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Several northern European countries have announced ambitious plans to become carbon neutral already before the year 2050. Recent research has, however, highlighted how potential bottlenecks in raw material and resource availability could significantly delay or hinder wind and solar photovoltaic (PV) expansion and continued biomass usage in parts of Europe. To address this issue, this paper assesses how exposed the national energy and climate plans (NECPs) of Finland, Estonia, Germany, Sweden, and Denmark are to resource limitations and techno-economic risks by reviewing and analysing 2030 NECP targets compared to statistical energy use data in these countries. The results indicate that the NECPs of Denmark and Germany are particularly exposed to risks related to global raw material availability, as Denmark plans to rapidly grow the share of wind and solar PV in electricity generation to 81% and 13% by 2030, respectively, followed by Germany, which outlines a 39% and 16% share of wind and solar PV in its national climate strategy. The NECPs of Finland and Germany are also shown to be vulnerable to limitations in biomass availability, as there is a significant disparity between the projected biomass usage and legally binding European Union (EU) targets for land use, land use change, and forestry (LULUCF) sector emissions in 2030 in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By analysing the childcaring experiences of female skilled workers from South Korea (hereafter, Korea) in Germany, this paper maintains that the challenges in labour market participation for highly skilled women, and especially those with children, should be understood in the context of their encounters with similar and different care and employment regimes between their home and host countries. On the theoretical level, this research confirms the argument that the migration of highly skilled workers should be contextualized not from a neoclassical perspective in which the maximization of economic profits takes priority, but from an institutional point of view in which social and cultural norms, practices, and policies in both the home and host societies are taken into consideration. Specifically, through a series of in-depth interviews conducted with skilled female migrants from Korea, this paper highlights the significance of taking the function of similar and different caring and employment regimes into account in explaining the challenges faced by highly skilled migrant women in labour market participation. On the empirical level, this paper sheds light on the migration experiences of skilled women from Asia as well as the (dis)integration processes of newcomers from third-national countries in Germany, with a focus on female migrants from Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political elite studies so far have often dealt with career paths before entering a particular political position, focusing mostly on individual states of a career. However, they have consistently neglected what comes after a political office and the temporal–sequential character of biographies. This paper addresses these two issues. Using sequence analysis techniques, it examines the post-cabinet careers of ministers from the German states in the period 1945–2014 using a newly created, original dataset containing 1400 trajectories and over 12,000 coded person years. The descriptive analysis shows partly significant differences in post-cabinet careers by gender, state, decade, and last ministerial portfolio, but less so by party membership. Three of the five clusters found represent comparatively homogeneous post-cabinet career structures. Whereas in the early years of the republic most politicians did not have a subsequent (long) professional career after leaving office, switching to the private business sector and, above all, remaining in politics at the state level, represent the two most prominent career paths. A springboard career in federal politics, on the other hand, is rare, but certainly possible. From a methodological point of view, this study shows the potential, but also the problems of sequence analysis for research on political elites and offers ideas on how to continue with this approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The energy crisis in Europe in 2022 and its consequences have brought changes to approaches towards the issue of energy security, energy policy, and the ability to react to crisis phenomena in the energy market in a short period of time. European countries that are dependent on Russian fossil fuels have faced numerous dilemmas and challenges in 2022. This paper aims to analyse the instruments and energy policies introduced as the reactions of European countries, specifically with the examples of Poland and Germany, to the ongoing fossil fuel crisis in the context of a short period. Due to the specificity of the energy market, the countries' energy policies mainly concern long- and medium-term goals. In 2022, there was an unprecedented situation in which many European countries had to make significant changes to their fossil fuel imports quickly. We analyse and evaluate how two European countries that are heavily reliant on imported energy resources responded in a short time to the necessity of modifying their patterns of fossil fuel supply and demand. The results of our research are models that illustrate both countries' reactions to the disturbances in the energy market during the initial months of the energy crisis. As part of the research, we conducted an analysis of the energy mix of Poland and Germany, their import energy dependency, and self-sufficiency. We then compared them with the short-term energy policies of both countries. As a result, we elaborate on a comparative analysis of the models of Poland's and Germany's responses to the crisis. The research also assesses the similarities and differences in the response models in Poland's and Germany's short-term energy security policies. The results of our research may help, in the future, to choose the available short-term instruments in the energy policy of countries in the face of a sudden need resulting from disruptions in supply chains. The article contributes to the future discussion on renewed national and regional energy security, as well as efficiency concepts. Our research findings could be valuable in selecting appropriate short-term energy policy tools for countries during supply chain disruptions. This article provides significant input for future deliberations on enhancing national and regional energy security, and also efficiency strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wind energy is an effective solution for achieving the carbon-neutrality target and mitigating climate change. The expansion of onshore wind energy evokes extensive attention to environmental impact in the locality. The landscape visual impact has become the critical reason for the local protest. This paper proposed a landscape visual impact evaluation (LVIE) model that combines the theoretical framework and practical solutions and optimizes the onshore wind farm planning procedures. Based on the theoretical research on landscape connotation, the evaluation principles, criteria, and a quantitative indicator set is constructed for LVIE model with three dimensions: landscape sensitivity, the visual impact of WTs, and viewer exposure. The practicality of this evaluation model is conducted through multi-criteria GIS analysis by the case study of Friedrich-Wilhelm Raiffeisen Wind Farm in Germany. The evaluation results illustrate detailed, visualized outcomes of landscape visual impact that are deeply combined with planning procedures. The innovation of this paper is to refine the form of evaluation results, optimize the procedures of wind farm planning, and enable cooperation between different planning departments and stakeholders with definite, visible, user-friendly evaluation results. This research provides precise comparison opportunities for different projects or the same project at different periods to obtain quantitative conclusions and feedback information. This paper enhances the accurate processing of multiple information and standardization process in wind energy visual impact evaluation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In forced migration literature, there is a lack of studies on the impact of war trauma on interpersonal mistrust among refugees and their interpersonal trust in members of the host society. To contribute to filling this gap, the author studied the impact of war trauma on interpersonal mistrust among Syrian refugees in Germany and their interpersonal trust in Germans. The data are based on semi-structured qualitative interviews with 20 Syrian refugees and asylum-seekers conducted in 2018 and 2019. The author argues that because traumatised refugees are powerfully influenced by past traumatic events experienced in their home country, they tend to mistrust people who can be associated with the place where these traumatic experiences occurred. In contrast, they are inclined to trust people who cannot be linked to the geographical location of the traumatic experiences. The main result of this study is that similarity—that of war-traumatised refugees sharing the same socio-cultural backgrounds—leads to interpersonal mistrust, while dissimilarity leads to interpersonal trust. The author of this paper calls for considering trust-building among war traumatised refugees, which has significant importance for refugee integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration to Germany has been a fact of life for the average German since the 1960s. Immigrants started arriving from countries like Turkey, Spain, Greece, or Italy as a post-war labor force was invited to Germany to address workforce shortages. Many of these immigrants ultimately brought their families to live in Germany. One group of these newcomers was Aramean families of Syriac Orthodox faith, forced to flee the Tur Abdin region in southeast Turkey via Syria, Lebanon, and Northern Iraq. This paper will discuss the background and impetus for moving to the West for this immigrant group in detail. It will review the impacts on the life of devout Syriac Orthodox families while living in Germany, a secular country. It will also take an initial look at whether evangelical communities in Germany can come alongside this group, still suffering from a different kind of persecution: the "otherness" of living in Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Renewable energy (RE) is one of the most popular public policy orientations worldwide. Compared to some other countries and continents, Europe has gained an early awareness of energy and environmental problems in general. At the theoretical level, free-market environmentalism indicates that based on the principle of private property rights, with fewer state interventionist and regulation policies, entrepreneurs, as the driving force of the market economy, can provide better services to meet the necessity of offering RE to protect the environment more effectively. Previous studies have revealed that Germany, Denmark, and the United Kingdom have made some progress in using the market to develop RE. However, this research did not analyze the three countries' RE conditions from the perspective of free-market environmentalism. Based on our review of the principles of free-market environmentalism, this paper originally provides an empirical study of how Germany, Denmark, and the United Kingdom have partly conducted free-market-oriented policies to successfully achieve their policy goal of RE since the 1990s on a practical level. In particular, compared with Germany and Denmark, the UK has maintained a relatively low energy tax rate and opted for more pro-market measures since the Hayekian-Thatcherism free-market reform of 1979. The paper also discovers that Fredrich A. Hayek's theories have strongly impacted its energy liberalization reform agenda since then. Low taxes on the energy industry and electricity have alleviated the burden on the electricity enterprises and consumers in the UK. Moreover, the empirical results above show that the energy enterprises play essential roles in providing better and more affordable RE for household and industrial users in the three sampled countries. Based on the above results, the paper also warns that state intervention policies such as taxation, state subsidies, and industrial access restrictions can impede these three countries' RE targets. Additionally, our research provides reform agendas and policy suggestions to policymakers on the importance of implementing free-market environmentalism to provide more efficient RE in the post-COVID-19 era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In August 2020, Germany and Ukraine launched an energy partnership that includes the development of a hydrogen economy. Ukraine has vast renewable energy resources for "green" hydrogen production and a gas transmission system for transportation instead of Russian natural gas. Based on estimates by Hydrogen Europe, Ukraine can install 8000 MW of total electrolyser capacity by 2030. For these reasons, Ukraine is among the EU's priority partners concerning clean hydrogen, according to the EU Hydrogen strategy. Germany plans to reach climate neutrality by 2045, and "green" hydrogen plays an important role in achieving this target. However, according to the National Hydrogen Strategy of Germany, local production of "green" hydrogen will not cover all internal demand in Germany. For this reason, Germany considers importing hydrogen from Ukraine. To govern the production and import of "green" hydrogen, Germany and Ukraine shall introduce legal regulations, the initial analysis of which is covered in this study. Based on observation and comparison, this paper presents and compares approaches while exploring the current stage and further perspectives for legal regulation of hydrogen in Germany and Ukraine. This research identifies opportunities in hydrogen production to improve the flexibility of the Ukrainian power system. This is an important issue for Ukrainian energy security. In the meantime, hydrogen can be a driver for decarbonisation according to the initial plans of Germany, and it may also have positive impact on the operation of Germany's energy system with a high share of renewables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hydrogen is fast becoming a new international "super fuel" to accelerate global climate change ambitions. This paper has two inter-weaving themes. Contextually, it focuses on the potential impact of the EU's new Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) on fossil fuel-generated as opposed to green hydrogen imports. The CBAM, as a transnational carbon adjustment mechanism, has the potential to impact international trade in energy. It seeks both a level playing field between imports and EU internal markets (subject to ambitious EU climate change policies), and to encourage emissions reduction laggards through its "carbon diplomacy". Countries without a price on carbon will be charged for embodied carbon in their supply chains when they export to the EU. Empirically, we focus on two hydrogen export/import case studies: Australia as a non-EU state with ambitions to export hydrogen, and Germany as an EU Member State reliant on energy imports. Energy security is central to energy trade debates but needs to be conceptualized beyond supply and demand economics to include geopolitics, just transitions and the impacts of border carbon taxes and EU carbon diplomacy. Accordingly, we apply and further develop a seven-dimension energy security-justice framework to the examples of brown, blue and green hydrogen export/import hydrogen operations, with varying carbon-intensity supply chains, in Australia and Germany. Applying the framework, we identify potential impact—risks and opportunities—associated with identified brown, blue and green hydrogen export/import projects in the two countries. This research contributes to the emerging fields of international hydrogen trade, supply chains, and international carbon diplomacy and develops a potentially useful seven-dimension energy security-justice framework for energy researchers and policy analysts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we present the estimation of surface NO 2 concentrations over Germany using a machine learning approach. TROPOMI satellite observations of tropospheric NO 2 vertical column densities (VCDs) and several meteorological parameters are used to train the neural network model for the prediction of surface NO 2 concentrations. The neural network model is validated against ground-based in situ air quality monitoring network measurements and regional chemical transport model (CTM) simulations. Neural network estimation of surface NO 2 concentrations show good agreement with in situ monitor data with Pearson correlation coefficient (R) of 0.80. The results also show that the machine learning approach is performing better than regional CTM simulations in predicting surface NO 2 concentrations. We also performed a sensitivity analysis for each input parameter of the neural network model. The validated neural network model is then used to estimate surface NO 2 concentrations over Germany from 2018 to 2020. Estimated surface NO 2 concentrations are used to investigate the spatio-temporal characteristics, such as seasonal and weekly variations of NO 2 in Germany. The estimated surface NO 2 concentrations provide comprehensive information of NO 2 spatial distribution which is very useful for exposure estimation. We estimated the annual average NO 2 exposure for 2018, 2019 and 2020 is 15.53, 15.24 and 13.27 µ g/m 3 , respectively. While the annual average NO 2 concentration of 2018, 2019 and 2020 is only 12.79, 12.60 and 11.15 µ g/m 3 . In addition, we used the surface NO 2 data set to investigate the impacts of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic on ambient NO 2 levels in Germany. In general, 10–30% lower surface NO 2 concentrations are observed in 2020 compared to 2018 and 2019, indicating the significant impacts of a series of restriction measures to reduce the spread of the virus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political discussion to reduce the carbon footprint of Germany's electricity sector, focusing on coal, is intensifying. In this paper, we develop scenarios for phasing out lignite and hard coal power plants in Germany prior to the end of their technical lifespan ("coal-exit"). Our analysis bases upon two coal-exit instruments, the retirement of coal generation capacities and the limiting of how much aged coal power plants with high carbon intensity can be used within a year. Results show that phasing out coal in Germany would have a considerable impact on Central European electricity markets, in terms of decarbonization efforts and electricity trade. An ambitious coal-exit could avert foreseeable shortcomings in Germany's climate performance in the short-run and release additional carbon savings, thus compensating for potential shortfalls in other energy-intensive sectors by 2030. Limited emissions in the range of 27% would be shifted to neighboring countries. However, tremendous positive climate effects on European scale would result, because Germany's annual emission savings in 2030 would be substantial. Totaling 85 million tons of CO2, the overall net reduction is equivalent to 17.5% of total European emissions in 2030 without retirements of coal-firing power plants prior to the end of their technical lifespan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we investigate capacity expansion, the technological development of wind turbine generators, and the merits of onshore wind repowering in Germany. We analyze the regulatory framework that is presently in place and its impact on the profitability of the onshore wind parks commissioned under previous regulatory frameworks. The optimal timing of repowering under today's market premium model is scrutinized. Repowering in a market without subsidies for onshore wind energy is also evaluated. In the two cases (regimes) investigated, the electricity price is modeled stochastically as a geometric Brownian motion process. More specifically, using a real options modeling framework for investments under a free market regime, we analyze how the regime change affects the optimal timing of repowering. Further, we check the results for their robustness via a sensitivity analysis for both analyzed regimes. We find that repowering well before the plant's expected end of life ('early repowering') can be economically preferable under the German Renewable Energy Sources Act 2017 remuneration scheme and that, due to the electricity spot market price development, repowering under the market premium regime is more profitable than it is under the free market regime. The economic viability is strongly influenced by the duration of the initial tariff granted to the old installation, the expected digression factor of the future reference tariff, and the increase in electricity generation achieved through repowering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phase-out of nuclear energy in Germany will take place in 2022. A site for final disposal of high-level radioactive waste (HLRW) has not yet been chosen, but a site selection process was restarted by the Site Selection Act in 2017. This Act was based on a recommendation by a commission which also advised to follow up the development of deep borehole disposal (DBD) as a possible option for final disposal of HLRW. This paper describes briefly the status of DBD in Germany and if this option is to be pursued in Germany. Although DBD has some merits, it can only be a real option if supported by research and development. The technical equipment for larger boreholes of the required size will only be developed if there is funding and a feasibility test. Furthermore, any DBD concept must be detailed further, and some requirements of the Act must be reconsidered. Therefore, the support of DBD will likely remain at a low level if there are no political changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Refugee reception in Germany is a primarily municipal task that relies heavily on neighborhood-based volunteering. This paper asserts that there are fundamental spatial mismatches between municipal policies and neighborhood-based approaches that place additional burden on all of the stakeholders involved. Drawing from the case of Frankfurt-Rödelheim, which is a socially and ethnically mixed neighborhood in Frankfurt am Main, I show how the way the municipality accommodates refugees disregards the politically embraced work of neighborhood-based volunteers and how the ideal of neighborhood-based inclusion creates a spatial fetish that fails the living reality of the refugees. The findings are based on my ethnographic fieldwork as volunteer in a neighborhood-based welcome initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]