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Examines the international economy and trade in 2005. Risk of economic growth of China; Potential for growth of growing countries, including Brazil; Background on global economic imbalances.

This paper aims to provide an overview of the position of the developing countries in the international trade system and discussion about perspectives of their trade development. The main hypothesis of the paper is that developing countries as a group have made a breakthrough in the world trade in the past two decades, but genuine improvement has been made and enjoyed by several large developing countries, primarily China. The paper elaborates mostly by use of methods of analysis and synthesis, based on the extensive processing of trade data, as well as relevant literature. In this context, the paper provides evidence about trade liberalisation of the developing countries since 1980s to the present time, intense export growth of the developing countries over the period, as well as change of the trade structure of the developing countries with developed countries, evident through rising share of the medium and high skills and technology based products. In purpose of provision of more realistic assessment of the position of the developing countries in the international trade system, special attention has been put on China's trade performances, given the rapid increase of China's share in the world trade from less than 1 per cent in 1980 to over 10 per cent in 2011. The major findings of the paper confirm that improvement of the overall position of the developing countries in the international trade system has mainly resulted from the improvement of the trade position of several countries, primarily China. The paper also provides overview on WTO simulations about international trade prospects up to 2035, which confirm further dependence on the trade position of the developing countries as a group from China's trade accomplishments. In this perspective, the paper argues that there is a need for differentiated treatment and provision of extra flexibilities for the other developing countries in purpose of achieving as genuine improvement in their trade position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper focuses on the transformation of China's foreign affairs. The transformation is closely associated with and mutually reinforced by the developmental changes that have taken place in China. China's strong economic focus has had a profound effect on its foreign relations and international strategies. With sustained growth over the past three decades (1978–2008), China has become an important member of the world community. In particular, its influence has been growing in the Asia-Pacific area. China's unique developmental model and path are recognized and scrutinized worldwide. The present paper discusses special aspects of foreign aid and also explores the changes in principles of and approaches taken in the application of foreign aid policies. Under dual external and internal pressure, China has to constantly adjust, renew and improve its approach to diplomatic and international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the fluidity that permeates the contemporary international community is driven by especially political and economic globalisation, which has a huge impact on the relationship between the nation and the state. As the individual nation state is increasingly dependent on the international community for its economic survival this dependency on the global has as a consequence that it rolls back aspects of national sovereignty thus opening up the national hinterland for further international influences. These developments initiate a process of disaggregating state and nation, meaning that a gradual disarticulation of the relationship between state and nation produces new societal spaces, which are contested by non-statist interest groups and transnational more or less deterritorialised ethnic affiliated groups and networks. The argument forwarded in this article is that Southeast Asians of Chinese descent utilise these newly created spaces for setting up diasporic-like networks thus providing substance for transnational ethnoscapes or nations without states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China was a latecomer to the preferential trading bandwagon that has swept East Asia in the years since the financial crises. The Chinese government was unwilling to go down the path of negotiating bilateral and minilateral agreements until the terms of its accession to the World Trade Organization were finalized. Since then, it has become one of the most active participants in the negotiation of preferential trading arrangements, currently being engaged in negotiations with more than 20 countries. The paper will address the following questions about China's move to preferential trade: (a) What forces are driving China's approach to the negotiation of preferential trade agreements? (b) To what extent is it possible to untangle economic and political motivations in China's choice of partners for PTA negotiations? And, which economic interests are being pursued most aggressively? (c) How are conflicting domestic interests reconciled in the policy-making process? (d) To what extent will the new PTAs facilitate Chinese-dominated production networks in the regions? (e) What overall impact will the PTAs have on the Chinese economy? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and China are two of the world's most ancient civilizations. For centuries they shared advanced ideas, inventions, religious and philosophical traditions. But their economies and societies stagnated during the colonial period. In the post-colonial era mutual relations suffered a setback due to political and boundary disputes. In contemporary times they have reemerged as leading techno-economic nations. It is high time for them to move beyond conflicts and start cooperating politically, economically, and technologically for mutual benefits. Recent developments and exchanges indicate that the ball is already rolling in that direction. Globalization for common good requires coming together rather than falling apart, sharing resources and assets rather than wasting them in endless conflicts. In the context of currently shifting global political and economic power, no two nations are better equipped than India and China to show the world how the common concerns of humanity can be addressed through mutual respect, friendship, healthy competition, and sharing of resources. This paper discusses some of these possibilities in the age of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to early predictions during its accession, China has not sought to play a leadership role in the Doha Round negotiations or to rewrite WTO rules in a systemic manner. However, China's role in the negotiations came into prominence during the 'mini-ministerial' held in Geneva in July 2008. Now included in the seven-member group (G-7), China came under fire from the United States and the European Union for failing to demonstrate greater leadership. This article seeks to explain the nature of that criticism and argues that over-reliance on the question of 'Chinese leadership' as an explanatory concept could aggravate broader misperceptions about China's position in the Doha Round. According to these misperceptions, China has 'broken cover' and that it has become more 'assertive' while becoming more 'protectionist'. In other words, there is the view today that China has emerged as a fresh obstacle to the conclusion of the Doha Round talks. This article analyses that misreading and argues that an analysis of China's position in the negotiations must be tempered by a more nuanced understanding of certain tensions and mixed positions within China's overall approach. The article seeks to explain China's current position in the goods negotiations, on agriculture and non-agricultural market access, and in the services and rules negotiations. It also tries to explain the complexities of China's alignment with developing country members and how that is likely to translate into various negotiating positions on specific issues. Finally, the article discusses a range of factors that are likely to play an important, continuing role in shaping China's perception of specific trade issues and, more importantly, its perception of the overall worth of an eventual outcome to the Doha Round. These range from China's reflections on the success of the 2001 accession process, its domestic political constraints, the emergence of a successful FTA programme, and resort to out-of-WTO aid for developing country nations, as well as the potential longer term impact of the current global economic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A theory is outlined for why an expansion of international trade may aggravate inequality in developing countries such as China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]