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While individuals living near or on archaeological sites have frequently been hired around the world to dig on archaeological excavations, they have very rarely participated in the recording or documentation of those excavations. They have played even less of a role in designing the structures of either paper or electronic data management systems. In this paper, I describe some potential gaps in the archaeological record as a result of this exclusion, by detailing some ways that the communities at Çatalhöyük, Turkey and Petra, Jordan have developed highly situated forms of knowledge about these archaeological sites due to their proximities to them. I also argue that "proximity" inculcates not only forms of knowledge about an archaeological site, but also, under certain conditions, an important means of sharing knowledge between archaeologists and the communities who live where we work. I contrast proximity to the expansiveness of big data, and question whether it is possible and even preferable to imagine ways of integrating local, proximate perspectives into the rubric of big data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this paper is to detect the determinants of ecological footprint (EF) in Turkey within the scope of the environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) hypothesis over the period 1970–2016. For this purpose, the paper sets up an empirical model including GDP, the square of GDP, foreign direct investments, renewable energy consumption, and industrialization. Hence, the paper also searches for the validity of the pollution haven hypothesis (PHH) for Turkey. The findings of the paper indicate that the EKC hypothesis prevails, whereas the PHH does not dominate in Turkey. The findings also imply EF is negatively related to renewable energy consumption while industrialization does not affect EF. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper delves into the evolving research area of emotions and norms within international relations, focusing on the EU-Turkey dynamics amid the Syrian refugee crisis. Utilizing Emotion Discourse Analysis (EDA), it examines discourses from key EU and Turkish leaders between 2011 and 2023 to understand how their emotional responses to Syrian refugees influence the universal norm of human rights. Since the specific interconnection between leadership emotions and human rights norms remains largely unexplored, this study seeks to fill this gap by examining how emotions expressed by leadership in Turkey and the EU variously challenge, protect, or construct human rights norms related to Syrian refugees. Preliminary findings reveal contrasting emotional expressions: while President Erdoğan's discourse often aligns with the protection and construction of human rights norms, EU leaders' emotions reflect a tension between human rights commitments and border security priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Kurdish-populated Southeastern Turkey, oil theft carried out by Kurdish villagers who live near the oilfields in Diyarbakir are sometimes criminalized. But often, the matter is resolved by the state-owned oil company's engineers and technicians. This paper argues that rather than an exterior problem, oil theft and its management are central to the governance of the colonial and militarized petro-geographies of Turkey's Northern Kurdistan. The governance of kaçak oil, I argue is a technology of rule that is predicated in a moral economy of debt, reciprocity, negotiation, and collaboration that reproduces state territoriality and sovereignty. Yet the relations around oil and oil infrastructures, not only operate as technologies of governance, but also become the means through which Kurdish villagers reappropriate such infrastructures through acts of misuse and sabotage, which in turn, expose the fragility of state power. In arguing so, this paper situates kaçak oil as a distinctively political commodity whose management both reinstates the contours of the sovereign state and proper citizenship as well as a site where Kurdish actors redefine the limits of colonial state power by refusing the relations of indebtedness imposed by a violently benevolent state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the challenges of language and cultural maintenance through education among one immigrant ethnic group, the Uyghurs within Turkey, where the Uyghur population has grown in recent years. Uyghurs are a Turkic-speaking Muslim ethnic minority group of some 10 million people within China, originating from China's northwest Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. Data for the paper are based on ethnographic research conducted in Istanbul, where the Uyghur population in Turkey is the largest. The paper illustrates how the local and global environment impact how culture is constructed, and that identity construction and language maintenance projects are not ideologically neutral. It contributes to the understudied link between language, ethnicity, politics, and education by exploring the ways in which the Uyghur community in Istanbul uses non-formal education to maintain and transmit their language and cultural traditions in their host environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how professional learning of teachers might be improved by two key factors: distributed leadership and teacher agency. Designed as a cross-sectional survey, this study used data from a total of 283 teachers working in a mix of public primary, secondary, and high schools across nine provinces in the eastern, central, and western regions of Turkey. The results showed a very small direct relationship between distributed leadership and teacher professional learning, while teacher agency played a significant mediation role with a moderate effect size. These results extend prior research by providing evidence that distributed leadership may not have a large direct influence on teacher learning; instead, its influence is rather indirect through improving teachers' sense of agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on findings from 15 focus group interviews held with 65 young (aged 18–25) women university students in Turkey who describe themselves as feminists, this paper attempts to reconcile gender and youth studies and introduces social generation as a theoretical tool. The paper demonstrates how these feminist university students, as the members of a generation who had lived all their lives under the Justice and Development (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi- AKP) governments, articulated the difficulties of being young and a woman at a specific conjuncture in Turkey during which the gender regime has been going through a period of deterioration. They discussed their process of transition from childhood to youth, and expressed how in this process they became aware of a social gaze that repositioned them as 'young women' and thus forced them to face the social and political challenges of being a young woman at this specific conjuncture. Feminism did not only empower them to confront these challenges but also turned them into subjects of opposition in a political regime which had adopted an anti-gender agenda and which at the time of the research decided to withdraw from the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combatting violence against women, also known as the Istanbul Convention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peace through Health (PtH), developed in practice in the 1980s and conceptualized soon after by international institutions and scholars, has become a field focusing on the unique role of health in making, building and promoting peace. PtH advocates that health professionals, the actors of PtH, should play an active role in any peace process and should, therefore, be trained accordingly. There is, however, no agreed and established training which addresses PtH for health professionals. It is because each particular type of violence, which is the opposite of peace in the Galtungian sense, and the conditions and the geography in which it takes place have different characteristics. This paper attempts to examine the theoretical and practical aspects of PtH in Turkey and to lead the development of systematic training for PtH in the country. Considering that an advanced health system in the country stands out in the international arena, it is necessary to develop interdisciplinary modules as a part of this for the Turkish tertiary curricula. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a CDM model to investigate the relationship between innovation and productivity for Turkey as a developing country. The results suggest that innovation expenditure increases the probability of innovation, and that innovation affects productivity positively, when other relevant variables are controlled for. As well as the industry-specific concentration ratio, we also investigated the role of firm-specific determinants of innovation such as human capital, exporting, and market share in the innovation - productivity link. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an analysis of the historical trajectory of Turkish geographical practice over the past four decades, situated within the broader socio-political landscape of the country. The transmission of the modern geographical tradition from continental Europe to Turkey during the interwar period established the discipline as a holistic science of the human-environment relationship. Although this understanding started to change after the 1968 events, the 1980 Turkish military coup abruptly disrupted innovative endeavors in the discipline, prompting a resurgence of regionally focused synthesis within geography. This insular approach prevailed for several decades but began to evolve in response to the internationalization trends that emerged in the 2000s, with deliberate steps taken toward fostering innovation. Despite institutional damage resulting from the political developments following the 2016 military coup attempt, the discipline maintained its commitment to innovation. This paper critically examines the divergent responses of Turkish geography and its practitioners to the 1980 military coup and the 2016 coup attempt, highlighting the significant influence of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of violence in Turkey's state-coordinated pursuit of rapid urban transformation. We argue that the Justice and Development Party (AKP) implemented an urban development regime that relied on structural violence to control and distribute urban rent, housing and land. Despite framing this mode of urban transformation as a way to include marginalised urban populations in economy and society, it ultimately proved to be politically and economically unsustainable. In response to resistance, the AKP shifted its strategy to one of coercion in order to maintain control of the pace and scope of urbanisation. We present original research from Ankara and show how this strategic shift unfolded through an analysis of urban policy and planning practice. By highlighting the negotiated nature of Turkey's urban transformation and the limits of structural violence, this paper offers insights into the complexities of contemporary urban politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using President Joe Biden's opinion article published in The Washington Post ahead of the June 14, 2021 NATO Summit as a point of departure, the present paper examines how NATO members fare in terms of the core constituent elements of liberal democracy such as civil liberties and freedom of expression. To this effect, the paper uses three indices constructed and published by the Varieties of Democracy project. The Liberal democracy, Civil liberties and Freedom of expression indices. The results from club convergence analysis that covers the post-Cold War period, indicate the presence of different convergence clubs among NATO's member-states and Turkey as the single divergent country. Moreover, given that many NATO countries are also EU members, the paper examines the comparative effect the dual NATO and EU membership had on the democratisation process of East European countries and Turkey. The findings suggest a statistically stronger impact of EU membership vis-à-vis NATO membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking religious education as an important indicator in evaluating religious freedom in a country, this paper focuses on the religion courses in Turkey in order to evaluate Europeanisation and religious freedom in the country. The EU Commission's recent progress reports indicated that the conduct of religious courses in Turkey is incompatible with EU norms. Although important legal arrangements have been made in accordance with the adoption of minority rights in Turkey, it seems more difficult for change to happen in an ideological issue such as education. As religious freedom is an important value for the European Union, this paper aims to explore the impact of Europeanisation on the state of religious education in Turkey and the extent of Turkey's compliance with the European norms in a highly debated area like religious education. It also aims, in a broader sense, to shed a light on the place of religion in the national identity of Turkey today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing focus in political science on right-wing populist parties. But few comparative studies address their discourses and politics relating to family values, especially when involved with policy-making. Moreover, many comparative works about populism focus on a single region – often Western and Eastern Europe. This paper adopts a definition of populism with two different dimensions: the vertical (inclusive), which regards elites, and the horizontal (exclusive), which addresses 'foreigners'. The use of family values in political discourse and policy pertains to the two axes of populism. On the one hand are elites who are accused of being uncommitted to traditional values and morally corrupt. On the other hand are demographic concerns regarding declining birth rates among native populations and immigrants with large families. The stress on family values can also originate from a value orientation – or merely a tactical move – engendered by political competition. This paper specifically examines the politics of family values in the context of policies concerning gender equality, family planning and LGBT rights in three countries: Israel, Italy and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of the failed coup d'état attempt in Turkey on 15 July 2016 on people's happiness, life satisfaction, and trust and finds that the plot had a significant negative effect on all three variables. This paper is the first to show that coups d'état can have a significant adverse effect on people's well-being, as in the case of terrorist attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past two decades, there have been significant efforts to investigate knowledge production in the field of educational leadership and management (EDLM) in non-Western contexts. Consistent with this effort, the present paper aims to identify the contribution of Turkish scholars to the international EDLM literature. More specifically, the review examined the volume, journals, authors, types of papers, most frequently used keywords, citation impact, and co-citation networks of papers associated with Turkish EDLM scholars. Bibliometric methods were employed to examine 313 papers published by Turkish scholars in internationally recognised journals. The results show that while Turkish EDLM scholars have predominantly published in Turkey-based journals, there has also been a substantial increase in the number of papers published in international journals in recent years. This literature is largely empirical with topical foci concentrated on issues surrounding school leadership and organisational behaviour. Author co-citation analysis identified three main Schools of Thought in the Turkish literature: Leadership for Learning, Leading Teachers, Administrative Behavior and Effects in Turkey. Several recommendations are made in order to further develop EDLM field in both Turkey and other emerging countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1970s, Turkey's radical nationalist youth were ideologically and culturally shaped by their involvement in the idealist (ülkücü) movement. The idealists also played a significant role on the streets in fomenting the mass political violence that characterized Turkey at this time. Based on the social movements literature, this paper analyzes why and how far-right movements used political violence, departing from the case of the ülkücü movement in Turkey. In doing so, the paper employs Protest Event Analysis with an original dataset of 5,361 protest events for 1971–1985. The findings suggest that far-right violence was facilitated by discursive and political opportunities, namely the praise of ruling politicians and the non-critical rhetoric of and opportunities provided by the alliance structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does "not looking like a Turk" affect belonging and exclusion in contemporary Turkey? Perceptions of skin colour have the power to transcend socio-economic and national boundaries through experiences of racial otherness. This paper illustrates racialization by focusing on diverse groups of "outsiders". Foreign-born professional athletes navigate a media field that mark them as permanent others, as demonstrated by media controversies around soccer player Mehmet Aurelio. Irregular migrants and African Turks undergo cumulative reminders of non-belonging in everyday encounters. This paper examines how a sense of racially motivated exclusion run through these experiences by (a) distinguishing legal citizenship from an immigrant's symbolic belonging, (b) assigning immutable differences based on skin-colour perceptions, and (c) colonizing everyday life through microaggressions in both face-to-face and mediated interactions. Racialized microaggressions feed from a combination of historical residues – including Ottoman slavery and whiteness campaigns in the formation of Turkish identity – and contemporary global cultural flows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a discourse-theoretic approach, this paper problematises the under-theorised chameleonic quality of populism. While populist politics is often expressed as construction of the people against the elite, this paper argues that the political should rather be sought in how populism revives itself despite (and through) constant discursive shifts. It examines the interrelations between populism, identity and foreign policy, inserting 'dislocation', the transitory moment of disruption in the discursive field, as the main enterprise of populist politics. Empirically, the paper scrutinises how Turkish President Erdoğan switched from conservative democratic to Islamist to nationalist discourses, each with repercussions in the field of foreign policy, and sustained the populist moment through successive dislocations. In particular, it focuses how the 'Ottoman' myth spelled different populisms and foreign policy discourses in different periods of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to investigate how emotions guide and shape diasporic communities' interpretation/perception of socio-political developments in their place of origin. Based on our study of members of the Armenian diaspora who are originally from Turkey and who now live in Melbourne, Australia, we argue that these Armenians have formed their views on political issues under the influence of their emotional experiences, stemming from direct or indirect victimhood. The paper finds that several key emotions – fear, hate (and lack of hate), anticipation, and pessimism, inform and shape the Australian Armenian diaspora's making sense of political developments in their place of origin, Turkey. The paper's contribution to the relevant scholarship is twofold. First, it contributes to the studies on emotions in diasporas by examining how emotions shape individual members of a diaspora make sense of political developments in their place of origin. Second, it contributes to the literature on modern Turkey by studying Armenians from Turkey and their emotions on socio-political phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to evaluate the state of Greek-Turkish relations in light of recent developments in the reconfiguration of Turkish foreign policy. Following twenty years of détente and relative calm in bilateral relations, the year 2020 witnessed two escalations in Greek-Turkish relations, one in March involving refugees and immigrants on the Greek-Turkish land border and another in August involving military vessels of the two countries. The refugee crisis and potential military conflict regarding energy exploration in the Eastern Mediterranean have raised tensions at a moment the political and institutional tools for the promotion of conflict resolution between Greece and Turkey linked to Turkey's EU membership perspective appear to be obsolete. This paper seeks an answer to the question of whether structural or ideational factors played the most prominent role in the recent escalation of the Greek-Turkish disputes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1990s witnessed a shift in the makeup of Turkish industry. Many small firms rose to fortune throughout Anatolia by finding a niche in the ever-expanding global commodity chains of the era of neoliberal globalization. The union movement, though, failed to adapt to this new pattern in industrial relations. This paper analyses the social dynamics and political mechanisms of this union inertia and argues that the traditional unions that were built during the era of state-led industrialization and then import substitution developed an ingrained inability to organize in the small industrial firms typical for the nodes of global commodity chains dispersed throughout Anatolia. However, recently a new type of labour militancy has emerged, creating sporadic opportunities for the labour movement's revitalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many large cities after the success of opposition in local elections are becoming ‘democratic enclaves’ in the de-democratising countries. It is worth posing a question about the effectiveness of this role in the face of further autocratisation at the national level. It requires investigating if taking over the power by these democratic forces as well as characteristics of major cities, favourable in many aspects for democratisation (they have often a ‘democratic potential’) enable the cities to play a role of effective democratisers. The author of this paper takes this task and analyses the cases of Warsaw and Istanbul. He verifies the hypothesis that the combination of long-term democratic deficits, including the local level, impact of the de-democratisation present at the national level and the current centralisation or re-centralisation process undermines the role of both cities as democratic enclaves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a time of authoritarian drift in many parts of the world characterizing a post-liberal order, this paper aims to contribute emerging literature on how domestic and international factors interact in shaping the foreign policy preferences of middle powers in this new epoch. Hinging on a synthesis of linkage and regime survival theories, the article argues that as the 'inner-directed linkage' of the West to those authoritarian regimes weakens, those regimes' 'outer-directed linkage' with emerging Asian authoritarian centres strengthens. Having been ruled for more than 20 years by authoritarian leader Erdoğan of the JDP (Justice and Development Party), Turkey is an interesting case as an authoritarian middle power with its incrementally intensifying ties with Russia and China. Drawing on the Erdoğan regime's statements and acts departing from the liberal order, especially after the Gezi Park protests in 2013 and the failed coup attempt in 2016, the article concludes that Turkey has recalibrated its domestic and foreign policy, replacing its Europhilism with Eurasianism as a part of his regime survival strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of modernity and its association with the West and secularism is being challenged with the rise of religious movements in the age of globalisation. This provides a fertile ground for alternative modernities, disconnected from the West and secularism, to surface. This paper provides a theoretical explanation for the emergence of alternative modernities by drawing on insights from epistemic injustice and recognition theory, through an analysis of Turkish media outlets. Turkey serves as an illustrative case to examine the emergence of alternative modernities due to its long-standing tradition of incorporating Western modernity and its complex liminal identity between the boundaries of the East and the West. This paper argues that the period from 2005 to 2020 presented a window of opportunity for an alternative modernities paradigm to engage in epistemic struggles for recognition, supported by the ideological context of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi or AKP) government. This period paved the way for questioning the superiority and uniqueness of Western modernity. However, it also indicates the birth of a new form of epistemic injustice as counter-narratives defending the superiority of Islamic civilisation emerged, seeking to establish epistemic hegemony for Islam and its association with modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, particularly since 2002, relations between Iran and Turkey have been on the rise and generally expanding. The aim of this paper is to analyse and clarify the reasons for the sustainability of the two countries' relations while undergoing intermittent eruptions of disputes over the years. In other words, the main question is: why have Iran and Turkey, with their political frictions, routinely embraced rapprochement and collaboration in recent decades? Accordingly, the hypothesis proposed is that a key reason for the ongoing cooperation between Tehran and Ankara in different fields, is the rationale of geopolitical complementarity engendering their security needs in broad meaning, particularly energy security and natural gas. Whilst the logic also applies to water security, both states attach greater importance to border security and energy. In short, their common geopolitical destiny over-rides individual state preferences. To examine this hypothesis, Barry Buzan's theory based on a broad definition of security as well as regional security complex has been deployed through descriptive analytics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the augmented version of the Blanchard-Perotti's SVAR model, this article seeks to estimate the size of fiscal multipliers in Turkey for the period 2002:q3–2016:q2. Unlike many previous papers that use aggregate data in estimating the size of the fiscal multiplier, we use disaggregated data on taxes and government spending for the same purposes. Our empirical findings indicate that the size of the short-run fiscal multipliers for taxes much differs from that of government spending. Depending on the disaggregated tax and government spending instruments, it ranges from −0.83 to −0.27 for taxes, and from 0.02 to 0.98 for government spending, respectively. Overall, these findings corroborate the idea that a shock to taxes produces a non-Keynesian effect on GDP whereas government spending creates a (weak) Keynesian effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The short-term GDP growth-based economic success of the BRICS has spawned a trend of grouping large emerging market economies under shared monikers. The proliferation of a wide array of labels – from MINTs to VISTAs – within political and financial circles has been accompanied by a growing scholarly interest in the study of these 'emerging markets' and future 'rising powers'. This paper discusses the literature on Turkey's 'rising power' status to problematise the conceptual and analytical parameters that shape these wider debates. Accordingly, I argue that the established parameters are wholly based in, and in turn reproduce, a neoliberal conception of development which prioritises a narrowly construed metric of economic progress based on GDP growth, while simultaneously ignoring the associated socio-economic and environmental costs. The paper interrogates the ways in which select macroeconomic indicators have been deployed to legitimise neoliberal reform in Turkey and utilises this case study to mount a methodological challenge to the relevant IR/IPE literatures that conceptualise 'emerging markets' and 'rising powers' from growth-oriented perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main argument of this paper is that Turkey had close relations with Middle Eastern states during the Atatürk period, which is contrary to the literature that claims the opposite because of Turkey's Western-oriented ideology. The article asks why Turkey as a Western-oriented state sought to have close relations with Middle Eastern states. To answer this question, the article uses discourse analysis focusing on Middle Eastern leaders' visits as represented in Turkish public discourse. Accordingly, it proposes two main answers. Firstly, the paper argues that the new state's relations with Middle Eastern countries played an important role in legitimation of its Westernization projects in the eyes of its citizens. Secondly, the Turkish state marginalized rival political discourses, mainly Islamism, by proving that even Muslim majority countries wanted to imitate modern Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between academic freedom and authoritarianism in Turkey. While not a new problem in the Turkish context, academic freedom has come particularly under attack following the attempted military coup on 15 July 2016, as well as with the Turkish intervention in the Syrian conflict. This paper is focused on scholars and academics currently working in Turkish universities. The paper explores the following questions: (1) how do these scholars define academic freedom in Turkey; (2) what is the relationship between universities and the Turkish society; (3) what are the changes that higher education is facing following the 2016 coup d'etat, in particular, in terms of pressures and barriers to academic production; (4) how do attacks affect scholars' possibilities to create, lecture, and resist government's policies? Drawing on Gramsci's theory of intellectuals and his notion of hegemony, as well as Foucault's theory of power and/as knowledge, we explore the relationship between authority and knowledge. We argue that the government's aggressive politics against Turkish scholars is a result of the failure to consolidate its power and hegemony through knowledge, and to establish an intellectual base in a Gramscian fashion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the externalization of migration governance and external protection of European borders stimulated the redesign of the Turkish migration regime. This externalization faced its major litmus test with the Syrian refugee crisis. This article proposes that Turkey's accession process to the European Union (EU) and its ongoing collaboration with the EU to control migratory movements altered Turkey's migration regime significantly. Accordingly, the article aims to tackle the following questions: whether the externalization of European migration governance played a significant role in the redesign of Turkish migration governance, and whether this externalization uncovered new collaboration strategies for Turkey and the EU. To do so, this paper analyses Turkish harmonization to the EU rules on migration governance, and the possible role played by the Syrian refugee crisis on facilitating further adaptation. The paper deduces how the Syrian crisis created new challenges for both Turkey and the EU in migration governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the relationship between regime type and foreign policy through the observational lens of the Serbian – Turkish bilateral relationship starting from 2009 to 2018. The approach was chosen to analyse sources of authoritarian power at the points of convergence between domestic and foreign policy, in a realm free from EU conditionality and the push towards liberal democracy. The article argues that investigating foreign direct investment (FDI) in hybrid regimes dependant on foreign capital provides more granular insight into the wielding and consolidation of incumbent power. An empirical examination of the mutual economic relations and the trajectory of the Turkish factory in Serbia indicate that, while Turkish FDI are of smaller financial worth than investments of EU actors, they are highly valuable in qualitatively portraying the complexity of political power. The paper employs the concept of hybridity more holistically to incorporate the regime ambivalence across the entire trio of politics, economy, and society, thus providing simultaneous insight into the embeddedness of informal mechanisms throughout formal institutions, the fusion of economic and political authorities, and the personalization of political power in Serbia. Process-tracing was the primary method of analysis.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relations between Kosovo and Turkey are unique because of the difference in their sizes, potential and influence of these two countries in international arena, and their shared history. Studies on Turkey–Kosovo relations often fail to focus on Turkish foreign policy, which this paper attempts to remedy by analysing the political factors that shape relations between Kosovo and Turkey. This paper assesses the disappearance of the bipolar world order and up to the present. It later discusses relations between the two countries since 1990, when the issue of Kosovo took centre stage in international politics. Further, we explore the evolution of Turkey's policy towards the Balkans, including Kosovo's perceptions of its relationship with Turkey. Finally, the analysis focuses on the triangular relations between Kosovo, Brussels and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration as an economic, social, and political phenomenon that indicates continuity, movement, and mobility has led to revolutionary development in museology as increased interest in different voices has enacted change. Migration has become a key concern in museums as it specifies their type or context by changing their perspectives. This paper examines the current situation of the migration concept in several countries and museums in Turkey, which are based on global examples, and compares them with contemporary equivalents. This allows the international museum community to monitor and discuss developments related to migration museums in Turkey. In Turkey, types of global migration concepts in line with contemporary museology approaches and their reflections are discussed, and types of migration museums will be classified, determined, and compared with global samples. This paper includes an overview how the approach is discussed the stories and objects which are related to migration in the scope of the migration phenomenon in the history of migration museums in Turkey. The scope of Turkey's migration museums to be built on different migration routes are also located in different regions are discussed in the research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the critical shift in geographical knowledge production under the increasingly authoritarian political regime in Turkey, particularly in the aftermath of the unsuccessful 2016 coup attempt. In this context, semi-structured interviews were conducted with sixteen young geographers who experienced the authoritarian shift in the political regime during their graduate studies. The narratives of the interviewees indicate that the young geographers have undergone a critical transformation with two significant aspects: firstly, they reject the traditional style of geographical knowledge production and instead embrace approaches integrated with social theory, drawing from the extensive portfolio of contemporary geography. Secondly, they approach socio-spatial phenomena in a libertarian and critical manner, distinct from the lenses of the authoritarian system. However, due to their legitimate concerns, they often refrain from presenting such research on academic platforms. In this regard, under an authoritarian regime, the critical transformation consists of two dimensions: the arena where geographical products are shared, and the underground, where geographical ‘black boxes’ are held and kept hidden from public view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates possible sociopolitical reconciliatory mechanisms to garner support for peacemaking in conflict-torn societies. Building on the Kurdish question in Turkey, associated with a four-decade-long armed conflict that has spilled over into neighboring Syria and Iraq, we identify policies and framing that can attract support for a political solution to the conflict. We highlight the need for a sociopolitical reconciliatory approach that addresses both the hopes of the warring minority and the fears of the majority. The results from an original nationwide survey indicate that minority demands can initially be addressed through a 'soft settlement,' lying between individual and collective rights. Our results point to the need to relax the concept of negotiated settlement, which has become the most frequent approach to ending internal armed conflicts in the post-Cold War era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article charts changes in the views towards popular culture of the most prominent Turkish-Islamist movement that operated in the late twentieth century, the Millî Görüş ('The National Outlook'), a movement that altered Turkey's history and brought up its current Islamist leader – Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Through a unique and intensive analysis of Millî Görüş texts and documents, the article follows significant changes in Millî Görüş discourse regarding three forms of popular culture – cinema, television, and spectator sports – from the 1970s – when these forms of popular culture were warned against – to the 1990s – when the movement recommended engaging with such culture. This article argues that these changes reflect a greater change in the movement's views on how Muslims should live their lives. Lastly, the paper suggests these changes may have occurred due to three main reasons: (1) deciding strategically to not resist the growing availability and appeal of popular culture; (2) the movement's wish to win the Turkish elections, which required them to appeal also to less pious Turks, and (3) the gradual appearance of alternative, 'Islamic' popular culture in Turkey – one which the Millî Görüş felt comfortable to promote. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey, under the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP), has launched large-scale national housing programmes in line with the emerging international trend in low-income housing provision. This paper analyses the place of the government's housing programmes in economic policy and in the international context to illustrate the overall picture of the Turkish housing policy in the AKP era. Housing programmes have enabled low and middle-income people to access homeownership. However, other areas of housing policy such as land provision, taxes, subsidies, or housing finance have ignored the housing needs of low-income households. The case of Turkey reveals that the area on which the government should focus for low-income housing provision is access to affordable finance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the dynamics of ideological party competition within the context of the 2023 Turkish elections. Focusing on the role and appeal of ideology, it provides insights into the changing landscape of ideological competition during this pivotal electoral period. The study examines whether ideology operates as a guiding principle for Turkish voters grappling with intricate economic and social issues. Despite acknowledging that economic concerns may not singularly determine ideological positions, the paper highlights the enduring significance of ideology in shaping perceptions. The transformative nature of the 2023 elections, marked by the emergence of new parties and electoral alliances, further underscores the relevance of ideology. Additionally, the article assesses the appeal of ideological competition by investigating voters who cannot position parties or themselves on the ideology scale. This analysis reveals that factors such as media consumption, education, gender, and political efficacy significantly influence the ideological appeal in the 2023 elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with how Justice and Development Party (AKP) governments navigated the politics of household indebtedness in Turkey and utilized it towards the 2023 elections. It argues that household debt is a political tool with positive and negative consequences for incumbent governments. Households have been able to access debt instruments such as credit cards, consumer credit, car loans, and mortgages in Turkey since the onset of financialisation in the 2000s. AKP governments have benefited from the micro-level household wealth/debt accumulation as well as its macro-level economic implications for the construction-led, credit-dependent economic growth model. On the other hand, household debt has had destructive societal consequences such as bankruptcies, divorces, and suicides that became commonplace in the opposition narratives. Pinpointing the responsibility for indebtedness among households, financial system, regulatory agencies, and government, as well as devising policy solutions, has become a political struggle in the months leading up to the 2023 elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the 100th anniversary of the Republic, Turkey experienced another multi-party election. This paper aims to analyse the role partisanship played in determining the outcomes of the 2023 General Elections. The literature provides valuable insights about the effects of partisanship on the vote choice in Turkey, and underscores the influence of political socialization, newly emerging political parties, clientelist ties and voters' threat perceptions on party identification. To contribute to this literature, this study provides individual level analysis of the data gathered via Turkish Election Studies (TES) and compares the results of 2018 and 2023 elections. This comparison includes comparative examination of partisanship vis-à-vis the effects of such individual variables as social class, political ideology, voters' perceptions of the recent performance of the macro economy, and cultural identities. The findings show that partisanship and cultural divisions seem to be crucial determinants of vote choices in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the resilience of the Turkey tourism industry to exogenous shocks over the period from January 1997 to December 2018. Using the nonlinear autoregressive distributed lag model, our results show strong evidence for the existence of an asymmetric effect of terrorist attacks on tourism receipts and the number of tourist arrivals. Interestingly, the results reveal that terrorist attacks decreases have a higher impact on tourism demand compared to the impact of terrorist attacks increases. This finding confirms the resilience of the Turkey tourism sector to exogenous shocks. The result indicates the significant role of the Turkey government in supporting the tourism sector during periods of instability. These findings offer several valuable insights for policy-makers and researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Appointed provincial governors do not have any power to make new policies apart from the ones made by the central government, but they are legally responsible for their implementations. In addition, they are not appointed for a specific time period and can be rotated even within a year or can stay longer where they are assigned. However, governors are overtly or covertly influential on provincial development since they have the central government's authority in the local administration. In this respect, using a new panel dataset, the current study seeks to find out if there is a relation between a governor's length of tenure and provincial economic development. The empirical results of the study show a negative relationship between the length of tenure and the economic development of provinces. In addition, longer tenure years are related to lower economic development, while the too-short length of tenure has no significant impact on the economic development of the provinces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the event-study methodology to investigate the effect of the Presidential Turkish elections in 2023 on Borsa Istanbul returns. The data used in this study cover the period from 13 June 2022, through 7 June 2023. We employ a market model to study the effect of two election rounds on the stock market's cumulative abnormal returns (CARs). Our results show that the impact of the first round of the elections on the stock market is mixed, as it has a positive effect on CARs for event windows [−2, 2] and a negative impact on CARs for event windows [−6, 6] and [−7, 7]. However, following round 2 of the elections, results show that re-elections have a significant positive impact on CARs, with average CARs ranging from 678 basis point to 1019 basis point, indicating that uncertainty in the market has vanished and perhaps investors are optimistic about the future of Erdogan reign and his expected economic policies. Results also show that sectors' returns reacted differently to the first round of the elections and round 2 of the re-elections. For example, the event has a significant negative effect on most of the sectors' returns during the first presidential elections. In contrast, it has a significant positive impact on most of the sectors' returns during round 2 re-elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the EU's impact on member and non-member states has been well researched, we have much less understanding of how Europeanization processes give way to de-Europeanization, a widespread phenomenon of the past decade. This paper unpacks and explores the hidden phases and modes of de-Europeanization. I argue that the models of gradual institutional change in historical institutionalism, namely 'layering', 'conversion' and 'drift', operate in different phases of de-Europeanization in a sequential mode. I explore this argument empirically in the domain of regional development policy in Turkey, the longest-standing candidate country. The empirical analysis shows that the mode of 'layering', which involves the addition of new rules without upsetting the existing arrangements, during Europeanization unleashed a subsequent mode of 'conversion', in which new rules were upheld but exploited in implementation. This phase was then followed by 'drift', in which new rules have become irrelevant in the midst of changing circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the substantive representation of women through parliamentary speeches in Turkey with the goal of determining whether legislative behavior differs across gender. By using content analysis of parliamentary speeches given in the Turkish Grand National Assembly between 2002 and 2011, this paper evaluates who speaks more often and on which policy areas they focus. More specifically, it examines the relative participation of women as well as the subjects they choose to address. The analysis of Turkish case is important not only to further our understanding of Turkish politics but also to improve our understanding of women in parliaments with low gender parity. The results reveal that, although there is no significant difference between female and male legislators in terms of the total speeches they delivered, gender differences exist regarding the policy preferences of MPs, even after controlling for partisan, constituency and institutional factors. Female legislators are more likely than their male colleagues to prefer speaking about women's equality issues, children and family issues, and education. In contrast to previous findings, female legislators are as likely as male legislators to prioritize speaking on health care issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Male circumcision maintains a strong connection with religious responsibilities and masculinity construction in Turkey, but some Muslim men oppose this ritual today. This paper argues that opposing approaches to male circumcision on religious grounds do not necessarily enable a critical view of masculinity in general. Muslim men's opposition against male circumcision shows four interdependent approaches about the juxtaposition of male circumcision, religion, and masculinity: (1) 'Defending anti-circumcision' as an example of practicing religion correctly, (2) 'practicing religion correctly' as a necessity for piety, (3) 'piety' as a requirement for masculinity, and (4) hence defending anti-circumcision as an obligation for 'masculinity.' The fourth point takes us back to the first one, and this creates a cycle which also shows how these men construct their own masculinity. The study shows that being circumcised and uncircumcised can both be positioned as a strategy that supports masculinity and internal hegemony in the same geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'The age of sustainable development' has been characterized by an on-going debate over how to define development and which alternative energy resources to rely upon. It is high time to rethink the news media's role in this debate due to transformations in journalism, particularly the role of the media in harnessing the sustainable energy transition. Accordingly, this paper examines the role of the news media in environmental debates over Turkey's nuclear program within the country's polarized media system. Adopting a content analysis method, the paper illuminates how selected media outlets (three mainstream and one online alternative) have framed and disseminated debates over Turkey's nuclear program. The findings reveal that the media system matters in public debates on energy, but also that the alternative media have the potential to contribute to societal debates on issues – even within a polarized media setting – by voicing unspoken ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent work on elections in unconsolidated democracies and electoral authoritarian states has identified violence a problem that commonly afflicts electoral processes. Yet there is still little understanding of citizen reactions to violent acts and how voters attribute blame for attacks, intimidation, forceful obstruction of campaign activities and other violations of electoral peace. This paper aims to add to the growing micro-level literature on the dynamics of electoral violence by providing evidence of factors that shape regional heterogeneity in reactions to this phenomenon. Taking as our frame of reference the 2018 Turkish presidential elections, we probe the role of party identification and region of residence in conditioning blame attribution, separately and in combination. We find that the process of blame attribution is shaped by party identification, but that this effect is highly dependent on the regional context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper empirically investigates the impact of Turkey's embassies on trade with sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). It uses a panel data set that covers 28 African countries for the period of 2002 to 2020 in order to measure if the opening of an embassy increases Turkey's exports to relevant countries. The study found a positive relationship between exports and diplomatic representation via embassies. More precisely, the empirical results indicate that the presence of an embassy in an African country increases Turkey's exports to this country by 108%. The study also found that the presence of business councils has the same positive effect on Turkey's export performance albeit at a moderate level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]