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In the last three decades, a networked global system has emerged in the natural-science-based disciplines, sustained by collegial epistemic relations in universities. Nationally ordered and funded science has expanded alongside the global science system. The common global pool of papers, defined by bibliometric collections, nevertheless excludes large components of knowledge. In the global system, four tendencies are apparent: (1) rapid growth of papers, (2) diversification of scientific capacity to many more countries, (3) expansion of networked international and national collaboration as measured by co-authorship, (4) growing multi-polarity of capacity, outputs and quality, with the rise of China and several middle-sized national systems outside the Euro-American bloc. The paper critiques the interpretation of global science dominant in scientometrics, in which positivist data analyses are applied to performative national comparisons. It argues for a historical-synthetic explanation of the global system that combines data and theorisation, and accounts for relations of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introductory paper briefly outlines some of the major developments that are shaping the political-economy of the East Asian region. The implications of the rise of China and the possible decline of the US are considered, before introducing the individual contributions to this special issue. Este articulo de presentacion resalta brevemente algunos de los mayores desarrollos que estan dando forma a la economia politica de la region del Asia oriental. Antes de presentar las contribuciones individuales a este numero especial, se han considerado las implicaciones del ascenso de la China y el posible descenso de los Estados Unidos. [image omitted] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper engages in a preliminary examination of US antidumping actions against China and addresses the conditions under which US industries are likely to initiate antidumping petitions against Chinese firms and obtain affirmative antidumping rulings from regulatory authorities. We conjecture that China's accession into the World Trade Organization (WTO) has not enhanced the prospect of Chinese firms successfully defending themselves against antidumping suits initiated by the US for three reasons. First, the rather dramatic expansion in US-China trade and, in particular, in US imports from China, has led US antidumping authorities to more aggressively pursue antidumping cases against China. Second, WTO membership has resulted in increasing US investment in China, thus undercutting the competitive advantage of some small domestic firms relative to those that have invested in the Chinese market, and leading the former to lobby more rigorously for protection from Chinese imports. Third, as China has agreed to the non-market economy (NME) designation in antidumping investigations for up to 15 years upon accession, its NME status has led US antidumping authorities to apply more stringent criteria in antidumping investigations. We support our argument with statistical analyses of the pattern of US antidumping initiation and adjudication against China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The remarkable economic rise of China and the recent turmoil in US financial markets inevitably raises questions about the respective fortunes of both countries. This paper assess the relative standing of the US and China by placing their relationship in historical context. It is suggested that China's accession to the WTO marked the highpoint of US influence and ascendancy. Since then, China's position has been steadily improving, something that the recent emergence of its first sovereign wealth fund and its subsequent role in bailing out distressed US financial institutions has dramatically highlighted. If China's form of 'state capitalism' continues to become more influential it will have major consequences for not only the US, but for the extant geopolitical order more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines US, Japanese, and European political economy approaches to China, and their effect on US-Japan and US-EU relationships. Great powers with a greater security concern in dealing with another major country care more about power while those with less of a concern are preoccupied with calculations for wealth. China's rise and its actions have posed a far greater security challenge to the United States and Japan and are driving the two countries closer together. The political economy game involving China reveals a dominant welfare motive among the advanced market economies. The ambition to transform China politically has diminished. China's integration into the global market makes a relative gains approach difficult to implement. Globalization simply limits the ability of a state to follow a politics-in-command approach in the absence of actual military conflict, which explains why the political economy approaches of the United States, Europe, and Japan are not that different in the scheme of things. China's own grand strategy to reach out to the world to outflank the US-Japan alliance has also contributed to a divergent European policy toward China although there are severe limitations to Beijing's ability to drive a wedge between the United States and Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]