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The idea of American exceptionalism in guiding US national security concerns has often come under scrutiny in the past from security analysts and policy makers alike. The US is not alone in projecting its exceptional values in its foreign policy articulations. Indian foreign policy assertions also stress India's unique civilizational qualities that make it capable of pursuing a "peaceful" modernity as opposed to the "violent" modernity of the West. The aim of this paper is to analyze how the idea of exceptionalism impacts the national security cultures of the two biggest democracies of the world. What are US and Indian exceptionalism in the context of international relations? How do they translate into the national security cultures of a superpower and a rising power? Is their national security culture driven by fear or hope, trust or mistrust, flexible or rigid strategies? These are some of the issues that this paper seeks to address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indo-Myanmar relations are based on history and civilizational ties. Indo-Myanmar's close socio-economic, commercial, political, cultural relations had existed all through the ages dating back to ancient and medieval times. Beyond these ties, ethnic links between the people of Myanmar and India exist in four states bordering Myanmar, namely, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Nagaland, and Mizoram, and have continued since antiquity. In contemporary epoch, both countries have been enjoying warm and friendly relations. For example, Myanmar is the only gateway to Southeast Asia connecting India by land and acts as a buffer zone between the northeastern region and China. Myanmar is considered as one of India's immediate neighbors and part of its successful Look East Policy (LEP), currently Act East Policy (AEP). For India, Myanmar is the connecting bridge as it is crucial for India's LEP, besides the development of stronger ties with Southeast Asia and East Asian countries. Consequently, it is important to examine the role of the Indian Diaspora in achieving internal (stabilizing border areas) as well as external (stabilizing Southeast Asia) security objectives of India. The diaspora has emerged as a powerful lobby since they are documented as "soft power" in International Relations and foreign policy strategy. It is also a driving force or agent of economic development between India and Myanmar. Therefore, this paper attempts to study the role of the Indian Diaspora in transforming the bilateral relations between India and Myanmar in the contemporary context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rising convergence between India and the United States, as well as their strategic interests, have been evident since the end of the Cold War. Over the last decade, the Indo-US strategic partnership has strengthened not only in the areas of defence, arms cooperation, counter-terrorism collaboration, ballistic missile defence, drones, nuclear technologies, space, and cyber technology, but India has also emerged as a prominent strategic partner of the United States in the areas of cyber and homeland security. India is becoming a pompous regional player who wants to be the regional hegemon as the Indo-US Strategic Partnership grows. As a result of the Indo-US strategic cooperation, the discrepancy in conventional and nuclear weapons between India and Pakistan could exacerbate the South Asian arms race and destabilise Pakistan's security environment. Pakistan must implement a proactive foreign policy in order to gain from the changing global and strategic environment. For Pakistan's economic and security, an alliance policy with regional and extra regional nations would be more prudent. Under the shadow of the US-India cooperation, this paper briefly emphasises the potential security threats to Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) was founded in 1974 in response to the Indian nuclear test in order to prevent nuclear proliferation by controlling nuclear exports. In 2008, the NSG exempted India from its full-scope safeguards (FSS) condition, making it the first country to be allowed to have nuclear trade with NSG members while retaining its nuclear weapons program. India won this waiver after tough negotiations and having resisted tough nonproliferation conditions. India is now bidding for NSG membership. This paper analyses the prospects for the membership in light of the waiver negotiations and how the waiver negotiations can guide us in assessing the likely path of the membership negotiations. This study concludes that India will resist any conditions and the US and India have to invest massive diplomatic efforts to reach a formula that addresses the nonproliferation concerns of member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India believes in the peaceful emergence of the Asian region, but China has not declared its clear vision about the region. In November 2013, China announced Air Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ) in the East China Sea over the Senkaku/Diayou Island, meaning thereby that any plane passing over the Island has to take the prior permission of Chinese authorities. Some of these assertive gestures by China impinge on India to search for new strategic partners at global level like USA and Australia and maintaining smooth relationship with old friend and ally Russia because of the rise of China as uncertain power, but simultaneously India also abstains from any grouping which is anti-China. India wanted to see the peaceful rise of China in the interest of the region and world at large. In the paper, an attempt has been made to explore the India global strategic partnership with special focus on India-Japan strategic partnership in the field of East Asian security, maritime security, energy, defence, space and cooperation at global forums. These two countries are emerging as good strategic partners at bilateral, regional, multilateral and global issues. To strengthen this strategic partnership, there is a need for more and more economic engagement between the two countries, which is still lagging behind the optimum level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article aims to show that the European Union has normative power. Normative power is understood here as the capacity to promote norms by diffusion, based on persuasion, communication and interaction at large. The EU aims to influence the international order and to promote effective multilateralism. However, the further away from Europe the EU operates, the less it is able to use its traditional means of conditionality or its neighbourhood policy tools. Instead, the EU has to rely on diffusion mechanisms. This holds particularly true in the policy field of security where the EU has only limited capabilities for force projections and-given the specific nature of the defence market-only a limited role for the incentive of 'market access' and hence conditionality. Drawing on research on norm diffusion and taking into account the filter factors such as history, exposure and political systems that are at play in diffusion processes as well as the particular mechanisms at work, the European Union and its Member States seem to possess some normative power when meeting specific and growing demands for templates, know-how, procedures and processes to address today's security challenges and operating on a global level with the new global stakeholders such as China and India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the role of sub-national diplomacy in India with respect to four neighboring countries -- Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Pakistan and China -- and assesses the nature and consequences of such interactions for immediate policy shifts and in wider institutional terms. Except for five states -- Haryana, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Chhatisgarh and Telengana -- all other states in India have international land or maritime borders which make a study of this nature very pertinent. This study focuses on those states that have been more inclined to engage in India's foreign and security policy making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the authors conduct a comparative review of the strategic imperatives driving Sino-Indian policy on Afghanistan in the post-2014 scenario. The article argues that divergent strategic imperatives make cooperation difficult and/or unlikely. This analysis is based on a broader consideration of both contemporary history and geopolitical dynamics shaping the foreign policy considerations of these two countries, and an assessment of the impact of ongoing bi-lateral and regional aspirations. The authors begin by highlighting the salient dynamics that have historically characterized and driven Indian and Chinese foreign policy in general and on Afghanistan. They find that Afghanistan, although not a primary focus of either state’s foreign or security policy, historically, is increasing in importance for both; India and China compete on a range of economic and security issues. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]