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The article discusses reactions of Iraq's Arab neighbours to its elections. In undemocratic Syria and Egypt, the dominant, government-owned press played down Iraq's poll. But some in the region have always seen things differently. Minority groups such as secular liberals, Kurds, Algeria's Berbers, and Shias, tend to sympathise with the historic victims of Arab nationalism, such as the non-Sunni Arab majority of Iraqis who turned out to vote. In recent months, the more thoughtful of Arab press commentators have increasingly embraced the idea of elections. One theme that has continued to resonate, in some quarters, is the supposed danger of empowering Iraq's Kurds and Shias. Turkey, Syria and Iran, worried about their own restive Kurds. Shia leaders in the Gulf are keenly aware of the suspicion with which many regard them, and argue that they do not want to see an Iranian-style Islamist state emerge in Iraq or elsewhere. Yet the rise of Shia power in Iraq may start to encourage demands for greater enfranchisement. This underlines a deeper fear in Arab ruling circles, which is that people power may prove infectious.

The author reports on the challenges facing Iraq following the capture of the country's deposed dictator, Saddam Hussein. At a garage on the outskirts of Basra, peasants forgot the petrol queues and greeted the news of Saddam Hussein's capture with hugs and celebratory blasts of gunfire. Why? Firstly, because Saddam Hussein is still alive. Iraq remains a vindictive place, and most would prefer him dead. Secondly, since Iraq's media are freer these days, Iraqis can express themselves in other ways besides shooting bullets into the air. After headlines dominated by rebel attacks, Saddam's capture has lifted coalition morale. But many Iraqis threw in their lot with the coalition precisely because the Americans were carrying out the dangerous task of uprooting the remnants of the old regime. With Mr Hussein in custody, some may feel that the task is over, and that it is now time to throw out the Americans, too. Many Iraqi nationalists feel shamed that Mr Hussein was laid low, not by Iraqis, but by foreigners. Coalition spokesmen in Baghdad continue to divide their violent opponents into two camps: former regime loyalists and itinerant jihadis. The Americans' top target in Iraq is now Mr Hussein's former vice-president, Ezzat Ibrahim, who they suspect of being the nexus between the Baath and the jihadis. Iraq's Governing Council is braying for a trial in weeks, not months, and seeking assurances that Iraqis will finally determine the fate of their rulers. For Iraqis, putting Saddam on trial may prove cathartic, but it will not turn on the lights.