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B I [A] successful, reinvigorated national industrial policy depends on a humane and inclusionary immigration policy. i b Can the labor movement and the left organize for a green industrial policy I and i an inclusionary immigration policy bold enough to stop climate change? Keywords: capitalism; climate change; environmental movement; green economy; immigrant workers; industrialization; labor; neoliberalism; populism; racism EN capitalism climate change environmental movement green economy immigrant workers industrialization labor neoliberalism populism racism 50 58 9 02/07/23 20230101 NES 230101 Graph: The Climate Strike and march in Pittsburgh on September 24, 2021.Mark Dixon, Flickr After years of sidelining and irrelevance in the market-dominated climate policy world, the American left struck green gold with the Green New Deal (GND) - substantially expanding the horizon of political possibility in green industrial policy. The GND framework, if not affirmatively messaged, can reproduce the exclusionary logics of the original New Deal.[29] A GND with Immigrants at the Center The degrowth movement has been a complementary, sometimes opposing parallel framework to the GND. [Extracted from the article]

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Keywords: social welfare; women workers; industrialization; politics; gender discrimination; family wage EN social welfare women workers industrialization politics gender discrimination family wage 44 51 8 05/19/20 20200401 NES 200401 At the start of I The Socialist Manifesto i , by Bhaskar Sunkara, which seeks to reclaim the history of socialism as a rallying call for a new generation (see book review by Emma Teitelman in this issue), the author argues, "Socialism is not so much about trading freedom for equality but rather positing the question, 'Freedom for whom? A generation of historians have documented the development of the family wage ideology over the course of the nineteenth century, showing how this idealized wage structure rationalized capitalism for workers, captains of industry, and reformers alike. Family wage ideology promised that the compensation for entering this new industrial workspace would be sufficient earnings to support a wife and children at home. The family wage and domestic sphere ideologies were often distant from any lived reality, but they created new aspirational, economic roles for men and women.[6] Today, the phrase "family wage" is rarely invoked by the left. [Extracted from the article]

The Anthropocene names the epoch wherein humans have become the main geological agent on the planet's surface. But which humans, and since when? Dating the onset of the Anthropocene is a political and ontological as much as a scientific act. This essay argues the Anthropocene is inexorably racial because it flows out of a capitalist system which requires racializing populations and environments from early modernity to the present and into the future. The essay contends that racial capitalism should be a central category in explaining the onset of the Anthropocene. The focus will be on investigating whether it makes sense to take the European discovery of the Americas and the genocide against its original inhabitants as threshold of a new geological epoch. Following the radicalization of Marx in the philosophy of Deleuze and Guattari, it will be suggested that though colonization and slavery were essential for modern globalization to emerge, capital embarked on its self-perpetuating destructive trajectory through industrialization. Structural racism was transmuted and continues to characterize the global ecological crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the writings of Joseph Schumpeter, we develop and explore a new theory of international conflict. We outline a simple mechanism whereby industrialization fosters peace, suggesting that industrialized states are more peaceful because they can gain more by investing at home than by pursuing foreign military conquest. We borrow from Schumpeter to argue that our mechanism is distinct from traditional measures of liberalism. Empirically, we propose a measure of industrial development, based on a state’s economic structure. Using World Bank sector-specific economic data, our exploratory analysis shows that a more industrialized economy significantly reduces the likelihood that a state will be involved in a fatal military conflict. We show that this result is robust across a number of model specifications and independent of both democracy and capitalism. We propose this as an interesting first step toward a broader research program on modernization and conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of automation on the working class in the U.S. It notes that the working class fears to be replaced by robots due to technological advances. It provides a background on the rapid automation of manufacturing in 1970s and how the Black workers were affected by the pressure of automation. It notes that the technological advances bring slow productivity growth instead of an increase in economic productivity.

In the mid-nineteenth century, Karl Marx issued several critiques of political economy writings stressing the exclusive duality of states and the national economies. He argued that capitalism had characteristic features quite apart from those shaped by the idiosyncrasies of national economies. In the first part of this article, we critique the contemporary state-centered explanations for the industrialization of East Asia on same grounds. We claim that most political economists misinterpret or entirely ignore the significance of export-led industrialization, which is a characteristic feature of East Asian capitalism. In the second part of the article, we demonstrate the importance of the retail revolution in the US and Europe on Asian industrialization. In particular, we show that the development of the sequential ordering system that is an inherent feature of Western-based contract manufacturing differentially shaped the industrial organization of East Asian economies. The resulting path-dependent trajectories of development, in turn, encouraged government policy-makers to ‘buy into’ trends of global capitalism in different ways. The trajectories also led business people to privilege and adapt some social institutions and cultural patterns over other ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]