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A regional approach to the study of Brazil's beef industry is increasingly relevant as deforestation takes centre stage in policy debates worldwide. To what extent has beef production expanded toward regions hosting sensitive ecosystems such as the Amazon? Important data limitations remain to answer this question, especially regarding slaughterhouses, fundamental to the beef supply chain. This paper addresses the data gap on slaughterhouse location and history and provides novel regional analysis. We map the beef industry's evolution into Brazil's interior over the last six decades and quantify changes in market concentration between 2006 and 2016. To accomplish this, we triangulated across fiscal and animal sanitation data sources to produce the first longitudinal dataset with information on the opening and closing dates, locations, and production volumes of 2602 slaughterhouses. We show the linear movement of slaughterhouses and cattle herds to the Amazon by tracking their geographical centres of gravity. We also show the clustering pattern of slaughterhouses. Until the 1960s, all the geographical clusters were located south of the capital, Brasília. By the early 2000s, clusters north of Brasília were almost as extensive. Finally, we assessed the degree of market power that the largest beefprocessing companies possess. The results indicate that market concentration increased in regions of more recent settlement further away from the coast, and that it remained relatively stable in states near the coast (Minas Gerais, São Paulo). The results shed light on the relationship between displacement toward the Amazon and Cerrado regions and economic concentration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global energy demand will increase through the twenty-first century. Competition for energy resources has already revealed geopolitical fault lines, and the dependence of industrial economies on fossil fuel promises to keep nations on edge. A widespread consensus has emerged that societies must transition to a new energy basis, given that fossil fuel is nonrenewable and its combustion leads to global warming. Although alternatives like nuclear energy and hydropower provide important electrical supplies locally, the search goes on, and recently much attention has focused on biofuel. Although biofuel represents a renewable and 'green' energy, there is also a downside. This article considers one potential problem, namely, the impact of growing international biofuel demand on Amazonia. The article focuses on Brazil, given the explosive growth of Brazilian agriculture, and notable effects on forests within its national borders. The article seeks to answer this question: How will global demand for Brazil's land-based commodities, including biofuel, impact its tropical forest in the Amazon basin? In attempting to answer this question, the article describes recent agricultural expansion in Brazil and its emergent landscape of renewable energy. Using an adaptation of rent theory, it frames a concept of landscape cascade and shows how Brazil's expanding landscape of renewable energy is impacting forest areas at a great distance. The article then considers recent projections of demand for Amazonian land out to 2020, given growth of Brazilian biofuel production and cattle herds. The projections indicate that more Amazonian land will be demanded than has been made available by Brazilian environmental policy. With this result in mind, the article discusses the discursive dismemberment of Amazonia and how this articulates with efforts by Brazilian politicians to increase the region's land supply. The article points out that agricultural intensification holds the key to meeting global demand without degrading the Amazonian forest, a landscape unique in the world for its ecological and cultural riches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine how access regimes, defined by a set of interrelated institutions and organizations, facilitated the flow of production resources and benefits that resulted in patterns of land change in the Brazilian Cerrado. We analyzed remotely sensed data (Landsat MSS, TM, +ETM) for three time periods (1972/1973-1986, 1986-1992, 1992-2002) with qualitative and archival data for eastern Mato Grosso state. Overall we found that land privately colonized was cleared more rapidly and extensively than lands under no colonization scheme. We also identified significant spatial variability in Cerrado conversion within and outside colonization areas and variability of annual rates of Cerrado conversion during each period. We explain that farmers in the Cerrado engaged in land-leasing and production contracts and worked through cooperatives and firms to marshal resources, including credit, technology, and inputs, which, in turn, influenced land-use decisions and regional patterns of land-cover change. We conclude that a mesoscale analytical framework that examines how land managers access natural and productive resources provides useful insights to explain the processes that cause patterns of high-input agricultural expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, scholars of “contentious politics” have paid increasing attention to the dynamics of space and place in the construction of organized resistance. To date, however, the literature has tended to focus on the social construction of space rather than the equally important spatial constitution of the social. In this paper, I analyze how particular understandings of space, or what I call “spatial imaginaries”—cognitive frameworks, both collective and individual, constituted through the lived experiences, perceptions, and conceptions of space itself—influenced the formation of the largest grassroots social movement in Brazilian history, the Movement of Rural Landless Workers (the MST). I analyze the decision to join the MST among small family farmers in southern Brazil and rural plantation workers in northeastern Brazil. People from both groups decided to join the movement, but the farmers from southern Brazil used their spatial imaginaries to embrace the act of occupying land and to create new frontiers for colonization while the rural workers from northeastern Brazil overcame the spatial imaginaries produced through the plantation labor system and joined the movement because they had few other options available to them. Because such imaginaries stay with people long after they engage in the initial acts of mobilization, incorporating this sort of analysis introduces an important dynamic component into the analysis of movement formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]