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In the digital age, digital services not only provide important intermediate inputs for manufacturing but they also affect the availability of other potentially ICT-enabled high-quality services as intermediate inputs. Therefore, it is particularly important and meaningful to explore the relationship between the liberalization of trade in digital services and manufacturing exports. This paper uses a panel dataset of bilateral exports of 15 manufacturing sectors in 54 countries, from 2014 to 2018, to examine the impact of digital services trade policy restrictions on exports of manufactured goods. The main results suggest that the impact of trade policy restrictions on manufacturing exports is mixed but mainly negative. Moreover, regulatory differences in digital services industries between bilateral country pairs also have a significant negative impact on the export performance of manufacturing industries. In addition, we further examine the heterogeneity of this impact mechanism across different policy areas, manufacturing sectors, and bilateral country-pair groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Countless socially responsible trade initiatives have emerged in recent years offering an uncertain mixture of token and substantive changes. After decades of battles over free trade, this marks a significant shift, challenging established debates over free versus regulated markets by promoting labour, gender, human, and environmental rights through trade agreements. This reorientation contains complex contradictions, with trade justice groups conceding to the popularity of trade while simultaneously insisting on a new vision of what trade is 'about.' Drawing on the idea of trade fetishism, this article argues that the desire for trade involves not only its material motivations, but its seductive content as a fetishised object of global capital, offering the fantasy of 'trade' as a symbolic source of pleasure. Through the case of the new NAFTA 2.0, it points to the relevance of trade politics that aspires not to overcome trade fetishism, but, as Lucas Pohl (2022) suggests, to 'get with' it. Through a trade justice ratchet mechanism, advocates have pushed for unanticipated changes, while also ceding to the limitations of the current order. The outcome is a process of contesting the symbolic content of what trade is and is not about, with significant material and policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New generation' free trade agreements now include 'Trade and Sustainable Development' (TSD) chapters designed to improve environmental provisions within overall trading arrangements. The wide-ranging European Union (EU)-Japan agreement of 2018 represents the culmination of a trend towards the greater inclusion of such TSD elements, and, as it covers one-third of global GDP, the significance of this agreement for trading relations cannot be understated. Comparing it with other agreements involving Japan and the EU, I argue that greater attention to sustainable development in trade connections, notwithstanding tangible significant environmental improvements, further embeds an anthropocentric narrative of trade-environment linkages and supports a 'win–win' linkage between enhancing economic growth and ensuring environmental protections. Through an eco-centric critique, I seek to challenge the fundamental anthropocentric assumptions underpinning such inclusions and explore the ways in which the language of environmental protection and climate change has been depoliticised by a particular framing of sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mega-regional trade agreements progressively became a mechanism for the European Union (EU) to include a wide range of commitments in interregional negotiations. There is a well-developed scholarly debate on the EU's normative power, but we have not seen a similar weight of research on how third countries react to European influence. We suggest that the focus on the macro analysis of state-level interests hides that domestic groups are impacted by EU rules and mobilise to respond to what is perceived as an imposition of European norms. This article explores the EU–Mercosur Agreement and, considering the pivotal role of Brazil in potentially obstructing it, we conducted documentary research to analyse how Brazilian stakeholders have reacted to the EU norm-spreading. We mapped influential individuals and organisations engaged in disclosing their positions and influencing the negotiation outcome. The results demonstrate that while supporters are those directly benefiting from trade liberalisation, opposition comes mainly from sectors impacted by the beyond-trade norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a complete macroeconomic (SFC) model to study income and wealth distribution in an open economy. We argue that exchange rates and the stock of foreign debt play a major role in shaping inequality across and within countries. Using the 'relative income hypothesis', we show that debt-financed consumption of low-income households can affect both total income and the disposable income of high-income households in the medium run. In addition, while higher inequality is detrimental to the domestic economy, it can benefit trading partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1953 and 1972 the International Labor Film Institute (ILFI), affiliated with yet organizationally separate from the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), spread knowledge about, and encouraged the use of, films among Western trade unionists. Holding five formal film festivals, the ILFI also engaged in the collection and distribution of information about films and filmstrips on trade union topics, themes, and successes. Yet compared to other ICFTU forums, ICFTU and ILFI officials were relatively muted on Cold War issues when it came to film activities. When they did discuss such topics, they evidenced a level of uncertainty and confusion regarding how intensely to engage anti-communist messaging in the area of labor films, indicating a concern over how to strike the correct balance between showcasing topics solely focused on labor and engaging Cold War themes. Studying the ILFI and Western labor's relationship to the medium of film thus reveals both an anxiety among Western labor leaders during the early and middle years of the Cold War over how best to weigh their desire to help workers with their goal of appearing sufficiently anti-communist as well as another way the vagueness of the ICFTU's slogan of 'free trade unionism' impacted the ICFTU's activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes an original perspective on the origins and formation of the modern welfare state, arguing that the openness of national economies had a critical influence upon the kind of social insurance policies each country would adopt before World War I. If we classify Western national economies into two typical types, the free-trade open economy (FOE) and the protectionist closed economy (PCE), depending on their trade policy, we can make two hypotheses. FOE, which is under heavy pressure from international competition, is more sensitive than PCE to the increase in employers’ cost. Therefore, hypothesis (1) is: PCE would precede FOE in introducing social insurance which involves considerable cost increases for employers. Hypothesis (2) is: if FOE dares to undertake a social insurance scheme, they would likely create social insurance that relies on general tax revenues to mitigate cost increases for employers. On the contrary, PCE can undertake social insurance schemes that involve considerable cost increases for employers more easily than FOE, as protective tariffs countervail their cost increases to some extent. Through the comparative analysis of all major Western countries, this article demonstrates the validity of these hypotheses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little is known about Libyan trade unionism and its role in the Arab workers' movement. Drawing on a variety of archival sources, this article contributes a general overview of trade unionism in Tripolitania and Cyrenaica from the time of the British Administration (1943–1951) until 1957. In this period, the Libyan General Workers Union (LGWU) emerged as the main workers' organisation and the first trade unions laws were promulgated. Since 1957, with the establishment of the Petroleum Workers Union and the presence of foreigners working in oil companies, the LGWU's supremacy as a representative of Libya's workers waned, and Libyan unionism entered a new phase. This article chronicles the unknown history of Libyan trade unionism and highlights the significance of trade union internationalism, specifically, the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions in Libyan labour affairs. This research discusses internal enablers as well as frictions within the labour movement, which ultimately hampered its social and political influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the case of Benin to explore the tension between the political realities of African countries and the objectives of the AfCFTA. For most of the country's independence, Benin's political economy has been based primarily on informal and/or illegal entrepôt trade with Nigeria. Benin's entrepôt system creates a loophole around trade barriers for products that are stringently regulated in Nigeria by enabling their importation to Benin, and then in turn, re-exporting or smuggling them into Nigeria. This article argues that informal and/or illegal entrepôt trade with Nigeria is so ingrained in Benin's political economy that regional and continental free trade (which is incompatible with entrepôt trade) is all but impossible from Benin's perspective. The entrepôt system is one of the main sources of government revenue, which ruling elites are not willing to surrender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The free movement of goods is widely believed to be a prime example of the negative integration paradigm. Its defining characteristic is a strong judicial process, fuelled by – and fuelling – litigation, which eclipses the weak(er) political process. The article argues that this dominant narrative is no longer accurate. Based on a new dataset of all Article 34 TFEU cases decided by the CJEU between 1961 and 2020, it shows that goods litigation has been disappearing from the Court's docket since the mid-1980s. The reasons for this, it is argued, lie in changing incentive structures for both litigants and national courts, which have reduced the appeal of bringing goods cases, as well as a rise in EU legislation. The consequence is a demise of negative and a turn towards positive integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the literature on EU trade policy by introducing insights from the political economy literature on development to the study of how EU trade liberalisation affects development in trading partners. Drawing on a comparison of EU trade liberalisation with Moldova and Georgia, we argue that the type of coalition between public and private actors in partner countries' top export sectors determines which firms benefit from better market access to the EU, as indicated by their ability to increase their exports. We show that liberalised trade with the EU tends to contribute to achieving the EU's declared objective of inclusive development if the presence of inclusionary development coalitions ensures that a broad range of firms is enabled to increase their export capacities through a mechanism that we call 'inclusive empowerment'. Otherwise, trade liberalisation contributes to exclusive development, benefitting big, mostly foreign firms, or, at worse, consolidating rent-seeking practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper theoretically examines the effect of an expansionary monetary policy on export quality and its ramifications on the aggregate employment of the unskilled workers in a competitive general equilibrium framework of a small open economy. Monetary policies are often pursued by the central bank of an economy to manage exchange rate fluctuations under a managed float regime, which may have adverse consequences for export-quality choices and thereby for export growth given the growing preference of buyers in richer nations for higher qualities of imports. Under optimal allocation of wealth over a portfolio of cash, domestic assets and foreign assets, we show that an increase in the domestic money supply affects the choice of export-quality through larger investment, capital formation and consequent endowment effect and through changes in the nominal exchange rate. Under less price-elastic demand for a non-traded good, export quality is upgraded when quality upgrading is relatively capital (than skill) intensive. The expansionary monetary policy may raise aggregate employment of unskilled workers due to larger investment and capital formation, but may lower it through changes in the quality of the export good. The overall effect is thus ambiguous. A larger initial size of bequests has a similar effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from Canadian and Korean public companies available at Bloomberg, this study attempts to demonstrate the relationship between investment in establishments and trade liberalization, an effect caused mainly by increased competitiveness. This project contributes to the studies previously conducted on the subject and adds information regarding countries with different peculiarities, such as Canada, better known for being the main trading partner of the USA and major producer of commodities, and South Korea, which for some decades has invested to become a reference in technology and world innovation. In line with previous studies, a negative and statistically significant relationship was found between investment and trade liberalization, an effect that was verified mainly for those establishments that are far from the frontier of the sector in which they operate, and for the firms in the frontier this effect is positive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper integrates trade policy and foreign direct investment into a unified analytical framework, and investigates the effects of input trade liberalization on the entry of foreign firms. To identify the causal effects, we utilize China's accession to the WTO in 2001 as a quasi-natural experiment, and perform difference-in-difference estimation. The results show that input trade liberalization significantly increases foreign entry. We also find that input trade liberalization not only promotes the entry of new foreign firms, but also restrains the exit of existing foreign firms, thereby contributing to the net growth of the number of foreign firms. The mechanism tests show that increasing variety as well as quality of intermediate input and reduction in marginal cost are the potential channels through which input trade liberalization promotes foreign entry. This paper further demonstrates that institutional environment strengths the positive effect of input trade liberalization on foreign entry, and the promotive effect of input trade liberalization on foreign entry increases with industry import intensity, additionally, input trade liberalization is also conducive to improving the quality of foreign investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Which factors drive support of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) for trade liberalisation? The literature suggests that economic factors, ideology, and politicization shape MEP voting behaviour. Drawing on a new dataset encompassing all trade-related MEP votes (2009-2019), this study offers a quantitative assessment of the determinants of MEP support for trade liberalisation. It finds that ideological factors have the strongest and most persistent effect on MEP support for trade liberalisation. The economic competitiveness of MEPs' home regions, in turn, has only a limited effect. Politicization, lastly, has an unclear effect on its own and mostly influences MEP voting behaviour through interactions with ideological and economic factors. The study offers the first comprehensive assessment of the determinants of MEP voting on trade liberalisation and contributes to political economy research on electoral institutions and trade, the European Parliament's role in trade policy and the effects of politicization on policy-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theorists of the transnational cleavage, defined as a political reaction against European integration and immigration, also regularly conceptualise international trade preferences as a component of this contemporary societal divide. Yet empirical analyses of this cleavage focus on the former two topics, while trade and the transnational cleavage has not been systematically investigated. Making use of a new item in the 2019 Chapel Hill Expert Survey that measures party support for protection of domestic producer groups versus support for trade liberalisation, we examine the applicability of explanations for European integration positioning for the topic of trade. The results show that party positions on international trade correlate with parties' underlying two-dimensional ideology: parties of the economic left and culturally conservative parties support trade protection. The findings advance previous studies on the transnational cleavage and party positioning on trade, and demonstrate the continued importance of economic factors in driving patterns of trade protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyse the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) and its potential to unleash the development of women in Africa. The envisaged benefits of the AfCFTA include increased trade diversification, regional integration, enhanced human security, increased foreign direct investment and technological advancement. Despite optimism about the prospects of the agreement as a local innovation spearheaded by the African Union, pessimists raise questions about the extent of stakeholder engagement. The agreement must be gender-responsive to enhance outcomes for women cross-border traders. The paper concludes that the lack of gender sensitivity confirms the need to address the specific needs of African women, especially those involved in informal cross-border trade. Hence, for AfCFTA, the policy focus should be on ensuring the formalisation of women who participate in informal trade, thus helping increase access to markets, information and growth opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its emphasis on trade, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) has been perceived as a liberalisation agenda motivated primarily by strategic concerns with fewer economic benefits. This article analyses the strategies of Indonesia's trade policymakers to legitimize its leading role in RCEP. It is argued that Indonesia's legitimation strategy is implemented through the invocation of two discourses: Indonesia's historical position as a regional leader and bridge-builder and the internationalisation of small and medium enterprises (SMEs). While the former is utilised as a coordinative discourse to provide an overarching vision for other state agencies with a protectionist bent, the latter is employed as a communicative discourse to challenge domestic contestations, especially those from civil society and business interests. This article contributes to the study of trade policy discourse by investigating the role of policymakers in mobilising discourses as a strategy for legitimising a strategically-driven liberalisation agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mercantile history of Charlotte Amalie and Gustavia, free ports in the Danish (1672–1917) and Swedish (1784–1878) Caribbean, have existed outside of the standard purview of both national and transnational historiographies, despite the considerable attention they received by eighteenth century political and economic thought. Due to their unique legislative character, they cannot be situated easily within available historical frameworks. In contemporary politico-economic opinion and eyewitness accounts, the Scandinavian free ports were equated to other free trade regimes insofar as they were conceived as a means of commercial rivalry against other nations. The liberal laws of free ports were styled as consistent with Enlightenment theories of equality and industry, even though they did not represent anything novel in the permeable commercial world of early modern colonialism. Interloping, as the practice of trespassing commercial privilege was commonly referred to, was a key feature of the transit trade operating out of these free ports. The utility of the free port trade was highly contingent upon shifting alliances and patterns of conflict. Operating across the peripheries of other empires, Scandinavian free trade designs in the Caribbean were beneficial for various actors, including but not limited to the parent states themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the evolution of trade policies in early British Singapore from its founding in 1819 to about 1830. By focusing on this timeframe, it aims to shed light on the important shifts that occurred during this formative period. The article addresses three issues that are key to understanding the trajectory of early British Singapore. First, it explores the reasons behind the dissolution of the original power- and revenue-sharing arrangements between the British, the Temenggong, and Sultan Hussain by 1824. By investigating the reasons behind this termination, the article seeks to uncover the power struggles that (re-) shaped early governance in Singapore. Second, the article examines the roles played by traditional Malay commercial conventions and practices. As a result, a more multi-faceted understanding emerges of Singapore's commercial and cultural origins. Finally, the article investigates the driving forces behind the establishment of British Singapore as a free port supported by free trade. By exploring the motivation, timing and debates about policy, the article provides insights into the economic and political factors that propelled Singapore's rise as a trading hub. The conclusions in this article offer a thought-provoking reassessment and reframing of Singapore's early development as a port and British settlement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1765 and 1789, the Spanish crown issued a series of comercio libre decrees that liberalised trade between Spanish America and peninsular Spain. What was the crown attempting to do by relaxing trade restrictions within the empire? Because the comercio libre decrees only authorised free trade within the confines of the empire, it may be easy to conclude, as the extant scholarship has, that these decrees were a delayed attempt to revitalise an increasingly obsolete mercantilist system. Indeed, Spain's new imperial system of free trade appears to be little more than an outmoded form of protectionism centred on hoarding bullion. This article pushes against this perspective and shows that Spain's decrees of comercio libre were part of an attempt to erect a peculiar interconnected system of free ports within the empire. Even though Spain's free trade system excluded international trade, its intellectual architects deployed Enlightenment political economy to dynamize and integrate the imperial economy while avoiding the increasingly bellicose competition for international markets that was ascendant among European empires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the 1901–1904 discussions about free trade in the Priamur region and the territories in Chinese Manchuria leased to the Russian Empire. The discussions are placed in the contexts of nationalising empire, Russian imperialism, and cosmopolitan society of the globalised free port of Vladivostok. The piece traces the place of ideas about free trade in the social and political imagination of contemporaries in the Priamur region to show how these images were challenged by imperial expansion in Manchuria. It also analyses the rhetorical strategies used by regional actors to re-negotiate the borders of economic and political expansion, as well as the internal and external comparisons they made. The article demonstrates how debates about free trade in the Russian Far East offer deeper insight into how ideas about free trade and free ports as institutions affected not only the economic but social and political transformations in the late imperial period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do legislators support some free trade agreements but oppose others? Despite a wide variation in legislative support for free trade agreements, the heterogeneous preferences of legislators have received little attention in the literature, which largely focuses on general trade policy preferences of legislators and individual voters. We bring in geopolitical factors as a key source of legislative preferences on specific free trade agreements. Using voting records of the U.S. House representatives on all major bills related to free trade agreements, we find that the geostrategic importance of potential trading partner has a substantial effect on voting for trade agreements. We find that legislators become less sensitive to their constituents' economic interests when considering trade agreements with allies or countries with closely aligned interests. This highlights the importance of examining security externalities of trade cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational companies in Honduras are suing the government for lost profits, following President Xiomara Castro's decision to overturn laws that supported economic development projects. The companies are seeking international arbitration under the Central America-Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR), claiming that the government's actions threaten their ability to make a profit. The U.S. Embassy in Honduras has been critical of Castro's policies, and there is concern that the U.S. government is supporting opposition to her administration. These investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) cases pose a significant challenge to the Castro administration's proposed reforms and the future of Honduras. [Extracted from the article]

In the 1950s and 1960s, the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) protested nuclear weapons testing, called for nuclear and conventional disarmament, and simultaneously embraced the promises of atomic energy. The ICFTU also, particularly through its atomic energy committee, pressed the United Nations (UN), the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the new International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) for stronger worker protections and union input at atomic energy sites. Such efforts revealed how a non-governmental organization (NGO) attempted to shape international narratives and standards regarding nuclear weapons and atomic energy, revealing a complex approach to the use of the atom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade policy and negotiations have lain at the heart of the Brexit process. Initial UK trade policy has been characterised by: (1) the need to limit the impact of changes in trading relations (mainly with the EU) to minimise challenges for businesses and the possibility of economic losses; (2) a strong ideological commitment to free trade, and related to that; (3) symbolic and 'placebo' actions designed to show that the UK can enact an independent trade policy. Negotiation of free trade agreements (FTAs), thus, became a priority of trade policy. This article explores how approaches to FTAs have evolved, focusing specifically on post-Brexit FTAs with Australasia. Overall, the desire to complete speedy agreements has at times trumped business and societal interests, and precluded the development of a coherent long-term UK FTA vision, revealing the symbolic motivation of being seen as 'delivering Brexit' behind the initial years of post-Brexit trade policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the welfare effect of trade liberalization in the service industry by focusing on the Chinese movie industry. China has been maintaining an import quota of foreign movies since 1990s. Using a unique Chinese movie dataset, we first estimate a nested logit demand model. And based on the estimated demand parameters, we perform counterfactual tests by removing the movie import quota. Specifically, we quantify the loss to the domestic film makers due to greater competition with foreign competitors, and the gains to consumers from consuming more high quality movies. We find that after trade liberalization, the market share of domestic film makers falls by 21–22% on average during the sample period, whereas the gain in the consumer welfare is comparatively smaller with an increase of around 5–9%. We also find that if the domestic film makers react actively by either strategically changing the release dates or by improving the quality of the home-made movies, then the magnitude of decline in the producer welfare will reduce by a large extent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of trade with ASEAN on industry-level employment in India during the period of 1996–1997 to 2016–2017. Using the KLEMS and CMIE databases, we construct a unique dataset covering fifteen industrial sectors in India. We employ the Pooled Mean Group (PMG) approach to estimate the long-run relationship between employment and trade. For the full period of our study, we find that import penetration had a detrimental effect on employment while we find little evidence of any significant effect of export intensity on employment. There exists a structural break at 2004–2005, after which industrial sector has registered a decline in the rate of employment growth as well as India saw worsening of trade balance with ASEAN. Our results suggest that while export and import have had favorable impact on industrial sector employment prior to 2004–2005, AIFTA led to decline in industrial sector employment post 2004–2005. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reviewing Marc Lavoie's comprehensive and well-structured discussion of open-economy macroeconomics allows us to revisit some key Post-Keynesian contributions and confirm their continued relevance to our understanding of international economic, financial and monetary relations. In the process Lavoie draws a consistently sharp contrast with standard-theory concepts and models, much of it organized around his elaboration of endogenous money in an international context and modern trade flows embedded in a highly globalized and financialized world economy which have little to do with comparative advantage. He thereby provides us with a conceptual road map for a meta-economic revolution which recognizes that the world economy has a growth dynamic all of its own rather than being just the sum of its parts, the two-hundred or so national economies connected to each other through their balance of payments and exchange rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper enriches the existing set of global trade negotiation simulations by incorporating explicit, country-specific domestic political consequences incurred from trade concessions. Several semesters of testing with undergraduate students in the U.S. and master's students in Argentina demonstrate that the simulation statistically significantly enhances students' understanding of the role that domestic political pressures play in preventing negotiators from reaching the first-best trade regime. Students learn-by-doing that conflicting country philosophies regarding free trade vary substantially not only between developed and developing countries, but also depending on the geography and key industries of each country. The simulation also provides students with current, realistic economic values for the country and the world from freeing trade. Seventeen country tables provide instructors with tremendous flexibility in structuring the negotiation framework. A complete instructor's manual with a detailed description of how to use the simulation, all student handouts and an Excel file that automatically calculates point totals is available via e-mail from the corresponding author. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does industrial policy currently interact with Regional Economic Communities in Africa? This article examines the tension between Regional Economic Communities and state-level industrial policy in Africa through two main problems: (1) how state industrial policies undermine Regional Economic Communities through a crisis of implementation and (2) how Regional Economic Communities undermine industrial policies through crisis of coordination. In discussing these issues, using indicative examples from the regions, especially the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the East African Community (EAC), the article brings together industrial policy and regional economic integration in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labour mobility within the European Union (EU) is still increasing, and often such workers carry out 'essential' work. Yet, while EU law accords certain labour and social rights, mobile workers de facto often have only limited rights. We study why especially these 'essential' workers are often exploited and focus on enforcement actors – control authorities checking upon and interest representation bodies pushing for workers' rights. We thereby contribute to broader literature on the precarious character of EU free movement in practice. For one, we offer an analytical framework to grasp enforcement by using the dichotomy of police patrol and fire alarm, each breaking down for willingness and capabilities. For another, we stress the relevance of two factors hampering enforcement: While, as we argue, the demand for cheap labour by economies and societies of destination has an impact on the willingness to see rights guaranteed, the isolation of workers limits the capabilities of both police patrol and fire alarm. We illustrate our argument with empirical evidence from live-in care work and international road transport, mainly based upon semi-structured interviews with control authorities and interest representation bodies in Austria and Germany, and with additional interviews in Poland and Slovenia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few scholars would dispute that negotiations for the European Free Trade Association (EFTA), which formally commenced near Stockholm in June 1959, moved at breakneck speed. Generally acknowledged too are the reasons behind this haste: the need swiftly to find another route to working with the European Economic Community (EEC) following the collapse of the wider Free Trade Area (FTA) proposal, the degree of consensus already achieved by the Association's founder members during the FTA talks, and the fact that few felt EFTA was a permanent alternative to an arrangement with the Six. But none of this negated the very real obstacles faced by negotiators. Each indeed obliged the Seven collectively – and, as by far the single largest economic actor, Britain specifically – to reconsider the scope of the agreement under discussion and the sorts of concessions required to reach a deal. And yet this is a moment in EFTA's founding often glossed over in extant literature. This article consequently provides a long-overdue detailed study of the build-up to, and evolution of, the Stockholm negotiations, examining the topics on which negotiators focused and the conditions under which compromises eventually emerged. In so doing, it points to the agency of smaller EFTA states in being able to exercise maximum influence at critical junctures in the process and explains why the timing of their demands as well as the nature of the negotiations themselves ultimately influenced their success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The involvement of small-scale farmers in markets is crucial to alleviate poverty in low- and middle-income countries. In this study, we examine the determinants and welfare implications of export participation for smallholders in Kyrgyzstan, utilising household-level panel data for the period of 2010-2013 and employing fixed-effects panel estimations. Our research reveals that the decision to participate in exports is primarily influenced by the geographical location of the farmers and their receipt of overseas remittances. Furthermore, we find no significant welfare effects from exporting when assessed using three welfare indicators. Consequently, we conclude that in the absence of organised export value chains, trade liberalisation does not yield clear welfare benefits for small-scale farmers in impoverished countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing body of literature has emerged on the links between free trade agreement (FTA) and agricultural export margins. As a key component of intensive margins, export survival and duration play essential roles in long-term and sustainable export growth. We investigated the impact of FTAs on agricultural export duration from the perspective of firm-destination pair. Based on highly disaggregated firm-level panel data of Chinese agricultural exporters covering the period of 2000–2016, we applied the proper survival method to empirically analyze the effect of FTA on export duration and survival. The results identify dynamic export stylized facts among firm-destination country pairs: although most of the agricultural firm-destination export relations demonstrated longer duration than those of other industries in China, they were still short-lived. Most importantly, we confirmed that FTA produced two opposite effects: Compared to non-FTA partners, the FTA membership role helps extend the length of export duration for agricultural export relation in general. However, for newly created relations, the implementation of FTA increased the hazard rate of export failure and shortened the length of duration. Our results cast a new light on firm-level export survival issue and FTA policy, and provide implications for both agricultural exporters and policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent do psychological factors determine individuals' support for trade? Previous studies find that predispositions such as nationalism, patriotism, xenophobia, and isolationism predict opposition to imports. However, it is unclear whether this relationship holds when trade is framed in ways other than imports and for international institutions (IIs) governing trade between countries. In this study, I use a cross-national dataset to test whether the relationship between psychological factors and trade/II attitudes is conditional on the frame used (imports vs. consumer choice vs. neutral), the dimension of trade (principle of free trade vs. IIs governing trade), and the level of political integration of trade-related IIs (deep vs. shallow). Controlling for self-interest factors and other covariates, I find that, while xenophobia consistently predicts protectionism regardless of the frame and dimension, and patriotism mostly predicts trade/II support, the effect of nationalism and isolationism highly depends on the frame used. Moreover, the negative effect of xenophobia and isolationism on support for trade-related IIs increases as they become deeper. The findings in this study call for a greater exploration on how the interaction between elite framing and psychological predispositions affects attitudes towards trade and other globalization issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chile and Korea subscribed a free trade agreement in 2003, which entered into force in 2004. One of the main objectives behind the agreement was to modify the concentration of the Chilean export basket, traditionally dominated by primary products, through preferential access to the country's main export destinations. From here, this paper analyses the achievement of this objective through mixed-methods. Acknowledging that econometric models may not fully explain trade patterns, this article uses both quantitative data to understand the impact of the agreement on export flows, and qualitative information to complement these results. It concludes that Chile has not been capable of achieving the objective stated, due to constrains in the public and private sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper documents the importance of trade in services for global value chain participation in the ASEAN region. Using newly created data on GVCs as well as a new database on the services trade restrictiveness index to connect international trade policies in services to participation in GVCs, we show that restrictions on trade in services are detrimental for backward participation in GVCs and that such restrictions are harmful to ASEAN members when compared to other countries in the data set. Also, we show that services trade restrictions are especially detrimental to ASEAN countries when such backward integration is connected to forward participation, hence, central positions in GVCs. Restrictions on trade in services slow down the upgrading of value chain positions, which calls for policy actions to follow up trade liberalization in industrial products with a new round of lower restrictions on services trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's foreign policy in South Asia has recently suffered revisions following increased Chinese presence in the region. Since 2007 the Maldives has also witnessed a tremendous change in its foreign policy from the 'India First' to the 'India Out' campaign. Islamic fundamentalism is on the rise in the Maldives and is impacting its foreign policy choices. China has shown great interest in the Maldives. While the Maldives has signed a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with China and recorded enormous Chinese investments in various projects, the Indian ground in the island state has shrunk in the last decade. This article discusses how the Maldives has realised its geostrategic significance in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and how India has succeeded in restoring its traditional clout in Malé after the return of President Ibrahim Solih in 2018. It also discusses the Indian role in the Maldives during the pandemic and the signing of several Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs), maritime security understandings and partnerships with the United States in the Indo-Pacific in view of groupings such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) and Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF). Also examined is how the sharing of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific vision (FOIP) has brightened the scope of India's relations with the Maldives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exchange rates and international prices are fundamental to explaining inflation in open economies. Conflict inflation models account for these variables by including imported inputs and, sometimes, a distribution effect of exchange rates since firms' mark-up cannot be independent of foreign competition in open economies. We analyze the different assumptions on distribution underlying conflict inflation models. We propose an alternative approach building on the Classical–Keynesian theory of distribution for a price-taker open economy. Thus we model conflict inflation in a framework compatible with the Classical–Keynesian approach for the open economy. The model includes tradable prices, considering their direct impact on distribution. Therefore, it addresses a cause of inflation overlooked in the literature. Finally, conflict inflation affects the real exchange rate, which becomes a fundamental distributive variable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper provides an analytical solution to the differential equation that regulates the motion of the neo-Kaleckian model in the short run. After presenting a simple open economy neo-Kaleckian model with government activity, the paper analytically derives an expression for the time of adjustment, defined as the time required for the system to make a k percent adjustment from one steady-state to another. The solution shows that there is an inverse relationship between the time of adjustment and (i) the strength of the Keynesian stability condition; (ii) the behavior of entrepreneurs underlying their decisions to more rapidly/slowly respond to changes in goods market conditions. Last, the model is calibrated for the US, showing that the vicinity of the new equilibrium is reached after a period of about 5 quarters under a baseline calibration. By formally analyzing the out-of-equilibrium trajectory of the neo-Kaleckian model, this contribution moves away from the method of comparative dynamics and provides a historical-time representation of the model's traverse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The long-lasting, distributive changes in Argentina during the 1970s have been extensively studied from different theoretical perspectives. What has not yet been sufficiently examined, however, are the reasons behind the non-monotonic trends observed on income distribution during this period and, in particular, under the dictatorial regime (1976–83). To fill this gap, we have developed a model inspired in the modern Classical-Structuralist approach to income distribution. We argue that the irregular trend of the real wage reveals that only a partial correspondence exists between the class interests of the 1976 coup and the effects on income distribution of the successive economic programs implemented by the dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political economy literature extensively discusses how great powers use asymmetric power relations as a tool in trade negotiations, yet discussion regarding how asymmetric power relations can account for the variety of power asymmetry dynamics in international relations, especially in the cases of middle power countries such as South Korea, is scarce. This paper examines how South Korea's free trade agreement (FTA) strategies with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) were enabled under the Moon Jae-in administration's New Southern Policy (NSP) by analyzing the sources of South Korea's power asymmetry with ASEAN. Understanding power asymmetry as an evolving process, this paper takes the constructivist approach to middle power to demonstrate how South Korea's development of a middle power identity shaped the country's negotiation leverage in trade negotiations. This enabled South Korea to secure in-depth FTAs with ASEAN at the bilateral level under the NSP, despite ASEAN members' initial reluctance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition from economic protectionism to free trade in the late-1950s saw the Irish government embark on a project to improve the state's image abroad. Up to that point, the state had endured a tempestuous relationship with British newspapers and the adoption of free trade necessitated a new rapport to encourage positive coverage of the industrialisation project. The key components of this strategy were the courting of British newspapers through state sponsorship of special supplements, facilitating visits by British journalists to industrial sites, and providing interview access to senior ministers. Such actions constituted the state's first exercise in nation branding and represented a sea change in how it interacted with British media. This article offers an analysis of this project to project an image of a modern, industrial Ireland for overseas consumption. It finds that the project was only partly successful: while much coverage highlighted the state's economic modernisation, this was often accompanied by commentary that was critical of the lack of social change. It also finds that the tensions present in this initial nation branding project also characterised later nation branding projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic and policy interest in civil society participation in the European Union's trade policy has been growing since the late 1990s. We analyse civil society's engagement with the Domestic Advisory Groups (DAGs)—consultation mechanisms established by the European Commission at the implementation stage of its free trade agreements. While the Commission's formal rationale for the DAGs is partnership with civil society, in fact this relationship involves a marked power and resistance dynamic. We focus on civil society's agency and resistance, develop a conceptual framework laying out different possible types of resistance, and empirically demonstrate the wealth of both overt and subtle resistance practices employed by DAG members. Most of this resistance is (moderately) comprehensive and directed against the DAGs' rationalities and technologies. While showing that DAGs are deeply contested, our study also provides a nuanced analysis of resistance with particular attention for divisions between business and non-business members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uncovers the origins of 'cakeism' i.e., the notion the UK could keep certain EU benefits or not suffer costs after Brexit. The analysis demonstrates how the assumptions behind cakeism originated after 1992 in policy circles associated with the Conservative Party. They argued that a free-trade alternative to the EU was easy to put in place by simply disaggregating preferred elements of the single market from supranationalism. A Westminster-centric perspective also meant these proto-Brexiters were unable to countenance any potential domestic disruption caused by leaving the EU. During May's Brexit negotiations, European Research Group MPs resorted to cakeist arguments that reprised the same assumptions about international trade and the unitary nature of the UK state articulated well before 2016. Cakeist ideas helped scupper May's customs plan and paved the way for Johnson's free trade deal, thereby demonstrating the enduring influence of the early think-tank debate on leaving the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EVFTA) deviates from the poor track record of 'trade and sustainable development' chapters in EU FTAs. Ahead of ratification, Vietnam embarked upon pathbreaking reforms, culminating in a new labor code and accession to outstanding ILO core conventions. This article assesses the role of the EVFTA in these reforms. Building on literatures on the trade-labor nexus and externalization of EU governance, we call for a more comprehensive analysis of power dynamics in partner countries and address this lacunae by embedding FTAs and labor reforms in a strategic-relational conceptualization of states. We argue that the 'success' of the EVFTA was the outcome of specific conjunctures of social forces in, and outside of, state institutions in the EU and Vietnam, and their mediation at the transnational level. Amid free trade skepticism in the EU, particular members of the Parliament and the Council wielded their veto powers to negotiate with Vietnam and pull the Commission into a stronger position. In Vietnam, the external pressure resonated with internal struggles and empowered reformists to drive forward labor reforms. Implementation, however, remains uncertain; and, context-dependent as it was, the EVFTA pre-ratification impact does not easily lend itself to replication in other FTAs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Third regionalism explains the liberalization of trade centered around the Asia-Pacific region in the 21st century. Under regionalism, domestic agricultural markets that formerly enjoyed national food-security policies have loosened. This caused traditional domestic farmers' organizations to become more regionally interconnected, forming a food sovereignty movement under the auspices of La Via Campesina. Localized food-production chains are promoted to mitigate the impact of regionalism on the Asia-Pacific agricultural sector. The Taiwan Rural Front (TRF) joined La Via Campesina and the food sovereignty movement in the 2010s. During the process of adopting regionalism, Taiwanese agricultural trade and technologies were protected by public agencies and state-owned enterprises. This context differs from that of Southeast Asia, where the food sovereignty movement has thrived. Therefore, the following question is raised: Why was it possible for the food sovereignty movement to originate in Taiwan? This paper describes the developmental characteristics of Taiwan's food-security governance mechanism as a state-guided corporate food regime amid third regionalism. Further, the TRF does not advocate for localized food-production chains. Due to the formation of a state-guided corporate food regime, the food sovereignty movement has become connected with farmland protection movements that set the Taiwanese sovereignty movement apart. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]