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Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to understand the patterns and incidence of child labour in India and to examine the magnitude of child labour across different social groups. It analyses the impact of the socio-economic background of the children on their participation in the labour market. Design/methodology/approach: The paper primarily relies on the data collected from secondary sources. The census of India data and the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) 66th round data (2009–2010) on employment and unemployment in India for the study. The dependent variable on child labour has been computed by the author for the analysis in the paper. Findings: The findings of the paper suggest that poverty is not the only determinant of child labour, but gender and caste of a person is also a significant factor for child labour. The study found that children from lower-caste backgrounds in India seem to participate more in the labour market. In terms of gender, the study found that boys are more likely to engage in economic activities or paid jobs while girls are more likely to engage in household activities. Originality/value: Data used in this paper has been extracted by the author from unit level data provided by NSSO. The variables used for the analysis in the presented paper has been constructed by the author and the figures provided are the result of the author's estimation on data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From research in central Chhattisgarh, this paper interprets the bearing that healthcare beliefs and practices may have in shaping maternal and child nutrition both in the light of biomedical recommendations and within the context and constraints of a rural village setting. It contends that health beliefs and practices that are at variance from biomedical recommendations appear to have few consequences for gestational nutrition and for child health in relation to pregnancy. In the postpartum however, health ideas at variance from biomedical recommendations appear to have an important bearing on maternal nutrition and infant feeding, and may put mothers and children at risk of nutritional deficiency. Maternal 'eating down' following a surgical procedure such as a caesarean delivery or tubectomy is especially noteworthy, since food intake quantity is reduced over an extended time frame. While caring practices are influenced by cultural formulations, they also reflect, perhaps, adaptations to health risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper uses a close reading of villagers’ responses to the death in childbirth of a Muslim woman to raise questions about India’s current policy emphasis on institutional delivery as a means of reducing maternal mortality. After introducing the context and methods of our research, we describe recent policy interventions related to maternal health, including the National Rural Health Mission established in 2005. We then outline villagers’ commentaries on the specific maternal death, focusing on the costs to women’s health (and sometimes life) of high fertility; the lack of care available from rural government facilities and staff and the preference for delivering at home with the aid of local practitioners; the financial constraints that make people hesitate to seek medical treatment; and the high costs of private treatment and the poor treatment experienced in government facilities. Our core argument is that government health care provision in rural Uttar Pradesh is embedded in a moral universe characterised by widespread and long-term mistrust of state services and that encouraging institutional deliveries without addressing the perceptions of potential service users is a seriously flawed approach to reducing maternal mortality. The paper draws primarily on ethnographic research funded by the Wellcome Trust during 2002–2005, in a Muslim village in rural Bijnor district (in north-western Uttar Pradesh). [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Background: Millennium Development Goal (MDG) 5 is focused on reducing maternal mortality and achieving universal access to reproductive health care. India has made extensive efforts to achieve MDG 5 and in some regions much progress has been achieved. Progress has been uneven and inequitable however, and many women still lack access to maternal and reproductive health care. Objective: In this review, a framework developed by the Commission on Social Determinants of Health (CSDH) is used to categorize and explain determinants of inequity in maternal and reproductive health in India. Design: A review of peer-reviewed, published literature was conducted using the electronic databases PubMed and Popline. The search was performed using a carefully developed list of search terms designed to capture published papers from India on: 1) maternal and reproductive health, and 2) equity, including disadvantaged populations. A matrix was developed to sort the relevant information, which was extracted and categorized based on the CSDH framework. In this way, the main sources of inequity in maternal and reproductive health in India and their inter-relationships were determined. Results: Five main structural determinants emerged from the analysis as important in understanding equity in India: economic status, gender, education, social status (registered caste or tribe), and age (adolescents). These five determinants were found to be closely interrelated, a feature which was reflected in the literature. Conclusion: In India, economic status, gender, and social status are all closely interrelated when influencing use of and access to maternal and reproductive health care. Appropriate attention should be given to how these social determinants interplay in generating and sustaining inequity when designing policies and programs to reach equitable progress toward improved maternal and reproductive health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: India launched a national conditional cash transfer program, Janani Suraksha Yojana (JSY), aimed at reducing maternal mortality by promoting institutional delivery in 2005. It provides a cash incentive to women who give birth in public health facilities. This paper studies the extent of program uptake, reasons for participation/ non participation, factors associated with non uptake of the program, and the role played by a program volunteer, accredited social health activist (ASHA), among mothers in Ujjain district in Madhya Pradesh, India. Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted from January to May 2011 among women giving birth in 30 villages in Ujjain district. A semi-structured questionnaire was administered to 418 women who delivered in 2009. Socio-demographic and pregnancy related characteristics, role of the ASHA during delivery, receipt of the incentive, and reasons for place of delivery were collected. Multinomial regression analysis was used to identify predictors for the outcome variables; program delivery, private facility delivery, or a home delivery. Results: The majority of deliveries (318/418; 76%) took place within the JSY program; 81% of all mothers below poverty line delivered in the program. Ninety percent of the women had prior knowledge of the program. Most program mothers reported receiving the cash incentive within two weeks of delivery. The ASHA's influence on the mother's decision on where to deliver appeared limited. Women who were uneducated, multiparious or lacked prior knowledge of the JSY program were significantly more likely to deliver at home. Conclusion: In this study, a large proportion of women delivered under the program. Most mothers reporting timely receipt of the cash transfer. Nevertheless, there is still a subset of mothers delivering at home, who do not or cannot access emergency obstetric care under the program and remain at risk of maternal death. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents findings on hysterectomy prevalence from a 2010 cross-sectional household survey of 2,214 rural and 1,641 urban, insured and uninsured women in low-income households in Ahmedabad city and district in Gujarat, India. The study investigated why hysterectomy was a leading reason for use of health insurance by women insured by SEWA, a women's organisation that operates a community-based health insurance scheme. Of insured women, 9.8% of rural women and 5.3% of urban women had had a hysterectomy, compared to 7.2% and 4.0%, respectively, of uninsured women. Approximately one-third of all hysterectomies were in women younger than 35 years of age. Rural women used the private sector more often for hysterectomy, while urban use was almost evenly split between the public and private sectors. SEWA's community health workers suggested that such young women underwent hysterectomies due to difficulties with menstruation and a range of gynaecological morbidities. The extent of these and of unnecessary hysterectomy, as well as providers' attitudes, require further investigation. We recommend the provision of information on hysterectomy as part of community health education for women, and better provision of basic gynaecological care as areas for advocacy and action by SEWA and the public health community in India. L'article présente les conclusions d'une enquête transversale sur la prévalence de l'hystérectomie auprès de femmes (2214 rurales et 1641 urbaines) assurées et non assurées dans des ménages à faible revenu de la ville et du district d'Ahmedabad à Gujarat, Inde. L'étude souhaitait déterminer pourquoi l'hystérectomie était une raison majeure de recours à l'assurance maladie de la part des femmes assurées chez SEWA, une organisation féminine qui gère un plan communautaire d'assurance maladie. Parmi les assurées, 9,8% des femmes rurales et 5,3% des femmes urbaines avaient subi une hystérectomie, contre 7,2% et 4,0% respectivement des femmes non assurées. Environ un tiers des hystérectomies avait été réalisées chez des femmes de moins de 35 ans. Les femmes rurales utilisaient plus souvent le secteur privé pour l'hystérectomie, alors qu'en ville, l'utilisation était répartie de manière égale entre les secteur public et privé. Les agents de santé communautaire de SEWA ont suggéré que ces jeunes femmes avaient subi une hystérectomie pour des troubles de la menstruation et différentes morbidités gynécologiques. Il convient de réaliser des recherches complémentaires sur l'étendue de ces interventions et des hystérectomies inutiles, ainsi que sur les attitudes des prestataires. Nous recommandons la diffusion d'informations sur l'hystérectomie dans le cadre de l'éducation sanitaire communautaire des femmes, et de meilleurs soins gynécologiques essentiels comme domaines de plaidoyer et d'action de SEWA et de la communauté de santé publique en Inde. En este artículo se presentan los hallazgos sobre la prevalencia de la histerectomía de una encuesta domiciliaria transversal, realizada en 2010, de 2214 mujeres rurales y 1641 urbanas aseguradas y no aseguradas, en viviendas de bajos ingresos en la ciudad y el distrito de Ahmedabad, en Gujarat, India. El estudio investigó por qué la histerectomía era una razón principal para el uso de seguro médico por mujeres aseguradas por SEWA, una organización de mujeres que administra un plan de seguro médico comunitario. De las mujeres aseguradas, el 9.8% de las mujeres rurales y el 5.3% de las urbanas habían tenido una histerectomía, comparado con el 7.2% y el 4.0%, respectivamente, de las mujeres no aseguradas. Aproximadamente una tercera parte de todas las histerectomías se efectuaron en mujeres menores de 35 años de edad. Las mujeres rurales acudieron al sector privado con más frecuencia para una histerectomía, mientras que las urbanas se dividieron casi exactamente por la mitad entre los sectores público y privado. Los trabajadores comunitarios de la salud empleados por SEWA sugirieron que estas jóvenes tuvieron histerectomías debido a sus dificultades con la menstruación y una variedad de morbilidades ginecológicas. La gravedad de éstas y la frecuencia de histerectomías innecesarias, así como las actitudes del personal de salud, requieren más investigación. Recomendamos el suministro de información sobre la histerectomía como parte de la educación de las mujeres comunitarias sobre la salud, y mejor prestación de los servicios ginecológicos básicos, como áreas de promoción y defensa y acción por parte de SEWA y la comunidad de salud pública en India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]