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In recent years, nuclear security has gained prominence on the international security agenda. Driven by post 9/11 anxieties and the politicization of fears regarding nuclear terrorism, concerns in this area have spawned a wealth of initiatives, which seek to counter this threat. Principal among these have been efforts to promote nuclear security education and infuse teaching and learning in this sphere with a more holistic understanding of the subject, its relevance and its implications. Against this background, this article sets out the findings of empirical research into the impact of nuclear security 'train-the-trainer' professional development courses on the practice of an emerging cadre of nuclear security educators. In particular, the paper explores the value of this model as a means of establishing sustainable communities of practice in the context of nuclear security education.

The attacks of terror carried out on September 11, 2001 gave rise to waves of hate-fueled violence across the country. It has been argued that the attacks and the subsequent, current context of war have resulted in a heightened sense of American intolerance. They have led to discernable shifts in how certain minorities are perceived and treated in the United States. Since the attacks, an alarming number of Arab, Iranian, and other Muslim Americans have been targeted and hurt, becoming victims of a vicious brand of "patriotism." The FBI reports that the number of anti-Muslim hate crimes filed has spiked from 28 in the year 2000, to 481 in 2001--representing a seventeen-fold increase. Backlash continues to take on the form of verbal taunting, airport profiling, and even physical violence. The group hardest hit by hate crimes post 9-11 has been the South Asian Americans. Today, young desi Americans find themselves--perhaps for the first time--in the shaky, undesirable position of standing out for the "wrong" reasons. Listening to reports of hate crimes directed at South Asian and Muslim Americans after the events of September 11th, they must now contend with the understanding that their position in this country is more tenuous than they perhaps realized. In this paper, the author discusses what growing up during a time of rising confusion and xenophobia has meant for the children of Indian immigrants. (Contains 24 endnotes.)

This research paper explores the nuanced perspectives of South Asian nations, primarily India and Pakistan, on the global efforts toward nuclear disarmament. Against a complex regional security landscape, historical conflicts, and evolving nuclear doctrines, this study employs a qualitative research design, drawing on document analysis and existing literature. The findings reveal divergent views between India and Pakistan, often shaped by intricate factors of security considerations, regional dynamics, and domestic political influences. The paper discusses the implications of South Asian stances on global disarmament efforts. It proposes potential pathways for fostering dialogue and cooperation in pursuing nuclear disarmament in the region. Through an in-depth examination of South Asian perspectives, this research contributes valuable insights to the broader discourse on nuclear disarmament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how China's presence in the East African seaports has created a threat to the Indian Ocean's security. In particular, the research empirically analyses whether China's growing activities in the Western Indian Ocean along the East African coast have dismantled the security architecture of the Indo-Pacific. This paper aims to understand the responses of India and her allies in containing China's rise in the region. The paper has taken three East African ports, Dar es Salaam, Lamu, and Doraleh port of Djibouti, as a case study to examine how Chinese presence in these three ports could dismantle the security architecture of Indo-Pacific in the Western Indian Ocean region. The paper demonstrates that the present competition of power projection in the Indian Ocean is a power maximization strategy for the national security of each state. Using primary and secondary data available on China, India, and other states' policies and activities, the study finds that it is a policy failure of the Indo-Pacific, accelerating China's rise in the region. However, the Indo-Pacific partners are revamping their policies to check China's rise in the Indian Ocean region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crop nitrogen (N) use efficiency has been recognized as a useful indicator to measure the overall progress of the country towards achieving the sustainable development goal. Moreover, national level N use efficiency indicators are essential for improved estimate of global N budget and environmental impact assessment. We made an attempt to calculate the indicators of N use efficiency for rice at national and regional level in India. We utilized the data from research papers (23 no) published in reputed scientific journals and theses (83 no) submitted to different state agricultural universities over a period of 46 years (between 1972 and 2018). The partial factor productivity of N for rice in India ranged from 39.8 to 68.0 kg kg−1 with a national average value of 52.8 kg kg−1. The national average agronomic N use efficiency and nitrogen recovery efficiency (REN) were 18 kg kg−1 and 42.6%, respectively. Conducive agro-climatic condition coupled with improved crop management resulted in higher REN (>50%) in northern zone states of India. Whereas, rain-fed eastern and central zone states have REN<40%. The partial N balance (PNB) in rice ranged from 0.72–1.42 in India. The states with lower PNB need to reconcile their N addition with crop N uptake by adopting N responsive varieties and advanced fertilizer management to prevent environment degradation and economic loss. The findings of this study have significant implications for N budget estimation and policy decisions on hunger, food security and environment at national and global level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

America's Indo-Pacific strategy is essentially a combination of its Asia-Pacific and Indian strategies: through the consolidation of its strategic alliances, it can deepen its relations with Asia-Pacific allies, and through its "wedging strategy" it can pull India into its orbit to become a strategic "fulcrum" bridging the region. India was both a key member and leader of the non-aligned movement, while also previously forming a "quasi-alliance" with the Soviet Union. At present, it has responded to the US Indo-Pacific strategy with cautious initiative. From the vantage point of a state targeted vis-à-vis a wedging strategy, India's strategic behavior is shaped by the strategic environment, its primary strategic objectives, and the relations between allies within the context of a unique strategic environment. This paper identifies two types of strategic environments: the general strategic environment and the specialized strategic environment; it further identifies primary strategic objectives as economic development, sovereign integrity and independence, national security and great state status (especially with respect to that of regional or global major powers); meanwhile, the alliance relationship is defined according to the extent to which there are divisions across state interests and the capacity of states to act autonomously vis-à-vis the alliance. Through an analysis of India's diplomatic experiences, this paper argues that against the backdrop of America's "Indo-Pacific" strategy and a lose general strategic environment, the primary strategic objective of achieving major state status and a "large divide over interests and a major space for autonomous action" shape India's cautious initiative with respect to its alliance relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's attempt to forge a distinct role for itself in the global order started soon after independence in 1947. Since this watershed event, India's policymakers have gradually recast their initial strategy of nonalignment, as they realized that Nehruvian "soft" power was not adequate for creating an especially dynamic presence in an increasingly volatile international environment. In response to this realization, India embarked on a journey of transforming its diplomatic benchmarks. In 2017, to counter China's assertiveness across the region, India joined then-U.S. President Donald Trump's advocacy in launching the Indo-Pacific strategy. Transforming the nation's diplomatic benchmarks while maintaining a coherent narrative of national identity was the main challenge. This paper examines the role that media narratives play in maintaining that coherent national identity. To do so, we analyzed 47 reports by the Times of India (TOI) on the Indo-Pacific strategy in order to reveal how elite media strategically framed the nation's regional policy, thereby ensuring its ontological security—its sense of continuity and order—while conveying its global aspirations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of American exceptionalism in guiding US national security concerns has often come under scrutiny in the past from security analysts and policy makers alike. The US is not alone in projecting its exceptional values in its foreign policy articulations. Indian foreign policy assertions also stress India's unique civilizational qualities that make it capable of pursuing a "peaceful" modernity as opposed to the "violent" modernity of the West. The aim of this paper is to analyze how the idea of exceptionalism impacts the national security cultures of the two biggest democracies of the world. What are US and Indian exceptionalism in the context of international relations? How do they translate into the national security cultures of a superpower and a rising power? Is their national security culture driven by fear or hope, trust or mistrust, flexible or rigid strategies? These are some of the issues that this paper seeks to address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Safeguarding national security requires ensuring cyber security of a nation. While India has a wider law framework to ensure national security as against wrongs committed in real world, it is yet to match this framework to suit to the regulatory framework essential to address concerns raised due to the abuse of cyber technology. Though Indian laws including substantive legal provisions empowers the State to regulate acts affecting national as well as cyber security, its procedural rules suffers from being outdated and thereby irrelevant in addressing the concerns specific to cyber space. Ensuring national security requires access to data, both personal as well as non-personal data. While recent legal developments have been focusing on extending wider protection to privacy including data privacy, the State agencies strive to access data, which at times are crucial to the enforcement of laws in general and to ensure national security in specific. Jurisdictional issues further complicates the matter. As a result, the law enforcement agencies expect proactive coordination from internet intermediary in facilitating access to data, e-surveillance, decryption, internet traffic data monitoring, etc. Intermediaries on the other hand are also legally mandated to ensure data privacy, freedom of speech and other rights of internet users. This often has led to the conflicting concerns requiring new legal response. This paper will overview the existing laws as well as assess the changes Indian law is currently undergoing in these regard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India views the Indian Ocean as an embodiment of its strategic presence in the region. India has realized the strategic importance of the Indian Ocean since its independence and is keenly interested in maintaining sustainable maritime operations. This strategic importance of the Indian Ocean has diversified India's national security objectives intertwined with its national interests. On top of that, the US has strengthened its relations with India in the last two decades; as a result, the Indo-US partnership is deemed to help India in becoming a pre-eminent maritime power in the Indian Ocean region. This has expanded India's role as a net security provider in the Indian Ocean region. In this sense, Indo-US. strategic cooperation and bilateral agreements have granted the former an exceptional strategic role in the latter's strategic calculus and security interests in the Indian Ocean region. Moreover, the US strongly supports India's military rise in the India Ocean region as a rightful Chinese competitor. China is not ready to accept the Indian naval exceptionalism. In response to Indian engagement in the Indo-Pacific region, China is increasing its naval presence in the Indian Ocean region. This paper attempts to explore linkages between India's naval rise in the Indian Ocean region due to Indo-US strategic partnership. Both powers have made a strategic handshake to contain rising China. In addition, the paper also explores the implications of India's naval ambitions in the Indian Ocean region and its implications for strategic stability and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a March 2015 speech delivered in Mauritius, India's current Prime Minister Narendra Modi outlined what he described would be India's vision for the Indian Ocean Region. Under the acronym, SAGAR or "Security and Growth for All in the Region," five key points were elucidated. At the time, the speech was praised for articulating a proactive approach to the Indian Ocean and the various visits to, and agreements that followed with, littoral and island countries, appeared to confirm this. This paper seeks to assess the extent to which India has been able to deliver an agenda of security and growth for the maritime region. Despite the enthusiastic reception to SAGAR, the critique is often made that India is slow to deliver on the promises made as part of the country's maritime and naval diplomacy. The paper highlights a selection of decisions and actions taken since 2015, which have contributed to maritime governance in the region and argues that there is a substantial change in the way SAGAR provides a framework for strategic action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes instances of the Indian leadership's choice of an escalatory approach in its border dispute with China, first in the adoption of the Forward Policy in the lead up to the 1962 war, and more briefly the more recent decision in 2017 to take escalatory action in response to Chinese activity in the Doklam area in the trijunction of the India-China-Bhutan border region. In doing so, the paper demonstrates how a focus on reputation as an explanatory factor may allow us to make better sense of how Indian leaders have in the past and continue to in the present make decisions on key issues of national security concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Being a maritime nation with considerable economic and military power, India has shown keen interest in demonstrating its role as a major security provider in the IOR. In the Southwest Indian Ocean too, India has sought to develop a security presence and strengthen its position by capitalising on its historic ties with the littoral nations of the region through provision of military training, defence equipment and security advisors. India's efforts are mostly directed at making the Indian influence more visible in the strategic affairs of the region that seem to be clouded by the increasing Chinese forays into the region. The paper evaluates the strategic relationships through the maritime dimensions of India's engagement with these littoral nations. The intensity of India's efforts to be seen as an important maritime security providing power of the region and the response of these littoral states to India's call for greater cooperation forms an important thrust of the paper. The article argues that India's national security concerns and great power ambitions manifest itself in India's engagement in the region. However, greater exploitation of its strategic ties with Mauritius and Seychelles hold the key for greater maritime strategic influence in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rising convergence between India and the United States, as well as their strategic interests, have been evident since the end of the Cold War. Over the last decade, the Indo-US strategic partnership has strengthened not only in the areas of defence, arms cooperation, counter-terrorism collaboration, ballistic missile defence, drones, nuclear technologies, space, and cyber technology, but India has also emerged as a prominent strategic partner of the United States in the areas of cyber and homeland security. India is becoming a pompous regional player who wants to be the regional hegemon as the Indo-US Strategic Partnership grows. As a result of the Indo-US strategic cooperation, the discrepancy in conventional and nuclear weapons between India and Pakistan could exacerbate the South Asian arms race and destabilise Pakistan's security environment. Pakistan must implement a proactive foreign policy in order to gain from the changing global and strategic environment. For Pakistan's economic and security, an alliance policy with regional and extra regional nations would be more prudent. Under the shadow of the US-India cooperation, this paper briefly emphasises the potential security threats to Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent military standoff between India and China in Ladakh had received tremendous public attention, both domestic and international. Mounting uncertainty, chaos, and looming instability marked the crisis for the fact that it shattered the prolonged stability along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). Particularly for India, it marked the heightening national security challenges from China. While the discussions that followed the crisis explored at length how the clash and the ensued crisis generated security threats, it seems to have inadequately captured the nuances of the insecurity generated. The article argues that the security concerns generated were not just physical but also 'ontological'. The paper seeks to demonstrate how the Ladakh crisis engendered a sense of ontological insecurity for India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the maritime diplomacy of India's Prime Minister Modi, and argues that it is encapsulated in the acronym SAGAR, i.e. security and growth for all in the region. This vision also spells out that maritime security is the primary responsibility of the littoral states, while stressing cooperation and collaboration. It also highlights aspects of the Blue Economy and suggests that SAGAR is nonassertive, seeks peaceful resolution of disputes and calls for a commitment by all countries to adhere to international maritime laws. The paper argues that India conducts its maritime diplomacy at three levels which give it a “strategic strength”. They are: high-level bilateral visits where strategic issues are an important component; regional collaborative means; and, lastly, revitalizing the cultural and civilisational links with projects such as “Project Mausam”. The paper concludes that the International Fleet Review to be held at Vishakhapatnam in 2016 gives India a “strategic opportunity” to contribute to a maritime narrative which may be able to address the mistrust in the current global maritime order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The disastrous event of 9/11 changed the Political and Security dynamics of the world. The event of 9/11 provided a chance for India to enter into Afghanistan. Afghanistan attracts the world powers due to its strategic importance. Afghanistan is a gateway to the energy rich Central Asian Republics. India's involvement in Afghanistan is quite realistic. India had never established cordial relations with the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The event of 9/11 gave India a chance to establish cordial relations with the Afghan political government. India participated in the Bonn Conference and announced its support for the people of Afghanistan in the reconstruction of the country. India enjoyed its best relations with the governments of Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani in Kabul. India enhanced its ties with Iran to secure its interest in Afghanistan and to counter Pakistan. India and Iran have some common interests in Afghanistan. New Delhi has invested a big amount in various sectors in Afghanistan to enhance its influence in Afghan society. India has worked hard to facilitate Afghan Nationals to boost its soft power. India now influences the internal politics of Afghanistan. The world considers India a major market in South Asia. India's presence in Afghanistan has always been a source of worry for Pakistan. Pakistan considers India's presence in Afghanistan a threat to its National Security. Pakistan thinks India should work for the betterment of Afghan people but she should avoid using Afghan soil against Pakistan. Pakistan has already suffered a lot due to the disturbance in Afghanistan. Peaceful Afghanistan is in the favor of South Asia and for the Global Powers. This paper focuses on the Indian presence in Afghanistan and India's role to bring peace in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Strategic minerals have a substantial role to play in the development and security of the nation and play a critical role in the development of the national economy. The paucity of strategic minerals in India has been a serious concern for the last several decades. Growing global demand, high value, declining production and constant pressure for finding new mineral deposits captivate not only India's but also the world's outlook towards strategically important minerals. At present, India is having resources worth 87.39 million tonnes of tungsten, 24.63 million tonnes of vanadium, 189 million tonnes of Nickel, and 25.50 thousand tonnes of REE's, but these reserves are almost negligible as per National Mineral Inventory (NMI) (01.04.2015). Hence, India is highly dependent on imports for the supply of strategic minerals. It is a major area of concern for India, since regular supply from foreign countries may be interrupted for obvious reasons such as changing the geopolitical situation or the foreign mineral producers forming cartels to dictate the prices. Hence, in the present geopolitical scenario, India needs to focus on adopting superior technology for recycling, exploring substitutes, retain and modernize the stockpiling of strategic materials, and encourage research and development in this area. Also, the supply of these minerals should be secured through the strategic acquisition of overseas mines by forming diplomatic ties and trade agreements. In this paper, an attempt has been made to discuss the present status, consumption, import, and respective substitutes in the context of current Indian economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the ratification of the National Food Security Act (NFSA) in 2013, the Indian state digitized its food rationing infrastructure, replacing paper‐based ration cards with digital rationing documents and other technologies of authentication. The shift from analog to digital documentary practices has rematerialized documents and devices to enable closer monitoring of the exchange of food entitlements in ration shops. Making biopolitics digital has enabled the state to exert greater control over rationing practices by rendering them more transparent. However, the state's obsession with preventing practices of corruption has hindered, rather than facilitated, access to entitlements for some rightful beneficiaries of the NFSA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most studies looking at India's external policies continue to "black-box" the actual process of how Indian foreign policy is made. More specifically, most studies generally overlook how India's complex domestic polity and bureaucratic apparatus shape India's foreign policy outlook. Unlike works on India's security policy which have built from and contributed to broader academic debates, studies on India's foreign policy have failed to directly engage with concepts and theories developed by the sub-discipline of Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). Why have these concepts and approaches not been consistently applied to the Indian context? There are various reasons for this, ranging from these disciplines' excessive reliance on Western case studies, or the lack of interest in mainstream International Relations scholarship by South Asianists (in contrast to disciplines such as economics, political theory, and developmental studies, all of which have benefited from the Indian experience). This special issue is a step towards bridging this gap and to encourage a greater dialogue between FPA and the systematic study of Indian foreign policy. Through the careful analysis of specific case studies, the different papers offer a conceptually grounded and empirically innovative reading of India's foreign policy across time, space, and themes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cyber criminals have new tools at their disposal and are becoming more adaptive than ever. In the present scenario, advent of technological revolution has given broader opportunities and scope to Internet users, but at the same time this has led to the global high-tech cyber crime. India is rated in the top 5 countries affected by cyber crimes, which are gaining momentum from simple e-mail type of crime to serious crime like hacking, phishing, vishing, source code theft, cyber staking, Internet time theft, web jacking and cross-site scripting. Internet has acted as an alternate avenue for the criminals to conduct their activities and launch attacks with relative obscurity. Nowadays, cyber criminals are targeting the social and professional networks and threats are directed at the mobile platforms like smartphones and tablets. Traces of illegal digital activities are often buried in large volumes of data, which are hard to inspect with the aim of detecting offences and collecting evidence. In this paper, an attempt has been made towards evolution of cyber crime, its detection and challenges ahead. The paper also sheds light on the present status of cyber crime, steps taken by the government organizations to avoid cyber crime and also upon international accordance and solutions to deal with the same. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indo-Myanmar relations are based on history and civilizational ties. Indo-Myanmar's close socio-economic, commercial, political, cultural relations had existed all through the ages dating back to ancient and medieval times. Beyond these ties, ethnic links between the people of Myanmar and India exist in four states bordering Myanmar, namely, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Nagaland, and Mizoram, and have continued since antiquity. In contemporary epoch, both countries have been enjoying warm and friendly relations. For example, Myanmar is the only gateway to Southeast Asia connecting India by land and acts as a buffer zone between the northeastern region and China. Myanmar is considered as one of India's immediate neighbors and part of its successful Look East Policy (LEP), currently Act East Policy (AEP). For India, Myanmar is the connecting bridge as it is crucial for India's LEP, besides the development of stronger ties with Southeast Asia and East Asian countries. Consequently, it is important to examine the role of the Indian Diaspora in achieving internal (stabilizing border areas) as well as external (stabilizing Southeast Asia) security objectives of India. The diaspora has emerged as a powerful lobby since they are documented as "soft power" in International Relations and foreign policy strategy. It is also a driving force or agent of economic development between India and Myanmar. Therefore, this paper attempts to study the role of the Indian Diaspora in transforming the bilateral relations between India and Myanmar in the contemporary context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Illegal Bangladeshi migration is a matter of concern and has posed a great threat to the national security of India. The issue of illegal Bangladeshi migration remains a potent political issue and assumes much significance in India-Bangladesh bilateral relations, especially in the context of taking a decision in shaping India's foreign policy. How to respond to internal and external threats coming from illegal Bangladeshi migrants is a major challenge. Even more difficult is how to guide India's policy within the region and other regions for fostering cooperation to achieve India's larger national and regional security interest. This issue of illegal migration is a sensitive matter and needs meticulous thinking in the geopolitical chessboard of the Indian subcontinent. Hence, this paper attempts to explain how to deal with the illegal Bangladeshi migration issue in order to minimize the threat to India's internal security and provide the right approach to achieve regional cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the major security issues facing the United States today is how to handle the disputed Kashmir region. Since the independence movement in India, the valley has been the source of repeated conflicts between India and Pakistan. After evaluating the history of the conflict in and over Kashmir, this paper proposes a roadmap for peace in the region, drawing on strategic interests of Pakistan, India, and major terrorist actors while reinforcing the conflict's significance to American security imperatives. The paper (1) advises Pakistan to resist further attacks against India in return for territorial concessions in Kashmir, (2)encourages India, due to the disproportional cost of attempting control of a region it has never ruled, to cede much of the region, and (3) provides a framework under which U.S. policy can support these changes. The paper ultimately aims to encourage America to diplomatically facilitate the rise of a powerful Indian state that can balance China's growing regional power, and lead the way in many of the regional issues that continue to plague South-East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indian democracy has been plagued by a long history of ‘rules’ and ‘acts’, defined broadly as assigning to the state the power to impose order, but without clear guidelines as to their use. Understanding agitations against these rules and acts is helpful in seeing a line of challenge to state authority from the position of democracy. This paper will describe the agitations by the All India Newspaper Editors’ Conference (AINEC) against Article 41 of the Defence of India Rules (1939), which focused on the government's ability to censor, ban and fine newspapers. AINEC's fight made visible the effect of capricious and unpredictable government actions on actors outside the elite. In addition, the shifts in censorship brought about by the Defence of India Rules highlighted how groups, ideas or writing could shift from being regarded as ‘responsible’ and credible to ‘irresponsible’ and dangerous on the basis of state decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper highlights the security-related provisions in IPR laws in India. There are no specific provisions related 10 national security in the laws on copyright, trademark, and geographical indication. It describes the provisions in the laws relating to patents, designs, integrated circuits, and plant varieties, The components of the Competition Act and the Information Technology Act relevant to the application of the acts keeping in mind the security of the country have also been included. The paper also points out the importance of other issues in the management of IPRs in defence like protection of confidential information, use of patent information in R&D, and sharing of IPRs during collaboration and the joint ventures in the development of technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conventional wisdom among many analysts and policy-makers is that India’s central government has followed a fairly consistent internal security policy by deploying an “iron first in a velvet glove” that attacks irreconcilable armed groups, while holding open the door to mainstream politics for moderates. This article argues that this wisdom is incorrect. It instead offers a more political explanation of government strategy, showing that Delhi cares much more about some kinds of groups and conflicts than others, leading to a diverse pattern of strategies toward armed actors. Central government strategy is driven by varying political resolve for crackdowns and varying political space for either deal-making or neglect. Rather than a shared general approach, there is a far more selective and complex pattern of strategy. The paper examines both counterinsurgent conflicts and the murkier realm of private armies and armed political parties that blend “normal” politics with violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India believes in the peaceful emergence of the Asian region, but China has not declared its clear vision about the region. In November 2013, China announced Air Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ) in the East China Sea over the Senkaku/Diayou Island, meaning thereby that any plane passing over the Island has to take the prior permission of Chinese authorities. Some of these assertive gestures by China impinge on India to search for new strategic partners at global level like USA and Australia and maintaining smooth relationship with old friend and ally Russia because of the rise of China as uncertain power, but simultaneously India also abstains from any grouping which is anti-China. India wanted to see the peaceful rise of China in the interest of the region and world at large. In the paper, an attempt has been made to explore the India global strategic partnership with special focus on India-Japan strategic partnership in the field of East Asian security, maritime security, energy, defence, space and cooperation at global forums. These two countries are emerging as good strategic partners at bilateral, regional, multilateral and global issues. To strengthen this strategic partnership, there is a need for more and more economic engagement between the two countries, which is still lagging behind the optimum level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Growth in the ageing population in the lastfew years has led to a longevity risk in many developed and developing economies across the world. Longevity is a good economic indicator for the progress of a developing country like India but then it also leads to social and economic challenges. Rising health care costs and inflation have only exacerbated the problem. The state can provide a policy framework, institutionalize mechanisms for providing age old security but beyond that there is a pressing need to look at innovative financing methods. This will involve the participation of private players whose support the Government may need. Social security for the elderly is not just about financial support. It also involves physical, psychological and legal support. While the government has a major role to play, considering the Indian population it is prudent to devise innovative ways of handling this delicate situation. Traditional Indian support systems need to be relied upon. This paper argues the case that strengthening the family system is one of the means to improve old age securityfurther. Laws need to be amended for inheritance of property. The "clawing back" approach in Canada needs emulation in India as old age security benefits reaching those who do not need it can be a great travesty of justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) was founded in 1974 in response to the Indian nuclear test in order to prevent nuclear proliferation by controlling nuclear exports. In 2008, the NSG exempted India from its full-scope safeguards (FSS) condition, making it the first country to be allowed to have nuclear trade with NSG members while retaining its nuclear weapons program. India won this waiver after tough negotiations and having resisted tough nonproliferation conditions. India is now bidding for NSG membership. This paper analyses the prospects for the membership in light of the waiver negotiations and how the waiver negotiations can guide us in assessing the likely path of the membership negotiations. This study concludes that India will resist any conditions and the US and India have to invest massive diplomatic efforts to reach a formula that addresses the nonproliferation concerns of member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan and India are two bellicose rivals in South Asia. They always eye each other suspiciously in whatever they do. Gwadar Port on the shores of the Arabian Sea and close to the Strait of Harmuz, is of great concern to India. Given that China, another rival to India, is part of this mega project, India is more than wary of the Gwadar Port. She considers it a threat to its security. However, Gwadar Port could also be viewed as the gateway to the tremendous oil and gas reserves of CARs since in this age of globalization, nations are establishing economic relationships and are coming closer due to this reason. India and Pakistan can do the same. By viewing the Gwadar Port as an opportunity to overcome her problems, too, India could cash on the tremendous economic potential that the Port offers. This paper highlights the strategic and economic importance of Gwadar Port for India and focuses on the opportunities the Gwadar Port can offer to her. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the ancient days human beings have fought evil forces with all the available might; be it spiritual and/or muscle power. Let us name the two confronting groups as defenders and infiltrators. Now considering the Indian perspective, we assume its position to be defenders as could be seconded by availing historical facts. However, in this endeavour knowingly or unknowingly the knowledge that the Veda's say "YathaPindetathaBrahmande" which means what is going on within you is same as what is going on in the universe Or what arrangements exists at the micro level exists at the macro level also seems to have been sidelined as perceivedby the fall in values and ethical practices albeit worldwide leading to tremendous loss of life and property for the defenders during confrontations. This may be attributed to the absence of a bench mark for comparing the restraint efficiency of the existing defence mechanisms and hence inability to correct the system's output deviations if any in this age old institution of defence and arms. This paper therefore attempts to identify the similarities in them (macro) with the body cell (micro) defence mechanisms when subjected to sources of decay in the practice of ethos and values so that ways and means could be found for understanding and achieving a successful restraint strategy leading to maximum destruction of infiltrators and minimum loss for the defenders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper has been written in response to the recent ethnic conflict in Assam that has become one of the serious issues from our country's national security perspective. The events in Assam created havoc in many parts of our country because it has its spill over implications beyond the state of Assam. The recent events underline the volatility of ethnic violent conflict in India. The events also send a strong message to the state and central government on how a particular event in a state can have its spill over implications to other parts of our country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the assumption that Indian foreign policy-making is characterized by an inherent military restraint and funding for technologies is focused on civilian issues, it is not surprising that the application of Indian satellite technologies has so far been dedicated to societal development and the public good. Against this background, it is puzzling that the Indian Space Research Organisation has recently launched a communications satellite designed to provide services to the Indian Navy. Indeed, the installation of India's first dedicated military satellite in orbit represents a shift not only in India's perception of the use of its satellite capacities but in its security policy in general and maritime doctrine in particular. The following article combines the notion of "sociotechnical imaginaries" and the idea of the "security dilemma" in order to explain this shift in India's use of satellites. Pointing out the salience of realistic theorizing in International Relations, this paper argues that a full understanding of this repurposing of hitherto civilian technologies requires a conceptual blending of IR with science and technology studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that India's access to sophisticated western technologies would enhance its strategic outreach as well as grant it significant geopolitical and economic clout. The U.S.-India partnership to rebalance the Asia-Pacific pivot would consequently influence regional states to realign their policies with the emerging geostrategic environment. Cognizant of its national security concerns, Pakistan would continue to aspire for balanced nuclear deterrence in the region, in spite of its economic difficulties to prevent India from initiating a limited conflict under a nuclear overhang. The major factor responsible for India's non-enforcement of its hegemony is due to Pakistan's capacity to nullify it through the strength of its conventional and strategic forces. However, it would be difficult for countries less experienced in the field of Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) to make effective and credible counter-deterrence threats. This would compel Pakistan to adopt sophisticated manoeuvres with regard to its conventional, strategic, and RMA-related capabilities to neutralize its adversary's coercive policies. Therefore, a comprehensive understanding and careful management of regional security issues is imperative to contain the threats of inter-state war, which is intrinsic to security in South Asia. This would consequently put the entire edifice of nuclear deterrence under stress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and the US have seen a growth in convergence of their interest in the last one and a half decade. However, a new shift in the relations took place soon after Narendra Modi took oath as Prime Minster of India in 2016. The US-India bilateral relationship, over the past decade, has not only strengthened in the fields of defence, and counter-terrorism cooperation, but India became a prominent partner of the US in the fields of cyber and homeland security. The current paper discusses the emergence of the US strategic partnership with India, which has proved to be a bipartisan success. The paper, primarily, focuses on the growing common strategic convergence between the US and India. Furthermore, the paper also presents a brief analysis of the potential growth of the US-Indian strategic partnership under the Trump administration and explores its potentials as a strategic liability or a partnership for India. In addition, it explores the growing US reliance on India in the wake of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC); and for India to act as a global partner and an ally at different strategic levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The value of information is increasing day by day. Technological advancement had brought radical change in the exchange of information, which also gave birth to issues relating tofreedom of information, the flow of information and the use of technology. Encryption and other advanced technologies can be use as a solution to these problems. But, the problem however, is to whether and to what extent the use of encryption techniques should be restricted by law. In most of the countries regulations on encryption techniques comes as a conflicting interest between the privacy rights of individuals and national security. By this paper we address major issues relating to the encryption laws in India namely issues relating to the commercial use of encryption software and hardware by private individuals and companies, credibility of the concept of key escrow or back door entry, and issues relating to the export of encryption software and hardware. And solutions are provided in the form of daft recommendations to the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kashmir issue emerged on the world scene in 1947, after the British withdrawal from the Indian sub-continent. Before the partition of the sub-continent, the ruler of Kashmir had option to decide the future of Kashmir while acceding to either India or Pakistan. The Maharaja of Kashmir opted for accession to India thus signing the instrument of accession to Indian Union. This decision was contested by the government of Pakistan on the ground that majority of state's population was Muslim. The matter was referred to the United Nations after war broke out between India and Pakistan on Kashmir in 1948. The Kashmir issue is not only the bone of contention between India and Pakistan, it is also associated with the peace and stability of South Asia. Given the profound impact that Kashmir issue has on South Asian security in general and Indo-Pak relations in particular, it needs to be examined thoroughly. In order to comprehend the issue objectively, it is imperative to explore the factors responsible for its creation. This paper is an effort to trace the origins of the Kashmir issue, while focusing on the historical and political perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, originally written for presentation in the 30th All India Conference on Criminology at Calcutta (India) and the South Asian Conference at Islamabad (Pakistan), emphasizes the need for a comparative study of criminology and policing in the context of India and Pakistan, which offers a vast opportunity for intellectual input by our scholars, criminologists and practitioners. It is not an exhaustive comparison between the two countries. However, it identifies some fundamental issues and responses, common on both sides, from where the future researcher can take on a more vigorous academic exercise. This will definitely and understandably add to the mutual trust and confidence building measures between the two intrinsically similar but commonly known rival countries. This will undoubtedly, pave the way for the redressal of their common problems, enabling them to redress their social evils with the best practices available at next door neighborhood, and of course, a valuable contribution to the present, though relatively scanty literature on comparative criminology and policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the shifting preferences of Bhutan towards the foreign policy determinants. Three determinants (national security, political culture and economic engagement) have been studied as they play a significant role in shaping Bhutan's policy behaviour. These determinants have been analysed with respect to India, Nepal and China, three countries that have been of critical interest to Bhutan's foreign policy. The main argument of the paper is that when security threats are high or medium, protecting territorial integrity, sovereignty and political culture shapes Bhutan's foreign policy and, alternatively, when security threats are low, economic opportunities determine Bhutan's foreign policy choices. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The most significant contribution of sociological thinking to our understanding of conflict, violence and terrorism is the realization that it is a social construction. Terrorism is the intentional generation of massive fear by human beings for the purpose of securing or maintaining control over other human beings. As a regulating and remedial mechanism to these forms of dysfunctionalities, the role of State and its specific form of governance become an issue of primary concern. Keeping in view, the general understanding of governance and nation-state in the conflicting situation, the paper humbly addresses such issues pertaining to conditions of governance in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) state. It is to be emphasized that the said state had a contentious history and allied disturbances, especially conflicting issues and terrorism at large, owing to its strategic location and conflicting ethnic diversities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper analyses the issue of Maxalism with a perspective on national security and related concerns of Indian democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that more than their boundary dispute, it is the place of Tibet in the Sino–Indian relationship that is at the core of the continuing mistrust between the two countries. For China, pushing economic development as a panacea to ethnic grievances has been an insufficient strategy. To ensure sustainable political stability in Tibet, it is necessary to give India greater space in Tibet in the form of improved economic, tourist and religious exchanges as a way of relieving the sense of cultural siege that ethnic Tibetans suffer from. India meanwhile, having accepted Chinese sovereignty over Tibet, will have to reciprocate with a new ‘forward policy’ of its own allowing for greater Chinese access to its own markets and the removal of other discriminatory restrictions on Chinese travelling to India. The way ahead lies in converting Tibet’s political centrality into an economic centrality in the Sino–Indian bilateral relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper posits that China’s insistence on the ‘return’ to China of the territory constituting Arunachal Pradesh, and even China’s insistence on Indian cession of a salient of territory in the Tawang area of that region, is a form of Chinese deterrence of what Beijing takes to be potentially dangerous ‘anti-China’ behaviour by India. Deep divergence of Chinese and Indian perceptions of Tibet, plus the history of Indian support for unarmed and armed Tibetan resistance to Chinese Communist rule of Tibet, makes Beijing fearful that India might again, someday, work to undermine Chinese rule in Tibet. An open territorial dispute serves as a standing threat to ‘teach India a lesson’, underlining for New Delhi the need for great circumspection in dealing with China. Indian strategic alignment with the United States exacerbates Chinese fears. The intensity of China’s implicit threat can be turned up or down by Beijing as the perversity of Indian policy indicates. Keeping the border issue open dovetails with China’s continuing entente with Pakistan and may even be based on an understanding between Beijing and Islamabad. A premise of this argument is that mainstream Indian opinion is willing to translate the line of actual control into an international border. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The present paper narrates the geo-political position of Nepal and tries to evaluate its impact on lndia's security besides elaborating the historical, and political perspective in relation to border issues with India and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical, or national, information infrastructure protection, referred to as either CIIP or NIIP, has been highlighted as a critical factor in overall national security by the United States, the United Kingdom, India and the European Community. As nations move inexorably towards so-called 'digital economies', critical infrastructure depends on information systems to process, transfer, store and exchange information through the Internet. Electronic attacks such as denial of service attacks on critical information infrastructures challenge the law and raise concerns. A myriad of issues potentially plague the protection of critical information infrastructures owing to the lack of legal regulation aimed at ensuring the protection of critical information infrastructures. This paper will highlight the legal concerns that relate to the denial of service attacks on critical information infrastructures and provide an introductory overview of the law as it relates to CIIP in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relations between India and China have been strained since both the countries got independence. Both the countries consider each other as a threat to their power projection both at the regional and international level. China always had a hot pursuit towards India and both the countries have also fought war. Chinese incursions in Sam du-rung-chub valley in 1986-87 and at other parts of Indian borders have always posed a foreign policy challenge for India. China has been following a consistent policy of engaging Indian neighbors to break the Indian hegemony in the South Asian region. Recently China and Sri Lanka have come quite close and China is making all efforts to groom the relations to its logical conclusion. This paper therefore, an analysis of the implications of Sin-Sri Lanka convergence on the security matrix of India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates to what extent the improving Sino-Indian relations coincide with a mitigation of military threat perceptions. A critical review of the demilitarisation of the border, the military strategies with respect to the Indian Ocean and nuclear arms programmes, reveals that the two countries are still locked in a military security dilemma. Distrust still results in military balancing. The outcome is a complex and multi-level military balance of power that might not bring about peace but enhances stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The developments of technology in communications industry have radically altered the ways in which we communicate and exchange information. Along with the speed, efficiency, and cost-saving benefits of the digital revolution come new challenges to the security and privacy of communications and information traversing the global communications infrastructure. As is with any technology the misuse of technology is noticed similarly the encryption technology. Encryption and other advanced technologies may be used, with direct impact on law enforcement and therefore some restrictions are necessary in the interests of national security. The problem, however, is ensuring that the restriction is legitimate and solely for in the interests of national security, the state not being allowed to interfere and keep a track on individuals'' activities and private lives without sufficient cause. The individual needs encryption to protect their personal privacy and confidential data such as medical information, personal financial data, and electronic mail. In a networked environment, such information is increasingly at risk of being stolen or misused. Therefore, encryption is critical to building a secure and trusted global information infrastructure. Digital computers have changed the landscape considerably and the entire issue, at its simplest level, boils down to a form of balancing of interests. The specific legal and rights-related problems arising from the issue of cryptography and privacy in the Indian context are examined in this paper. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]