigation. With this in mind, the current paper uses multi-regional input-output analysis to investigate CO 2 emissions and value-added embodied in China-Brazil trade. We propose the use of value-added exports, rather than gross exports, to more accurately estimate the economic benefits of trade. We find enormous increases in both CO 2 emissions and value-added embodied in exports for China and Brazil between 2000 and 2014. During this period, China's position as a net CO 2 emissions and net value-added exporter vis-à-vis Brazil deepens. Major sources of increasing embodied CO 2 exports for China were the basic materials and electricity industries and for Brazil were the basic materials, agriculture and mining industries. Estimates of net carbon intensities reveal advantages for China in electronics and for Brazil in agriculture and mining. Structural decomposition analysis shows that the changing consumption in China and Brazil as well as the changing structure of intermediate exports from China to Brazil were important sources of increasing embodied CO 2 emissions. This latter finding was possible due to the method proposed in this paper of decomposing the production structure into the domestic, export and import production structures. In line with the key findings, various implications and emission abatement policies are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article brings to fore long-standing intricacies and dilemmas in Brazil's and China's international positioning. It reveals the complex discursive repertoires shaping the Brazilian and Chinese sense of Self in the world, in the Global South, and, more particularly, in relation to Africa. It engages with the concept of "liminality" to highlight how constructing South–South relationships and invoking Southern identities have been ambiguous, indeterminate—thus liminal—endeavors in these countries' international affairs. By dissecting their diplomatic and corporate narratives towards Africa, our analysis demonstrates, notwithstanding tensions and contradictions, how Brazilian and Chinese actors have creatively acted upon this liminality to pursue foreign policy goals and economic projects. In doing so, the article stresses the floating, ambiguous nature of powerful constructs such as "South" (and "West"), and binary oppositions between them. It concludes by discussing how a liminality perspective allows us to understand the unfixed and multifaceted nature of roles and identities in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been considerable debate about the capacity of emerging powers, such as the BRICS (Brazil, India, China, South Africa), to act as a unified and coherent force in global economic governance. In the case of the World Trade Organization (WTO), strategic cooperation and alliance-building among the emerging powers—specifically Brazil, India and China (BIC)—were essential to counterbalancing the US and other traditional powers and enabling the rising powers to defend their interests. However, as this article shows, the BIC alliance at the WTO has collapsed. The core issue that historically united the emerging powers and provided the foundation for their alliance was 'special and differential treatment' (SDT) for developing countries. Yet both Brazil and India have now defected from the alliance, abandoning China. Brazil was the first to defect, switching sides and realigning itself with the US; the change in its alliance calculations reflected shifting economic priorities and a fundamental reorientation of its foreign policy strategy away from its earlier Third Worldism. India then defected when its alliance with China, once an important source of strength in WTO negotiations, instead became a liability. As a result, having lost its key allies at the WTO, China is increasingly isolated in multilateral trade negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vigorous growth of the Chinese economy together with its increasingly successful role in international trade may have profoundly impacted developing countries. This study examines the large increase in the international trade exposure of the Brazilian economy during 2000–2012 to assess the impacts of import competition on its manufacturing formal and informal labor markets. In this period, import penetration grew by more than 20 percent in Brazil, and the share of the import penetration originating in China increased from 3 to 20 percent. At the same time, the share of informal workers in manufacturing declined from 27 to approximately 15 percent. Employing a switching regression model and Brazilian household survey data, this study finds that a greater industry-level Chinese and 'rest of the world' import penetration increases the likelihood of jobs becoming informal at different intensities, and these effects are smaller in unskilled-labor intensive industries and manufacturing states. Additionally, both types of import penetration positively impact the average informal wage. In contrast, the estimates suggest that a larger Chinese import penetration reduces average formal wages, while imports from elsewhere have the opposite effect. The results also indicate that the magnitude of the effects on wages are moderated by the unskilled labor intensity of the industry and whether the worker is located in a manufacturing state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the argument that the so-called four BRIC or the five BRICS economies can help rescue the global economy from its current crisis. It reviews the arguments for the positive role of these developing economies and then urges a series of reasons for caution about their capacity to act as an independent element in global economic recovery. It also draws attention to the differences between these economies and the need to consider the way that economic issues are related to geo-political considerations in the global system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper presents an overview of the current status of the main CCS initiatives in the major emerging economies: China, India, Brazil, Mexico, Russia, and South Africa. This study first covers all six countries as a group and describes their natural resources. The second part of this study embraces each country individually and includes current initiatives and current legal and technological status of CCS. At the end, this study summarizes the main findings in the emerging economies and the potential of including CCS as part of the CDM. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Objective: To provide experience for formulating prevention and control policies, this study analyzed the effectiveness of the Coronavirus disease 2019(COVID-19) prevention and control policies, and evaluated health equity and epidemic cooperation among BRICS countries. Methods: This study summarized the pandemic prevention and control policies in BRICS countries and evaluated the effectiveness of those policies by extracting COVID-19 related data from official websites. Result: As of May 4, 2021, responding to COVID-19. China adopted containment strategies. China's total confirmed cases (102,560) were stable, without a second pandemic peak, and the total deaths per million (3.37) were much lower than others. India and South Africa who adopted intermediate strategies have similar pandemic curves, total confirmed cases in India (20,664,979) surpassed South Africa (1,586,148) as the highest in five countries, but total deaths per million (163.90) lower than South Africa (919.11). Brazil and Russia adopted mitigation strategies. Total confirmed cases in Brazil (14,856,888) and Russia (4,784,497) continued to increase, and Brazil's total deaths per million (1,936.34) is higher than Russia (751.50) and other countries. Conclusion: This study shows BRICS countries implemented different epidemic interventions. Containment strategy is more effective than intermediate strategy and mitigation strategy in limiting the spread of COVID-19. Especially when a strict containment strategy is implemented in an early stage, but premature relaxation of restrictions may lead to rebounding. It is a good choice to combat COVID-19 by improving the inclusiveness of intervention policies, deepening BRICS epidemic cooperation, and increasing health equities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's rapid economic growth created new challenges and opportunities for Latin America over the 2000s. Much ink has been spilt analysing how countries in the region surfed the Chinese wave of commodity-based prosperity. However, there is fertile and quite unexplored territory to analyse how these regional powers in the Global South, from a comparative perspective, have interacted with China as they tried to improve their international position over the 2000s. We analyse in this article how Brazil and Mexico dealt with China's presence and strategic goals in Latin America and assess the outcomes they extracted from this relationship. We draw evidence from and offer comparisons across different presidencies in each country (Lula and Rousseff in Brazil, and Fox, Calderón, and Peña Nieto in Mexico) over the 2000s, which allows us to grasp the variation in ideology, governance style, and electoral legitimacy. We ground our theoretical framework in the concept of international insertion, a Southern-based framework that opens space to understand and explain how countries in the South behave in international politics from a different point of view. We claim that the efforts made by the national governments in both countries to improve their positions achieved limited or transitory results, if considering China as a strategic factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Country Brand Equity (CBE) is a core topic in international business; however, it is scarcely discussed in publications. Due to their global market importance as developing nations, Brazil and China were evaluated by U.S. consumers. The purpose of our model was to measure CBE by adding a new construct – Country Brand Reputation (CBRep) – to the classic models of brand equity at a country level [Country Brand Awareness, Country Brand Perceived Quality (CBQua) and Country Brand Loyalty (CBLoy)]. Therefore, these four constructs are represented by fifty-one variables founded on preexisting scales. By applying psychometric procedures, a CBE model was constructed and validated using Structural Equation Modeling (SEM). The Brazilian and Chinese models indicated quite similar results. The results implied consistency regarding both countries' CBE when measuring the Country Brand Reputation's influence on CBE. Thus, we propose a model named the Reputation-Driven Country Brand Equity Model (CBE-Rep) designed for countries, regions or cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND: Household air pollution (HAP) from solid fuel use for cooking affects 2.5 billion individuals globally and may contribute substantially to disease burden. However, few prospective studies have assessed the impact of HAP on mortality and cardiorespiratory disease. OBJECTIVES: Our goal was to evaluate associations between HAP and mortality, cardiovascular disease (CVD), and respiratory disease in the prospective urban and rural epidemiology (PURE) study. METHODS: We studied 91,350 adults 35-70 y of age from 467 urban and rural communities in 11 countries (Bangladesh, Brazil, Chile, China, Colombia, India, Pakistan, Philippines, South Africa, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe). After a median follow-up period of 9.1 y, we recorded 6,595 deaths, 5,472 incident cases of CVD (CVD death or nonfatal myocardial infarction, stroke, or heart failure), and 2,436 incident cases of respiratory disease (respiratory death or nonfatal chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, pulmonary tuberculosis, pneumonia, or lung cancer). We used Cox proportional hazards models adjusted for individual, household, and community-level characteristics to compare events for individuals living in households that used solid fuels for cooking to those using electricity or gas. RESULTS: We found that 41.8% of participants lived in households using solid fuels as their primary cooking fuel. Compared with electricity or gas, solid fuel use was associated with fully adjusted hazard ratios of 1.12 (95% CI: 1.04, 1.21) for all-cause mortality, 1.08 (95% CI: 0.99, 1.17) for fatal or nonfatal CVD, 1.14 (95% CI: 1.00, 1.30) for fatal or nonfatal respiratory disease, and 1.12 (95% CI: 1.06, 1.19) for mortality from any cause or the first incidence of a nonfatal cardiorespiratory outcome. Associations persisted in extensive sensitivity analyses, but small differences were observed across study regions and across individual and household characteristics. DISCUSSION: Use of solid fuels for cooking is a risk factor for mortality and cardiorespiratory disease. Continued efforts to replace solid fuels with cleaner alternatives are needed to reduce premature mortality and morbidity in developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What role did the present emerging powers play in the creation of the United Nations? Drawing on Plutarch’s ‘ship of Theseus’ paradox, this article analyses how, and the extent to which, Brazilian, Chinese and Indian representatives influenced key debates leading up to the UN’s foundation. At the time Brazil was ruled by a fascist-inspired military regime, yet it had supported Allied efforts during World War II; China was split among Nationalists and Communists; and India was still a British colony. These national delegations reflected the main social and political struggles of their respective countries. While these three countries were able to influence the design, procedures and substance of the burgeoning organisation, their agency was limited by their primary focus on internal issues. By comparison, in the present era they have been able to extend their influence in global governance debates by coordinating certain reformist positions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Purpose – The goal of this article is to conduct macro-level analysis of human capital (HC) development strategies, pursued by four countries commonly referred to as BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India, and China). Design/methodology/approach – This analysis is based on comparisons of macro indices of human capital and innovativeness of the economy and a review of related academic literature and government publications. Findings – The study results suggest that in terms of present human capital capacity Russia and Brazil are ahead of China and India. However, during the last decade the governments of the latter two countries have initiated impressive national programs of HC development, which include significant investment and targeted government regulation in such areas as primary and secondary education, vocational education and training, and higher education, especially in science and technology fields. Russia and Brazil have targeted programs in some of the above areas, but lack comprehensive long-term strategies, covering all the above areas and coordinating effort of various agencies and constituencies. Research limitations/implications – It is recommended to expand the scope of analysis to include other fast growing developing economies (e.g. Mexico, Indonesia, and Turkey). Originality/value – The article provides, for the first time, a comparison of human capital development indices and strategies of the four largest developing economies. The original feature of the article is a combination of the analysis of macro-level indices with an in-depth analysis of policy documents and academic literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea that a single group of emerging powers, principally the BRIC states, are reshaping global politics is now prevalent. However, the basis of their newfound power is not well understood. Their influence is primarily a function of their regional clout, and their outsized weight in multilateral institutions; but also because the goals of US policy frequently play to emerging-power advantages. Investigation of how the emerging powers are choosing to wield this influence in the economic, financial, and security realms finds that, although they have some blocking power, the most prevalent strategies thus far have been to bargain hard to protect their own interests and national space, and to balance the growing influence of their BRIC counterparts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the development of multinationals in the emerging markets of China, India, Brazil and other countries. It highlights the role of globalization on the growth and development of multinationals in the emerging economy. It also examines the literature of emerging country multinationals which could help understand and manage complexities in the future.

The article offers information on a survey of entrepreneurial collaborations among health biotechnology firms in developing countries. According to the survey, though there is a high level of collaboration, there is also a lack of emphasis on new or improved health biotechnology products and processes. Countries included in the survey are Brazil, China, Cuba, Egypt, India, and South Africa and the number of firms surveyed is 467 wherein a total of 288 firms completed the survey. Survey authors recommend the integration of more South-South collaboration in their innovation policies and provide support for firms that want to promote innovation in health biotechnology.

This special issue aims to set a course for future inquiry on regulatory enforcement in industrializing countries. With examples from major countries including Brazil, China, and Indonesia, the articles develop four cross-cutting themes: (1) how enforcement and its institutional context vary geographically and temporally, (2) how enforcement is affected by deficiencies in regulatory capacity and autonomy, (3) how civil liability regimes interact with enforcement, and (4) the relationship between enforcement and regulatory instrument choice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the attempts of emerging third world powers China, India and Brazil to harness the forces of globalization to strengthen their international standing in multilateral institutions like the World Trade Organization (WTO). Their qualitatively differing aims of enlarging the middle class, creating jobs for the poor, developing a technologically advanced economy; Potential role in transforming the global balance of power.

Clinical criteria/Family history-based BRCA testing misses a large proportion of BRCA carriers who can benefit from screening/prevention. We estimate the cost-effectiveness of population-based BRCA testing in general population women across different countries/health systems. A Markov model comparing the lifetime costs and effects of BRCA1/BRCA2 testing all general population women ≥30 years compared with clinical criteria/FH-based testing. Separate analyses are undertaken for the UK/USA/Netherlands (high-income countries/HIC), China/Brazil (upper–middle income countries/UMIC) and India (low–middle income countries/LMIC) using both health system/payer and societal perspectives. BRCA carriers undergo appropriate screening/prevention interventions to reduce breast cancer (BC) and ovarian cancer (OC) risk. Outcomes include OC, BC, and additional heart disease deaths and incremental cost-effectiveness ratio (ICER)/quality-adjusted life year (QALY). Probabilistic/one-way sensitivity analyses evaluate model uncertainty. For the base case, from a societal perspective, we found that population-based BRCA testing is cost-saving in HIC (UK-ICER = $−5639/QALY; USA-ICER = $−4018/QALY; Netherlands-ICER = $−11,433/QALY), and it appears cost-effective in UMIC (China-ICER = $18,066/QALY; Brazil-ICER = $13,579/QALY), but it is not cost-effective in LMIC (India-ICER = $23,031/QALY). From a payer perspective, population-based BRCA testing is highly cost-effective in HIC (UK-ICER = $21,191/QALY, USA-ICER = $16,552/QALY, Netherlands-ICER = $25,215/QALY), and it is cost-effective in UMIC (China-ICER = $23,485/QALY, Brazil−ICER = $20,995/QALY), but it is not cost-effective in LMIC (India-ICER = $32,217/QALY). BRCA testing costs below $172/test (ICER = $19,685/QALY), which makes it cost-effective (from a societal perspective) for LMIC/India. Population-based BRCA testing can prevent an additional 2319 to 2666 BC and 327 to 449 OC cases per million women than the current clinical strategy. Findings suggest that population-based BRCA testing for countries evaluated is extremely cost-effective across HIC/UMIC health systems, is cost-saving for HIC health systems from a societal perspective, and can prevent tens of thousands more BC/OC cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]