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This paper studies the impact of public opinion on presidential decision-making in foreign policy. Although a good deal of research looks at this general question, beyond the broad distinction between crisis and non-crisis decisions, the literature is largely inconclusive. We begin from this central distinction, utilizing the International Crisis Behavior Project’s criteria as the starting point for case selection. To observe in detail how differing patterns of public attentiveness influence foreign policymaking, we compare four cases: the 1991 Gulf War; the 1999 U.S. intervention in Kosovo; the U.S. response to Ethiopian famine in the mid-1980s; and U.S.-Japanese economic relations between 1988-1992. To move beyond the broad question of “public opinion and foreign policy,” we propose a more precisely specified analytical model, conceptualizing foreign policy decision making as a five-stage process: problem representation, option generation, policy selection, implementation, and policy review. At each decision stage, the question is asked: How influential was public opinion on a president’s decision? The model generates several testable hypotheses. For instance, foreign policy crises tend to produce a public that is highly attentive throughout all stages of the decision process. While strategic imperatives often overwhelm domestic political considerations in the early stages of a crisis, the relative importance of public opinion as a decision premise tends to increase during later stages, with presidents apt to sacrifice strategic effectiveness to pacify a highly attentive domestic audience during the implementation phase. Conversely, salient non-crisis foreign policies produce a selectively attentive public, whose greatest influence is likely to be on the president’s selection of policy rather than the manner in which that policy is implemented. Freed from the constraints of an attentive public, presidents are afforded considerable autonomy in implementing non-crisis policy in a manner consistent with their vision of the national interest, even if the general public does not share that same vision. This paper outlines the model and provides a brief overview of each of the cases, then assembles data on aggregate public opinion from a wide range of surveys and polls, and analyzes the resulting time series to compare the pattern of public involvement to the model’s predictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper suggests that it is not Japan's crude unwillingness but its traumatic memory of the War and post-war identity that makes it difficult to address its Asian neighbours' criticisms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the case of the bilateral trade imbalance between the United States and Japan in order to explain why Japan complied with the demands of the U.S. that foreign and domestic economic policies be adjusted for U.S. accommodation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

IR theorists typically explain the development of intellectual property rights (IPR) regimes in developing countries as a result of coercive diplomacy on the part of economically developed states seeking to protect the interests of business constituents. We find this model theoretically flawed and suggest an alternative political economy model, derived from the New Institutional Economics literature, that takes account of the internal dynamics of developing states. As those states develop economically, indigenous entrepreneurs make greater demands for IPR protection. Only after developing states are capable of enforcing IPR are they responsive to diplomacy. We demonstrate that domestic factors are statistically significant in the development of IPR regimes in Japan, Korea and the Republic of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Realists argue that order in international relations only has two possibilities: a) anarchy, where states are the ultimate sovereign power and no supra-state structure can check their behavior, or 2) hierarchy, where a single state dominates the system (hegemony or empire). This paper argues that the realist position neglects the foreign policies of four important cases â€" the early United States (circa 1750-1815), post World War II Japan, post World War II India, and the European Union â€" all of whom have attempted to peacefully transform the international system by proposing orders that overcome the anarchy-hierarchy divide. The first section of the paper discusses realist conceptions of anarchy and hierarchy as well as alternate conceptions of order in the IR literature such as international society, world confederation, and world state. The second section discusses the ordering arrangements proposed by the above four cases and explains why these orders were proposed. The final section contrasts the approaches to world order discussed in the first two sections in an attempt to create a more complete typology of ordering arrangements. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will analyze japanese nationalism by using the opinion polls that have been poorly utilized. It will indicate the nature of the nationalism. Then it will comperhend how such a nationalism will affect japanese alliance with the US ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The chief concern of this paper is to provide an analysis as to how the mutually-reinforcing phenomena of conflicting identities and conflicting interests have caused and are serving to exacerbate the current tensions between China and Japan. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to a currently dominant view, the causes of economic development are to be found in “institutions.” These include well-defined property rights in land, the substantive focus of this paper. But what are the political origins of such growth-promoting underpinnings of capitalism? In an important strand of the literature it is argued that rulers will improve the institutional structure, thereby raising the rate of economic growth, when faced with national security threats. The cases of Thailand and Japan both faced the threat of colonialism in the latter half of the 19th Century. The response was non-developmental in Siam and developmental in Japan. What accounts for the different outcomes? This study advances the paradoxical argument that institutional underdevelopment is, under certain circumstances, a viable survival strategy in response to external threats—an international relations equivalent of the “weapons of the weak.” The case of Siam fits this model, whereas Japan's response follows the logic of bellicist theories. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The comfort women case in South Korea has been a polemic issue in the context of inherited responsibility. The Japanese government who emphasizes on state as an agent for taking the responsibility tends either to deny collective responsibility of historic wrongdoings or to limit the scope of its roles to superficial ways such as reparation. Meanwhile South Korea demands not only reparation but official apology, emotional compassion, and material compensation on the ground that nation, not state, should be accountable for historic injustice, but this claim still encounters a difficulty of application to cases originated in multinational countries. Based on these observations, we will develop two arguments: (1) that reciprocal nondomination conceptualized with civic responsibility will better the comfort women case in the context of inherited responsibility because this contains full ground of deliberation in which those who come from regardless of state or nation can participate; (2) that reciprocal nondomination embodied with civic responsibility can be operated as a regulative principle which prompts both victims and wrongdoers to have their deliberative stances and to reach an agreement conducive to transitional justice. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We propose a new categorization of international organizations to account for the fact that within multilateral international organizations, states may engage in "bribery," in order to advance their policy preferences. Thus, to the traditional multilateral/bilateral categorizations we substitute a hard multilateral/soft multilateral and reciprocal bilateral/bilateral taxonomy. For illustration purposes, we use the well-known case study of Japan and the International Whaling Commission (IWC). Using a modified gravity model to analyze Japan's Official Development Assistance from 1973-2005, we find that Japan has a very traditional - and generous - assistance policy broadly defined, but when it comes to the IWC, some of the general principles driving the aid policy are put aside to possibly influence vote outcomes. Given this finding, we conclude that the IWC is best categorized as a soft multilateral organization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This project aims to form a theoretical model of the U.S.-Japanese conflict in the early twentieth century, and link the model to empirical cases (15 cases). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan and Taiwan have been rapidly approaching each other since the 1990s. This process, which has elevated their relations to an "unofficial-in-name-only" status, is the result of three mutually reinforcing factors: the re-imagination of colonial ties, the sharing of a democratic identity, and the permeating of popular culture. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines Japanese foreign aid policy towards China as the product of Japanese political-bureaucratic relations and electoral politics. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The deeper institutionalization of democratic values in South Korea has accelerated South Korea?s communication with Japan at governmental and nongovernmental levels, thereby contributing to their efforts at bilateral reconciliation with Japan. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]