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This paper explores the ways in which contemporary mobility dynamics in Mexico have changed over the last decade, leading to protracted displacement. It focuses on three populations: (1) the internally displaced due to violence; (2) Mexican nationals returning from the United States, both voluntarily and due to deportation; and (3) populations seeking asylum in Mexico and the United States. These three populations are not usually analyzed together and do not squarely fall under the traditional legal definitions. The paper outlines ways that situations of protracted displacement and insecurity present challenges in four interconnected arenas of life: housing, legal status, employment, and emotional well-being. For governments and local communities, protracted displacement requires immediate humanitarian responses and the development and implementation of public policies focused on integration. The paper concludes with a set of policy recommendations based on its findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does organized crime affect foreign direct investment (FDI) in developing countries? Some research examines the effects of crime, such as homicide rates, on FDI. However, we know little about how organized crime in particular might affect such investment. This paper examines organized crime and FDI in Mexican states between 2000 and 2018. This case is important because Mexico is one of the top global recipients of FDI. At the same time, criminal violence has killed hundreds of thousands of people in Mexico in recent years, and scholars seek to understand the violence's wider effects. We explain how organized crime competition, as opposed to crime generally, should shape investors' decisions. Analyses using original data on criminal organization territory find that higher numbers of criminal groups are associated with lower levels of new FDI. Other measures of crime, such as homicide rates or crime rates, are not associated with foreign investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2021, the undocumented population residing in the United States (US) increased slightly to 10.3 million, compared to 10.2 million the previous year. The gradual decline or near-zero growth of this population has continued for more than a decade. However, the large increases in apprehensions at the southern border in recent years, along with continued legislative gridlock in Congress, could portend a new era of growth of this population. Unfortunately, the data needed to determine whether the population will enter a period of growth after 2021 — or whether the era of near-zero growth will continue — will not be available for at least a year or two. The most accurate demographic estimates of the undocumented population are derived from data collected in the US Census Bureau's American Community Survey. Estimates of the size of the undocumented population in 2022 will not be available until early 2024. This report focuses on the most significant trend in the undocumented population in the past decade — the remarkable decline of 1.9 million in the undocumented population from Mexico from 2011 to 2021. The decline for Mexico in this period was 600,000 more than the total population increase from the seven countries (in order) with the fastest growing US undocumented populations: Guatemala, Honduras, India, Venezuela, El Salvador, Brazil, and China. This paper finds that: The long-term decline, or near-zero growth, of the total undocumented population that began in 2008 continued in 2021. The percent of undocumented residents in the total US population declined from 3.8 percent in 2011 to 3.1 percent in 2021. The undocumented population from Mexico declined from 6.4 million in 2011 to 4.4 million in 2021, a drop of 1.9 million in 10 years. A total of 2.9 million, or 47 percent, of the US undocumented population from Mexico in 2011 had left the undocumented population by 2021. The drop in the undocumented population from Mexico from 2011 to 2021 occurred nationwide, and the decline affected the undocumented population in nearly every state. The fastest growing undocumented populations by country in the last 10 years were from Guatemala, Honduras, India, El Salvador, Venezuela, and Brazil. The combined undocumented populations from these six countries grew by 1.2 million. Countries that had declining populations after 2011 included Poland, Peru, Ecuador, Korea, and Philippines, in addition to the large drop for Mexico. California had the largest decline in undocumented residents — 665,000 from 2011 to 2021. The undocumented population from Mexico living in California during this period declined by 720,000. The combined undocumented population in California, New York, and Illinois fell by more than one million from 2021 to 2011. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Drawing on the concept of a "complex humanitarian crisis," this paper describes how outflows of migrants from Central America were transformed into such a crisis by intransigent immigration and border policies enacted in both Mexico and the United States. We describe the origins of the migration in U.S. Cold War interventions that created many thousands of displaced people fleeing violence and economic degradation in the region, leading to a sustained process of undocumented migration to the United States. Owing to rising levels of gang violence and weather events associated with climate change, the number of people seeking to escape threats in Central America has multiplied and unauthorized migration through Mexico toward the United States has increased. However, the securitization of migration in both Mexico and the United States has blocked these migrants from exercising their right to petition for asylum, creating a growing backlog of migrants who are subject to human rights violations and predations both by criminals and government authorities, leading migrants to label Mexican routes northward as a "corridor of death." We draw on data from annual reports of Mexico's Red de Documentación de las Organizaciones Defensoras de Migrantes (Network for the Documentation of Migrant Defense Organizations) to construct a statistical profile of transit migrants and the threats they face as reported by humanitarian actors in Mexico. These reports allow us to better understand the practical realities of the "complex humanitarian crisis" facing undocumented migrants, both as unauthorized border crossers and as transit migrants moving between the southern frontiers of Mexico and the United States. Policy Recommendations Policy makers need to address: Governments must recognize that the humanitarian crisis facing migrants is not confined to border regions but unfolds at places of both origin and destination as well as within extended geographies of transit in-between. The current refugee protection regime and asylum system are ill-matched to the needs and vulnerabilities of today's migrants. In an era of rapid climate change, rising state failures, and escalating violence, people are not moving so much to advance economically as to escape a growing array of threats not covered by the 1951 Refugee Convention, which needs to be updated. Developed nations must honor rather than elide their obligations under international law to accept asylum applicants and fairly adjudicate their cases, Since a large fraction of the Central Americans arriving at the southern US border have relatives in the United States, creating a pathway to legal status for unauthorized US residents would relieve a lot of the pressure on the asylum system by enabling authorities to release applicants to the support and care of legally resident relatives rather than placing them in an overburdened detention system. Governments need to scale back the securitization and criminalization of migration, which have made human mobility an increasingly precarious and risk-filled activity that contributes to rather than forestalls the proliferation of crime and violence. Human rights and humanitarian agencies need to revisit their missions to derive new ways of working conjointly and in parallel with each other and with governments to better understand and meet the needs of migrants in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Executive Summary: Mexico is increasingly important as a country of transit migration between the Global South and the Global North. Migration dynamics from Central America to and through Mexico are mainly considered as economic or mixed migration of people looking for work and a better life in the USA. Nevertheless, since the 2010s the number of asylum applications in Mexico has sky rocketed. Based on a survey of Central American migrants in Mexico we demonstrate that some kind of (organized) violence was a crucial driver for leaving and a constant companion during their journey. After contextualizing the migration route from the Northern Triangle (El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras) toward Mexico, we present the design of the study, describe sociodemographic and general contexts of the 350 interviewees, and present the migration trajectories as long-lasting sequences of events and stays, where violence in quite different forms always is at play. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparison of the paths of two countries with developmental regimes led by left-of-center parties, Chile and Mexico, shows that the democratic regime, Chile's, had better social indicators than its authoritarian counterpart at the price of slower industrialization. Comparação das trajetórias de dois países com regimes desenvolvimentistas dirigidos por partidos do centro-esquerda no Chile e México demostra que o regime democrâtico chileno teve maiores indicadores sociais que sua contraparte autoritária às custas de uma industrialização mais lenta. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the methodological implications of employing intersectional principles in qualitative health research conducted in migration contexts, specifically focusing on a doctoral research project on return migration and reunited couples in Mexico. The article highlights the integration of social justice and community-based research perspectives within an intersectional lens. Five key areas are examined, including recognizing diversity and agency among women who stay behind, navigating intersectional identities, understanding positionality, and advocating for populations made vulnerable by inadequate policies, navigating power dynamics and multiple social locations, and empowering the community through intersectional research. The application of intersectionality challenges homogenizing narratives, emphasizing the agency and resilience of women who stay behind. Reflexivity is crucial in mitigating biases and deepening insights, while collaboration with a local researcher enhances understanding of power dynamics. By empowering the community through advisory committees and culturally relevant dissemination, I aimed to amplify community member voices and promote social justice. This article serves as a valuable resource for researchers conducting intersectional qualitative health research in rural settings, offering guidance on integrating a strength-based approach, fostering intersectional reciprocity, and navigating positionalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Around the world, non-state armed actors have been linked to the illegal extraction of energy resources. This research note explores the case of Mexico. Anecdotal evidence suggests that criminal groups have been gaining control of energy infrastructure across the country. At the same time, oil tapping has been directly associated with criminal violence. Yet, there has not been a systematic effort to causally identify the relationship between illegal extraction and criminal violence. In this research note, we use the exogenous variation in international oil prices—as a measure of potential profits—to assess the effect of access to energy infrastructure on criminal-related violence. Our results show that increases in oil prices are associated with higher levels of homicide rates in municipalities with pipelines and in neighboring municipalities. Specifically, a standard price increase during this period is associated with approximately 20% more homicides per year in municipalities with gasoline pipelines. A locality-level analysis suggests a non-linear distance effect. Finally, we also explore criminal fragmentation as the mechanism connecting access to resources and violence. We find that access to pipelines is associated with higher presence of organized crime groups, but not necessarily with more fragmentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last 12 years, Mexico has become one of the most dangerous places to be a journalist. We examine how this risk-environment influences the content and strategies of reporting at one of Mexico's most well known national newspapers, Reforma. We argue that as the risk environment worsens, journalists use less specific language about armed actors to report on violent events. To test our claims, we turn to three novel sources of data: the first captures granular information about attacks against journalists, the second uses natural language processing to measure changes in reporting overtime; and the third incorporates interviews from journalists themselves. We show that as violence against journalists increases, news story specificity decreases. Importantly, our findings reveal the ways in which journalists develop protection strategies to ensure high quality reporting, even under risky conditions and highlight the critical link between risk and information environments in areas of protracted violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An analysis of news items on human trafficking in Mexico published in digital newspaper portals and electronic versions of newspapers with national circulation concludes that the issue is of little interest to the media; the dissemination of information on the topic is limited and superficial and lacking in new data. The media reproduce vague perceptions of the phenomenon of human trafficking because they essentially reflect disagreements over the concepts, methodologies, and figures as handled by specialists. The reproduction of human rights violations in the journalistic items themselves (such as the mediatic display of the people involved in an event) is also noticeable. Un análisis de las noticias sobre la trata de personas en México publicadas en portales de periódicos digitales y versiones electrónicas de periódicos con circulación nacional concluye que el tema es de poco interés para los medios de comunicación. La difusión de información sobre el tema es limitada y superficial y carece de nuevos datos. Los medios de comunicación reproducen percepciones vagas en torno al fenómeno de la trata de personas porque esencialmente reflejan desacuerdos sobre los conceptos, metodologías y cifras manejadas por especialistas. La reproducción de violaciones a los derechos humanos en los propios artículos periodísticos (por ejemplo, la exhibición mediática de las personas involucradas en un evento) también es de notar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the first time, Mexico has a presidential administration that defines itself as "post-neoliberal," but, although the government of Andrés Manuel López Obrador is the most powerful the young Mexican democracy has ever seen, it is far from dismantling neoliberalism. It is a failed progressivism, and therefore it makes no sense to conceptualize it as "leftist." Por primera vez, México tiene una administración presidencial que se define a sí misma como "posneoliberal" pero, aunque el gobierno de Andrés Manuel López Obrador es el más poderoso que la joven democracia mexicana haya visto, está lejos de desmantelar el neoliberalismo. Se trata de un progresismo fallido, y por lo tanto no tiene sentido conceptualizarlo como "izquierdista". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PEMEX, Mexico's state oil company, was fiercely defended against privatization proposals throughout most of Mexico's neoliberalization process, even as hundreds of state-owned enterprises were privatized, for two major reasons. First, the state increasingly came to depend on oil income to guarantee its fiscal needs, and this allowed it to postpone a tax reform, to the benefit of economic elites. Second, the meaning of oil in Mexican political culture partially shielded the energy sector from privatization attempts. Paying attention to the state's fiscal interests, resource nationalism, domestic elite interests, and the meaning with which economic sectors are imbued adds explanatory leverage to our understanding of neoliberalism's variegated implementation. Aun cuando cientos de empresas estatales fueron privatizadas, PEMEX, la compañía petrolera estatal de México, contó con una feroz defensa frente a las propuestas de privatización durante la mayor parte del proceso de neoliberalización mexicano. Esto obedeció a dos razones principales. La primera es que el Estado llegó a depender cada vez más de los ingresos petroleros para garantizar sus necesidades fiscales, asunto que le permitió posponer una reforma fiscal en beneficio de las élites económicas. La segunda es que el significado del petróleo en la cultura política mexicana protegió parcialmente al sector energético de los intentos de privatización. Si prestamos atención a los intereses fiscales del Estado, el discurso nacionalista en torno a los recursos, los intereses de las élites nacionales y el significado con el que están imbuidos los sectores económicos tendremos un entendimiento más completo de la variada implementación del neoliberalismo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "labor border" is an analytical tool, a legal device for controlling incoming migration flows through government initiatives related to the employment system. Two programs for temporary legalization of migrants implemented by the Mexican government in the context of the so-called Central American exodus—the Estas en Tu Casa (You Are at Home) plan and the Emisión de Tarjetas de Visitante por Razones Humanitarias (Issuance of Visitor Cards for Humanitarian Reasons) program—are examples of such devices. A review based on recent research on their impacts on the mobility of migrants as they cross the southern Mexican border on their way to the United States contributes to the debate over the outsourcing of border controls in the framework of the dependent relationship between Mexican migration policy and U.S. security strategy. La "frontera laboral" es una herramienta analítica, un dispositivo legal para controlar los flujos migratorios entrantes a través de iniciativas gubernamentales relacionadas con el sistema de empleo. Dos programas de legalización temporal de migrantes implementados por el gobierno mexicano en el contexto del llamado éxodo centroamericano—el plan Estas en Tu Casa y el programa Emisión de Tarjetas de Visitante por Razones Humanitarias—son un ejemplo de dichos dispositivos. Una revisión basada en investigaciones recientes sobre sus impactos en la movilidad de los migrantes al cruzar la frontera sur de México en su camino hacia los Estados Unidos contribuye al debate sobre la externalización de los controles fronterizos en el marco de la relación de dependencia entre la política migratoria mexicana y la estrategia de seguridad de los Estados Unidos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: Data on abortion procedures costs are scarce in low- and middle-income countries. In Mexico, the only known study was conducted more than a decade ago, with data from years before the abortion legislation. This study estimated the costs, from the health system's perspective, of surgical and medical abortion methods commonly used by women who undergo first-trimester abortion in Mexico. Methods: Data were collected on staff time, salaries, medications, consumables, equipment, imaging, and lab studies, at 5 public general hospitals. A bottom-up micro-costing approach was used. Results: Surgical abortion costs were US$201 for manual vacuum aspiration and US$298 for sharp curettage. The cost of medical abortion with misoprostol was US$85. The use of cervical ripening increases the costs by up to 18%. Staff comprised up to 72% of total costs in surgical abortions. Hospitalization was the area where most of the spending occurred, due to the staff and post-surgical surveillance required. Conclusions: Our estimates reflect the costs of "real-life" implementation and highlight the impact on costs of the overuse of resources not routinely recommended by clinical guidelines, such as cervical ripening for surgical abortion. This information will help decision-makers to generate policies that contribute to more efficient use of resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Mexico–China economic relationship is highly asymmetric, although the amount of total trade between the two countries has grown rapidly in the last ten years. Chinese exports to Mexico have grown exponentially and have diversified into different economic sectors. In contrast, Mexican exports to China have also grown but at a much slower pace and the pattern shows more concentration in fewer products. Paradoxically, in the context of the United States–China trade war, the Mexican economy has benefitted from the increase in tariffs that the United States has imposed on Chinese products. In 2019, for the first time, Mexico displaced China as a main trade partner of the United States. In this context, this article analyses the current economic relationship of Mexico with China and the United States in a triangular scheme, the impact of the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement on the China–Mexico relationship, and Mexico's trade relationship with both economies in the context of the trade war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With 33 journalists killed since the beginning of Andrés Manuel López Obrador's presidential term in December 2018, Mexico heads the list of the most violent countries for journalists in Latin America—and that of countries not at war. While journalist organizations demand a meaningful protection apparatus to safeguard their physical safety, official corruption, and criminal impunity continue to escalate the pressures to which media staff are exposed, especially in Mexican states where cartels and criminal groups have the largest footprint. This study aims to precisely identify the pressures, both internal and external, facing journalists who report on organized crime in Mexico. To do this, we drew from the Hierarchy of Influences Model, and interviewed 22 Mexican journalists who work on the organized crime beat in the country's capital and in the most violent states in the Republic. The results suggest that the most influential forces they face are associated with the organizational level (such as editorial line or institutional censorship), and the extramedia level (e.g., anti-press violence from cartels/authorities, and government advertising contracts). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Existing measures of human rights abuses are often only available at the country-year level. Several more fine-grained measures exhibit spatio-temporal inaccuracies or reporting biases due to the primary sources upon which they rely. To address these challenges, and to increase the diversity of available human rights measures more generally, this study provides the first quantitative effort to measure human rights abuses from textual records of citizen-government interactions. Using a dataset encompassing over 1.5 million access-to-information (ATI) requests made to the Mexican federal government from June 2003 onward, supervised classification is used to identify the subset of these requests that pertain to human rights abuses of various types. The results from this supervised machine learning exercise are validated against (i) gold standard ATI requests pertaining to past human rights abuses in Mexico and (ii) several accepted external measures of sub-national and sub-annual human rights abuses. In doing so, we demonstrate that the measurement of human rights abuses from citizen-submitted ATI request texts can provide measures of human rights abuse that exhibit both high validity and notable spatio-temporal specificity, relative to existent human rights datasets and variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]