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Many values and values that are founded on culture and culture play an essential role in understanding societies and transferring the existence of those societies to future generations. There are national heroes of each culture with valuable points, differences, and similarities from its history or its history to the present day. With these similarities, differences and cultural values, each society carries itself to a different point from other societies. There are various methods in the cultural education of societies, and the success of these methods gives results in proportion to the number of people they can achieve. Television programs and television play an essential role in mass education. The Turkish series sector usually carries traces of national identity and cultural values. Turkish series often reflect Turkey's historical, cultural and social values. Turkish series reflecting local traditions and customs usually offer cultural education to the audience. Traditional clothes, language use, and food culture elements are frequently processed in series. In addition, the transfer of historical events and cultural heritage is frequently included in these series. In these aspects, Turkish series play an important role in increasing the cultural awareness of society and protecting national identity. The Turkish series sector and cultural education, together with the traces of identity and cultural education in terms of the Magnificent Century series descriptive analysis and indicator scientific method, were examined with examples. When scientific methods examine descriptive analysis and indicators, many elements such as historical events, cultural structures, clothes, language use and traditional lifestyles are found. This study will discuss the educational relationship by analyzing the' Magnificent Century' series.

By placing a strong emphasis on one's national, cultural, and ethnic identity, neonationalism, as a contemporary political and cultural movement, prioritizes 'sameness' over diversity. This phenomenological case study focused on Turkish universities which have been under increasingly oppressive neo-nationalist policies within the past 10 years. It examined the lived experiences of a multilingual scholar in regard to his identity (re)construction and socialization upon his return from the US to Türkiye (Turkey). Descriptions of Anil's lived experiences were longitudinally collected via in-depth interviews, anecdotal records, and bi-weekly journal entries. The findings indicated that one's country of origin or nation-state becomes a source of discrimination not only in study abroad contexts, but also when international students and scholars return to their home countries. In other words, neo-nationalism in higher education institutions (HEIs) not only influences 'the Other' but also those within the same 'nation' with more progressive pedagogical beliefs and practices. The findings also underline the need to consider the phenomenon of "transnational intersectionality" when accounting for multilingual scholars' identity (re)construction and socialization. Such an approach would help situate the complexities of transnationalism within the larger discussions of how HEIs are shaped by current neo-nationalist policies. This study also calls for further research to pay attention to colonial legacies such as linguicide and epistemicide within HEIs so as to encourage multilingual scholars to resist and dismantle oppressive policies and practices that govern academia both at local and global contexts.

The purpose of this study is to determine Turkish and refugee middle school students' views on their national belonging. The study employed the qualitative research approach aligned with the purpose; semi-structured interviews were conducted with Turkish and refugee students. Data were analyzed using the content analysis method. Results showed that the most important common features for national belonging of both Turkish and refugee students were the common language they spoke and the place they lived in and the difference of views regarding national belonging were in terms of discrimination. Regarding Turkish society's expectations of them, both groups emphasized universal values such as being hardworking and being a good person, but their perceptions of serving the state differed. As for what Turkish and refugee students should do for this society, Turkish students believed that they should be hardworking and refugee students thought that they should be good people. It can be said that the differences of opinion between Turkish students and refugee students who migrated to Turkey would decrease if both groups came together on the subject of universal values.

In this paper, we focus on the situatedness of teacher identity and agency within sociopolitical contexts dominated by neo-nationalist discourses and rely on data from online conversations among preservice and in-service teachers of English in Türkiye and the United States (US). We report on data constructed in a telecollaboration (a.k.a., virtual intercultural exchange) that we, four TESOL teacher educators, designed for teachers to discuss issues of social justice (particularly for minoritized immigrant students) and to have a discursive and experiential space in which to negotiate their language teacher identities (LTI). Gathering 117 teachers from five universities (three in Türkiye, two in the US) and underserved school districts in both contexts, this telecollaboration is our pedagogical, agentive response to dominant neo-nationalist discourses in the two countries. To make quantities of data more manageable, we analyze interactions from one-third of those 117 participants (five of 15 small groups) to address this research question: How do preservice and in-service teachers from Türkiye construct their teacher identities in response to neo-nationalist discourses in their sociopolitical context? In particular, how do they engage in this identity work through asynchronous small-group discussions in a social justice-focused telecollaboration with teachers from the US? Findings indicate that participants from Türkiye discussed teacher agency, conservatism and cultural difference in the society, and discrimination/xenophobia against refugees as important factors that shape their work with minoritized English language learners. They experienced tensions in their identity construction between their desire to advocate for their students and the external forces coming from meso- and macro-level policies that impact their instruction and assessment procedures. We discuss our findings in relation to previous research on language teacher identity and social justice in sociopolitical contexts shaped by neo-nationalist discourses. We also share the implications of our study for pedagogizing identity in teacher education.

With the current situation of the political turmoil in Northern Iraq, Turkey has been a natural destination country for thousands of refugees escaping the war, including the Iraqi Turkmens. Being native speakers of Turkmen-Turkish and Arabic, Iraqi Turkmen refugees go through confrontations about linguistic ideologies with the local Turkish community on a daily basis. Drawing on linguistic ethnographic data of naturally occurring interactions from social gatherings of local Turkish women with their Iraqi Turkmen neighbors, the present paper analyzes the dialogical processes through which these women construct and negotiate their identities and social relations from the lens of a range of linguistic ideologies. The findings suggest that while the Iraqi Turkmen participants' skillful interactional moves allow them to reframe their relationship with the local women, Turkish nationalism blended with Ottoman patriotism and Sunni-Islamic conservativism, which lay the foundation of the women's linguistic beliefs and judgments, complicates the process of their attempt for recognition.

With its imperial past, nationalist tradition, past westernization attempts, inverse orientalism toward populations from the East, and current neo-Ottomanist policies, Turkey presents an interesting case in which to examine the ideologies underlying its education system. Turkish schools began receiving a large number of Syrian refugees following the outbreak of the Syrian War in 2011. How does Turkey seek to absorb these former subjects of the Ottoman empire politically, discursively, and socioculturally into its national body politic, and more specifically into the education system, in light of shifting relations with Arabs and changing representation of the Arabic language and culture? Based on literature review and interviews with Syrians, state officials, and NGO representatives in Istanbul between 2017 and 2020, this study demonstrates that while there is strong emphasis on shared religious and cultural ties, Syrians are still expected to assimilate, similar to other historically minoritized populations in Turkey, albeit with some peculiarities. These peculiarities stem from increased prominence of the Arabic language through the Islamization project of the present government, international funding for the accommodation of refugees, and the economic relations the government seeks with Arab countries.

This research was undertaken to better understand how the teaching of high school history contributes to citizenship education in Turkey. To achieve this goal, we focused on two main research questions. First, what does the history curriculum in Turkey include regarding citizenship education? Second, what do history educators think about contributing to citizenship education? Phenomenology, one of the qualitative research designs, was applied while seeking the answers to these research questions. Data diversity was ensured, and the history curriculum was analyzed in the first stage of the study. In the second stage, using a semi-structured interview protocol, interviews were conducted with history educators as the relevant curriculum implementers and the findings were examined using content analysis. It was found that the relationship between citizenship and history education is mainly centered on national identity construction. History courses promote democratic and global citizenship to a very limited extent, and, for a variety of reasons, the high school history curriculum of Turkey falls short of achieving the objectives of democratic citizenship education.

In Turkey, the Republican Era, which started in 1923, is a period in which state institutions were rapidly restructured and these institutions were reconstituted within the framework of the ideology of the newly established state. Education has taken its share in this reconstruction process as well. One of the important regulations in the field of education was the 1924 curriculum. The 1924 curriculum was quite important in terms of reflecting the Republic's perspective on education and the importance it attaches to education. Through this curriculum, it was aimed to raise patriotic individuals who are loyal to the philosophy and values of the Republic, have national consciousness, and understand the new state, institutions and organizations. The aim of the research is to examine the first citizenship education course of the Republic of Turkey, "Musâhabât-i Ahlâkiyye & Malumât-i Vataniye" [Conversations on Morality and Civics], which was included in the 1924 educational program. In the study, this curriculum was analyzed by employing the historical research method.

The purpose of this study was to determine middle school students' national belonging levels in terms of different variables. In this quantitative study, middle school students' views on national belonging were determined by the "National Belonging Scale for Middle School Students". The study was conducted with 1318 middle school students in Nigde province of Turkey during the Spring term of the 2019-2020 academic year. Research data were collected through "National Belonging Scale for Middle School Students" and were analysed with SPSS 24 software package. According to the study results, middle school students had a high positive view of their national belonging. Their gender did not make a statistical difference in terms of both reasons and results of their national belonging. On the other hand, students' views on national belonging differed in terms of their grade level. Again, although there was no difference between the public and private schools in terms of reasons of their national belonging, there was a statistically significant difference between them in terms of the results of their national belonging in favor of the public school. Another difference was determined between Turkish and refugee students' national belonging. Turkish students' mean scores of reasons and results of their national belonging were statistically higher than the refugee students' mean scores. Considering national belonging in terms of each variable, middle school students' national belonging can be strengthened with some activities that can be done within the scope of the implicit program as well as the educational activities carried out within the curriculum at schools. Social Studies is the most important course into which works on this subject can be integrated.

One of the aims of educational institutions in Turkey is to adopt an understanding of nationalism based on Atatürk's views by students. Atatürk's understanding of nationalism was founded on the unity of culture. It rejects racism. It emphasizes cultural unity rather than blood ties or religious unity. However, various forms of nationalism in Turkey can find supporters. For this reason, it is important to examine how secondary school students understand nationalism and with which concepts they explain it. Qualitative research method was used in this research, which aims to examine how students conceptualize and understand nationalism. Since it is important for the students to express themselves naturally, they were asked to write an essay on nationalism. Student writings were analyzed by content analysis. According to the results obtained within the scope of the study, the students mostly used the expressions "to love homeland and nation" and "to protect homeland and nation" when explaining the concept of nationalism. As the age and grade levels of the students increase, the number of concepts related to nationalism used by students increases. Nationalism is understood differently by male and female students. While female students emphasize the concepts of love and work, male students emphasize the concepts of protecting and independence. Considering the place where the students live, the meaning attributed to the concept of nationalism varies. While the students living in the city center used the concept of love more, the students living in the town focused on the concept of protecting. The most important finding obtained within the scope of the study is that the participants did not base their nationalism on blood ties or religious unity. Students did not use non-inclusive expressions while describing nationalism. For this reason, it was understood that the participants had thoughts compatible with Atatürk's understanding of nationalism.

Prior to the 1980s, Turkey experienced a period of vicious political polarisation and even violent conflicts. The 1980 coup administration strived to reach an agreement regarding nationalism, religion, and Kemalism. Following the military coup of 1980, the Social Studies course was abandoned in secondary schools in 1985 and the National History, National Geography, and Citizenship courses were reconstituted. Thus, the word national was placed in the front of the History and Geography courses for the first time in Turkey. The notion of National Geography in National Geography lessons mostly highlighted geographical areas settled by Turks. The overall course content was shaped by Kemalist ideology. This study therefore critically evaluates the National Geography lessons taught in secondary schools in the aftermath of the 1980 coup. Official documents from the period and textbooks are the primary resources for this research.

This review outlines the historiography of education in the Middle East, focusing on events from the nineteenth century through the 1980s, and on Bilad al-Sham, mainly Jordan, Palestine and Israel, Iraq, and Northern Africa, including Egypt and Türkiye. Modernisation and nationalism were the main lenses through which educators, researchers, and students viewed the significance of their schooling in the late nineteenth- and twentieth-century Middle East. Scholars likewise take these frameworks as key to understanding the importance of education in the region's history. This review suggests that historians ought to recognise the saliency of previous frameworks for the actors who lived them while analysing the region beyond those limits. It advocates incorporating education more consistently into other fields, such as histories of the environment and race. It recommends that historians of education include those fields in their own work, while following historical actors, texts and ideologies across regimes and borders.

This study explores a group of social studies teachers' conceptions of citizenship by taking into consideration the country's increasingly authoritarian political culture. It offers an analysis of semi-structured interviews carried out with 20 teachers working at state middle schools in a relatively secular city. The study found that the majority of the teachers are subscribed to a non-democratic conception of citizenship that prioritizes an uncritical loyalty to the nation, inculcates passive compliance, relies on a pro-Muslim notion of human rights, and makes little room for political issues discussion. Despite that, some teachers seem to develop oppositional discourses and seek ways to claim their agencies. The study concludes that the authoritarian Islamic nationalism in power has intensified the ethno-religiously nationalist, statist, and duty-centric aspects of citizenship education (CE). Some teachers' explicit emphasis on pro-Islamic and anti-western discourses and almost all teachers' explicit concern to stay away from politics emerge as novel characteristics that are consistent with the dictates of Turkey's authoritarian regime. It seems authoritarian populist nationalism redresses citizenship as an exclusionary notion grounded in race, ethnicity, religion, and civilizational claims. Insights from this research may help the advocates keep CE supportive of democratic values under authoritarian conditions.

Relying on a theoretical frame developed in reference to an interdisciplinary research field, this article provides a critical analysis of Turkey's citizenship education (CE) curriculum with a view to revealing discourses that inhibit the promotion of cosmopolitan values of human rights, democratic citizenship and diversity. The analysis demonstrates that a complementary set of ethno-religious, statist and neoliberal discourses undermines the cosmopolitan values. The inharmonious patchwork of these two sets of conflicting discourses raises the question of whether CE in Turkey really empowers students to support democracy. This question reveals the significance of developing a CE curriculum underpinned by a consistent set of socio-political values in Turkey and elsewhere.

This article is based on the premise that the constructed image of the national self is a fundamental criterion shaping the conceptions of history teaching in the Turkish educational system. In this regard, I argue that examining how particular ethno-religious groups are discursively positioned in relation to the idealised self-image can reveal whether and how history textbooks can be revised. Having described the historical and political context for the only curriculum revision occurred in 2013 concerning a non-Muslim community, the Assyrians, the article demonstrates that specific discursive strategies are used to position the Assyrian community in relation to the favourable national self-image, rather than a fixed categorization for non-Muslim communities. Adopting the methodological framework of critical discourse analysis, the author examines the portrayal of the Assyrian community in the secondary school Turkish history textbooks taught over the last three decades and identifies how the topoi of justice and tolerance, as well as allegiance and betrayal allow a particular group to be a member of the larger body of 'acceptable citizens.'

This article analyses the extent to which history education (HE) in Turkey adheres to the HE principles proposed by the Council of Europe. A compulsory history textbook is analyzed in detail. The analysis finds an understanding of HE that marginalizes minorities due to nationalist and militarist content. The Atatürk's Principles and History of Reforms (APHR) course also fail to include controversial historical issues and does not adopt a multiperspective approach. Thus, a vital question has emerged: Is the APHR a course that serves to develop universal values such as respect for differences, a culture of inclusion, and support for democracy, or does it continue to be used solely as a tool for reproducing national values or more precisely, the dominant groups' values? This question reveals the significance of developing a HE curriculum in Turkey and elsewhere that reflects current realities and also supports intercultural dialogue.

Recently, we have been witnessing the emergence of digital grassroots activism in social networking sites (e.g. Facebook) -- affording discursive tools and spaces to engage in normative approaches to preserve Turkish(ness) and raise ideological oppositions against English medium instruction (EMI). By linking Critical Discourse Analysis (Fairclough, N. 2013. "Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language." London, UK: Routledge.) with the principles of visual semiotics (Kress, G., and T. van Leeuwen. 2006. "Reading Images." London: Routledge.), the current study explores the discursive acts of language policing (Blommaert, J., H. Kelly-Holmes, P. Lane, S. Leppanen, M. Moriarty, S. Pietikainen, and A. Piirainen Marsh. 2009. "Media, Multilingualism and Language Policing: An Introduction." "Language Policy" 8 (3): 203-207.) manifested by means of textual descriptions and visual artefacts in four Facebook groups which have been established around the idea(l)s of maintaining the linguistic order and Turkish(ness). It is found that these groups maintain linguistic order as guardians of monoglot ideology, and by recontextualizing the EMI debate within the broader discourses of nationalism and national identity with the help of symbols (e.g. flags), strategies (e.g. quotes) and actors (e.g. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk) evident in the collective psyche of the Turkish nation.

Turkey has become a powerful example of rising ethno-religious nationalism since the ruling Justice and Development Party allied with the Nationalist Movement Party in 2016. Conceptualising the political ideology in power as Islamic nationalism, I expose ways in which this ideology is articulated in the education reform discourse of 'new Turkey' through a critical analysis of a foundational education reform report (the Report). The analysis shows various aspects of ethno-religious construction of education reform discourse through a focus on citizenship education (CE) partly because the prominent configuration of power relations manifests itself in considerations of CE. The analysis finds that the Report vilifies CE and proposes an alternative for it: social entrepreneurship. Furthermore, it presents Turkey's diverse population as a monolithic homogenous mass and makes no mention of democracy and human rights values. These findings call out the research community to investigate the negative implications of rising ultra-nationalism for CE.

Music education institutions have played a prominent role in mediating national identity in the Republic of Turkey since its founding in 1923. Initially tasked with suppressing Ottoman heritage, their nature and status changed with the ascendance of political Islam, when interest in Turkey's Ottoman past grew and the Western aesthetics of the founding elite were increasingly contested. While music education continues to be a site of national identity construction in Turkey, no studies focus on the ideological climate of music education in the era of the Justice and Development Party, who have heralded a 'New Turkey' rooted in conservative Islam. We explore the discursive terrain of Turkish music education by analysing the mission and vision statements and other website texts of 71 conservatoires and music departments. Our findings reveal protectionist attitudes towards repertoires and traditions associated with competing nationalist visions, but also an emergent, reconciliatory structure of feeling and advocacy for pluralism.

In the early 1920s, Kilis was a mid-size town situated in the north of the Ottoman province of Aleppo. The border introduced in October 1921 between Turkey and French Syria passed right to the south of Kilis, leaving the landowning elites who lived in the city detached from their lands located in Syria. This article reconstructs the complex episodes that unfolded both before and after the introduction of this border, as the territorial future of Kilis’ agricultural hinterland intimately shaped how the town’s landed notables interacted with the coming of colonial rule to the region and the ensuing resistance efforts. In tracing these post-war developments in Kilis, this study is an attempt to come to terms with the complex ways in which historical actors operated in a world that was increasingly defined by the uncertainties of the future, and hopes to show how historians could best approach such key moments while navigating the study of futures past. As we will see, the immediate post-war years in Kilis not only led old problems to flare up with greater intensity, but also quickly resulted in the consolidation of new discursive positions in line with the emerging post-Ottoman order across the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article puts Turkey's current state crisis into a historical perspective. During the transition to neo-liberalism after the hegemony crisis of the late 1970s, a critical objective for those in the high echelons of bureaucracy and ruling politicians was to ensure the security of state apparatuses. However, the policies implemented to achieve this led to fragmentation in both the state and the political spheres. Thus, during the second half of the 1990s and during the 2000s, the state became a field for open warfare between power networks that had established direct links between state apparatuses, political society, and civil society. These fragmentations – that is the parcellation of state apparatuses – triggered an intra-state crisis. Regarding the formation of the state and the political spheres in the neo-liberal era, this article shows that Turkey is a unique case in the debate on variegated forms of authoritarian statism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The establishment of the Turkish and Irish republics took place nearly simultaneously, under the influence of the nationalist movement. This study discusses the cultural foundations of nationalism that emerged during the independence struggles and the necessity of transferring them to children in comparison. In particular, it is claimed that nations that have fought for independence want to create myths about these difficult times, immortalize them with works such as poetry, stories, and novels, and then pass them to the next generations. This study indicates that although they have different languages, religions, and traditions, these two countries tell fairy tales and epics for children in almost the same period for the same purposes. To illustrate this, two folk narratives of both cultures were compared in this study. In conclusion, these comparisons show that the Irish and Turkish nationalist movements exercise their freedom to 'conceive themselves' and hope to benefit somewhat from reflecting this on children's literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically examines the recent presidential memorandum that replaced the Anglicized exonymic version "Turkey" with the endonym "Türkiye" as a conscious, performative and public relations campaign at both national and international levels. On the surface, this change addresses populist sociolinguistic hypersensitivities surrounding the connotations of the term "turkey" while simultaneously harnessing the commodification and marketization of the Turkey brand through selective references culled from collective memory (i.e., past) and branding aimed at economic gains (i.e., future). However, at the deeper level, this transformation serves as a discursive political instrument and a top-down nation branding effort powered by substantial resources from the state and its institutions with an ultimate motivation to consolidate President Erdoğan's political power and authority, elevate his status to that of a national leader and institutionalize his populist/nationalist yerli ve millî rhetoric from a de facto to de jure within Yeni Türkiye as a competitive authoritarian regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When and under what conditions do ideologically similar nationalist parties adopt different positions and discourses about refugees and immigrants? We address this question by examining nationalist parties' approaches toward Syrian refugees in Turkey. Documenting these differences based on an original Twitter dataset and party manifestos, we argue that electoral dynamics under the new presidential system have shaped nationalist parties' discourses about refugees in the country. In particular, we explore how pre-electoral alliances and a strategic opening in the political space have motivated nationalist parties to amplify, ambiguate, or silence their otherwise conservative and nativist refugee discourses. Additionally, we maintain that urbanization has influenced the discursive strategies of nationalist party elites toward immigrants and refugees, giving rise to contradictory forms of nationalism in urban areas, including both far-right and liberal nationalisms. Overall, this study offers valuable insights into the complex interactions between refugee politics, electoral dynamics, nationalism, and urbanization in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mainstream literature on Turanism defines the term as an essentially expansionist and irredentist movement that aims at unifying all Turkic populations. This article challenges this presupposition, arguing that the Turanist imagination has multiple usages. A considerable number of Turkish nationalist intellectuals of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, in fact, approached it as a modern political concept within the confines of solidarity and sovereignty. They regarded the general idea of nationalism as a universal concept to which everyone could make an equal claim, including non-Turks in the Ottoman Empire. This translates to mean that Turanism is not necessarily territorial expansionism, nor must it go hand in hand with racist/expansionist claims. Neither should it be understood as the hegemony of Turkey's Turks over other Turks. It rather strives for a Turkist internationalism in which Turks negotiate with each other to maximize their sovereign interests. Seen in that light, Turanism is not a mystical idea, and it refers to modern practical/political concepts such as independence, territorial integrity, national sovereignty, and self-determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on nationalism have recently transitioned from macro‐level analyses of large structural factors to micro‐level examinations, emphasizing nationalism as a set of cultural and political beliefs held by individuals. Such works that use opinion measures to explore heterogeneity in national self‐understandings show that nationalist beliefs distribute among the public in particular and non‐random ways, though the extent to which these heterogeneities induce variation in behavioural outcomes remains relatively unexplored. In this article, we argue that varying conceptions of nationhood inform ethnonational boundary‐making strategies and social action. Using latent class analyses and a resource allocation task in original representative survey data (N = 1,460), we ask whether varying cultural positions on nationhood covaries with preferential behaviour. We found that nationalist cultural models provide heterogeneous cultural templates and lead to preferential treatment of ethnonational ingroups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores ordinary individuals' understandings of nationhood. In so doing, it focuses on the case of Armenian migrants from Turkey to Canada and their conceptualizations of the host country. The paper captures multiple strands of nationhood and argues that these are pertinent to different boundary-making processes. The outer boundary of nationhood is defined along inclusive and civic lines where difference is recognized and appreciated. Living with difference, on the other hand, brings to the fore the tension between recognizing it on the one hand and accommodating it on the other. The case study further reveals how the exercise of state power and individuals' encounters with the state shape their understandings of nationhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the violent politics of stigmatisation and erasure of nationalist urban infrastructure. In general, urban infrastructure is a mechanism of state power. But, through the case of the imposing presence of Turkish nationalist infrastructure in the Kurdish city Diyarbakir, it demonstrates that when tied to an antagonistic nationalist political project, this infrastructure is often purposefully built to violently cleanse urban spaces of the national "other". Be it a statue, a mural or a picture of a nationalist leader – this infrastructure is incapable of inflicting physical pain. Nonetheless, its violence is symbolic and meant to have a real effect on Diyarbakir's Kurds' ability and willingness to identify as Kurds. That said, violence does not entirely inform the spatial experience of those targeted by this nationalist infrastructure. The article demonstrates that Kurdish residents also found ways of remaining unaffected, even treating the infrastructure laden with Turkish nationalist iconography as a reminder of their own Kurdish identity. This article thus expands our understanding of what nationalist infrastructure does. It may be designed to be violent. However, it also reveals itself to be a site of contestation – equally inspiring the persistence of the counter-narrative of the national "other". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past two decades, human geneticists have substantially embraced the concept of "biogeographical ancestry" to account for the racial, ethnic, and linguistic categories they use to analyze and interpret genetic difference. Understanding the ongoing role of these categories in human genetic research therefore requires attention to geneticists' representations of geography, particularly the geographic maps they use to illustrate gene distribution and migration. This article examines how the methods and imagery of international genetic geography and its major evolutionary narratives have reinforced or refashioned nationalist practices of geography in the Middle East. Geneticists simultaneously conceptualize the region's physical space as both a historical "crossroads" of human migration and the birthplace of distinct gene sequences and civilizations, alternately blurring and sharpening the boundaries between Europe and Asia. Focusing on genetic research in Turkey and Iran, this paper analyzes how geneticists draw and interpret geographic maps of the region while selectively erasing or highlighting state borders. These genetic maps negotiate between the idealized aims of international projects to reconstruct human evolutionary history, and the reality of practicing science under the constraints of nationstate politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For voters, phenomena such as increasing feelings of nationalism, the transformation of the perception of foreign powers into a political tool by the government, and the pursuit of polarisation politics by making the opposition enemies, push the importance of the economic crisis towards the back of the list of concerns for the voters. The general elections that took place between 1980 and 2018 are examined and the economic voting behaviour is explored in this study, especially in terms of periodical developments in Turkish politics. It is obvious that the economic voting model was an important determinant on the Turkish voters in the elections until 2008. However, ideological factors, strong leadership analysis or other indicators have started to replace the economic voting model in Turkey with serious political changes after 2008. In this context, this study is aimed to make an important contribution by filling the gap in the literature on economic voting in Turkish politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the language used in media articles with framing content against Turkey in the Balkans, specifically in Albania and Kosovo. Albanian national identity and the nationalism that arose following the breakup of the Ottoman Empire have periodically resurfaced throughout modern history. Today, Albanian nationalism can sever ties with modern Turkey, often portraying the past and present in a negative light. The study focuses on how Albanian media with a nationalist perspective covered the construction of a Turkish memorial in Tirana's park, which was intended as a symbol of friendship between the two countries and as a tribute to the martyrs of July 15th. A total of 69 news articles were analyzed using both quantitative and qualitative methods, and categories of news framing related to a nationalist perspective in the journalists' reporting were identified. The results showed that media outlets in both countries covered the event, but Kosovo media displayed a higher level of framing against Turkey, despite the fact that the event took place in Albania. This nationalist approach suggests that Turkey continues to be perceived as a geostrategic, political, and cultural threat to the Albanian nation in the Balkans.

In the absence of anti-fascist public education and debates, the marginalized majority, minority groups, and their political allies will continue to be brutalized in the region. Problematizing exclusionary politics is essential for recognizing the ongoing democratic struggles of the peoples of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. This article aims to stimulate more academic and public debates about fascism in MENA. Critically investigating the history of several waves of nationalism and their affinity with the first historical rise of fascism could enable us to better appreciate the challenges resistance movements in the MENA region have been facing. To that end, the persisting threat of fascism in Turkey, the Arab world, and Iran are examined critically. While the article applies the ideology form theory, a new critical theory of fascism, the soundness of the central argument regarding the significance of and the need for critiquing exclusionary, racist, and genocidal ideologies, movements, regimes, and politics does not rely on the theoretical application of the concept of fascism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An analysis of the results of Turkey's May 2023 elections reveals that alongside President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's victory in the second round of the presidential elections, nationalist forces earned greater representation in the Turkish parliament. Since 2015 Erdogan and his party have been in a coalition with the party that represents Turkish ultranationalism--the National Movement Party. In parallel, there has been a general rise in nationalist sentiment in Turkish political discourse, in part due to the renewal of the armed conflict with the Kurds and the increased weight of the Syrian refugee issue in Turkey. In light of the close race before the latest elections, an effort was made among both the governing coalition and the opposition to pursue every vote, which led to the political strengthening of figures with ultranationalist positions. After the elections, Erdogan established a government that comprises primarily technocrats, and this serves as a moderating factor. Nevertheless, at any stage he will be able to appoint other figures who reflect the strengthening of the ultranationalist element of Turkish foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article examines possible strategies for preserving the national identity of Ukrainians living outside of Ukraine, specifically in the Republic of Turkey for many years, as well as those who were forced to leave Ukrainian territory due to Russia's open military aggression against Ukraine in 2022. The research material is based on the achievements of the Ukrainian community in the Turkish city of Bursa, which is one of the largest cities in the Republic of Turkey. The close proximity of Bursa to Istanbul, and therefore to Turkey's major transportation hub, led Ukrainians to choose this city for temporary residence outside of Ukraine as a result of the Russian-Ukrainian war. Despite the fact that the Turkish government does not extensively cover the events currently taking place in Ukraine in the majority of media outlets, has not imposed sanctions against Russia and the increasing number of Russians in Turkey, the Ukrainian community is making significant efforts to preserve, promote, and manifest the Ukrainian language, culture, and unity. The study focuses on the means and methods that have contributed to the exploration of these paths. It analyzes the achievements of Ukrainians in the fields of education, politics, religion, and culture. The article also highlights certain volunteer initiatives, including online volunteering, by Ukrainians, particularly those who were forced to leave Ukraine due to the full-scale war, in the city of Bursa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking religious education as an important indicator in evaluating religious freedom in a country, this paper focuses on the religion courses in Turkey in order to evaluate Europeanisation and religious freedom in the country. The EU Commission's recent progress reports indicated that the conduct of religious courses in Turkey is incompatible with EU norms. Although important legal arrangements have been made in accordance with the adoption of minority rights in Turkey, it seems more difficult for change to happen in an ideological issue such as education. As religious freedom is an important value for the European Union, this paper aims to explore the impact of Europeanisation on the state of religious education in Turkey and the extent of Turkey's compliance with the European norms in a highly debated area like religious education. It also aims, in a broader sense, to shed a light on the place of religion in the national identity of Turkey today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on a critical conceptualisation of human rights education (HRE), this study investigates how human rights were presented in a set of textbooks which were used in Turkey from 1950 to 2020. Findings show that the textbooks avoid human rights issues, struggles, campaigns, and activists by sustaining a de-politicised and de-contextualised narrative. They do not even refer to the Holocaust in explaining the historical development of human rights. These findings suggest that HRE gained a curricular status as a matter of window dressing, an 'escapist' model developed as a result. This model is characterised by a deliberate avoidance of anything that may be considered as 'political'. This study concludes that placing socio-political issues at the centre of HRE and encouraging learners to critically reflect on discrepancies between claims and realities of human rights can improve the transformative powers of HRE in nationalist contexts with no strong tradition of rights struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses how state-organized, memory-cultural production drawing on religious signifiers contributes to a sacralization of Turkish public memory institutions and public space. This reinforces an Islamic-nationalist imagination of contemporary Turkey. The article explores state-led, disciplinary interventions in museal space (the Sacred Trusts exhibition of relics at Topkapı Palace Museum) and commemorative ritual in public space, display and education (the rise, fall and recalibration of Holy Birth Week (Kutlu Doğum Haftası). Drawing on theories of symbolic politics, nationalism, memory and space, the article elucidates the sacralization of Turkish memory production as a contesting yet malleable negotiation of nationalism. Innovative Islamic memory practice and ritualization requires careful discursive and disciplinary boundary drawing, catering to theological sensitivities and Sunni-orthodox mores. Then again, the spatial boundaries between various memory-cultural domains are becoming less distinct. Today, Islamic-nationalist imaginaries surface in the interstices of public memory institutions, public education and everyday public space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article interrogates the role of print culture and visual communication design in the permeation of Turkish national consciousness into everyday practices. It seeks to understand the phenomenon of "banal nationalism," argued by Michael Billig, in a broader context of cultural production advocated by Tim Edensor. It does this by looking into Turkey's first liberalization period in the 1950s where a boosting print industry, a standard print language, and high literacy contributed to the daily reproduction of a collective historical past through representations. This period is analyzed through publications like Sunday comic strips, advertorial giveaways, and illustrated history journals that emulate popular American formats in the commodification of history. These are treated as material tools to present and disseminate an imaginary reconciliation of secular modernism with imperial history in a new print culture. This analysis reveals how representations in the foreground of everyday cultural artifacts are used to produce and reproduce difference that designates a distinct national consciousness detached from the realm of state. It also sheds light on the prevalence of identity negotiation and the commoditization of culture in the professionalization of visual communication disciplines in non-Western design paradigms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Abant Social Sciences / Abant Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Journal of Abant Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Studies - Economics, Finance, Politics is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A monument constructed in the dynastic beginnings of the Ottoman Empire, the 14th-Century Yeşil Camii (Green Mosque), was one of the first buildings sponsored after the conquest of the Byzantine city Nicaea (İznik). Commissioned by Çandarlı Kara Halil Hayreddin Pasha (1364-1387), the mosque became a landmark of a burgeoning Ottoman government that soon reigned over three continents. With the proclamation of the Republic of Turkey in 1923, the centuries-old Ottoman Empire, with all its institutions, was abolished. The Türk Tarih Tezi (Turkish History Thesis) became the propaganda of the nation-state, denoting a national spirit among Turks in all periods of history. In this historicist reading, the Green Mosque became a beacon signifying the zeitgeist of pure national building forms for the Turks. In the late 1930s, the secular appraisal of this thesis began to wane in favor of a religious-ethnic reading. Imperial monuments with an Islamic past came to befit the locus of Turkish identity. Nevertheless, the ideological transformation of the Green Mosque transcended any objectifying vision. The nationalist lens shifted, emphasizing Muslim-Turks over the Turkish race and iterating a formal revelation of the Green Mosque that has perpetuated the long-standing understanding of the building. This essay presents the Green Mosque in view of the texts written by prominent architects and historians, against the backdrop of crossing boundaries between architectural historiography and nationhood of space, from early beginnings to late 1980s.

Turkish foreign policy, largely characterized as political selfishness, reflects the set of ideological concepts known as the new Turkish nationalism, which makes the country a rather difficult partner to deal with. This article examines the problem of the new Turkish nationalism. It focuses particularly on the Turkish-centric integration under the “neo-Ottoman” foreign policy as a new form of Turkish nationalism, which is especially evident on the space of the so-called “Turkic world”. The authors analyze the main features of Turkish nationalism in the econom ic, political, cultural, and educational spheres. They note that in the humanitarian sphere Turkey continues to focus on the “common Turkic” institutions as well as the ideas of the pan-Turkism ideologists of the past amidst the urge for unification. Moreover, the article considers the concept of Turkey’s self-perception as a “hub”, which generally occurs in all the above-mentioned areas. At the same time, all cases under study are affected by the populist expressions of the Turkish political elite about the unity of the Turks of the world.

Based on primary sources such as field notes, reports, and project memorandums, this article addresses architectural restoration work in Turkey from the 1920s to the 1960s. Despite the country's limited budget and workforce, especially in the early years of the republic, the government crafted an intense preservation program of historic monuments, whereby preservation professionals implemented the scientific protection of architectural heritage mainly through maintenance and repairs. This article argues that the historiography of Turkish art became an agent in restoration, while the concept of the essence of national architecture served as the ideological basis for physical interventions. Seeking to restore the pure forms of Turkish architecture, preservationists searched for the pedigree of built works, and Sinan's style was treated as the zenith of Turkish architecture. Works by him, along with other examples associated with the "Classical Period of Architecture" were subjected to heavy-handed interventions aimed at achieving stylistic purity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A monument constructed in the dynastic beginnings of the Ottoman Empire, the 14th-century Yeşil Camii (Green Mosque) was one of the first buildings sponsored after the conquest of the Byzantine city Nicaea (İznik). Commissioned by C, andarlı Kara Halil Hayreddin Pasha (1364-1387), the mosque became a landmark of a burgeoning Ottoman government that soon reigned over three continents. With the proclamation of the Republic of Turkey in 1923, the centuries-old Ottoman Empire, with all its institutions, was abolished. The Türk Tarih Tezi (Turkish History Thesis) became the propaganda of the nation-state, denoting a national spirit among Turks in all periods of history. In this historicist reading, the Green Mosque became a beacon signifying the zeitgeist of pure national building forms for the Turks. In the late 1930s, the secular appraisal of this thesis began to wane in favor of a religiousethnic reading. Imperial monuments with an Islamic past came to befit the locus of Turkish identity. Nevertheless, the ideological transformation of the Green Mosque transcended any objectifying vision. The nationalist lens shifted, emphasizing Muslim-Turks over the Turkish race and iterating a formal revelation of the Green Mosque that has perpetuated the long-standing understanding of the building. This essay presents the Green Mosque in view of the texts written by prominent architects and historians, against the backdrop of crossing boundaries between architectural historiography and nationhood of space, from early beginnings to the 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]