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This paper examines US-China trade disputes under the World Trade Organization (WTO) and argues that Chinese leaders are increasingly resorting to the WTO's dispute settlement mechanism to target issues of most critical concern to domestic constituencies. The following overview of the WTO disputes initiated by China suggests that China's WTO disputes tend to be dominated by cases involving anti-dumping duties (ADs) and countervailing duties (CVDs). The disproportionate share of such trade remedy cases in China's WTO cases needs to be viewed in light of the fact that China has become the leading target of such cases worldwide in the past decades. The above pattern of China's WTO initiation is explicable within the leader cost-benefit analysis, which would lead us to expect Chinese leaders to use the WTO DSM either to open foreign markets for Chinese businesses or to shield domestic firms from perceived unfair foreign trade practices. This paper further argues that the significant expansion of bilateral trade relations in the past decades has provided opportunities for Chinese leaders to identify or threaten retaliation against anti-protectionist groups in the other country in order to mobilise them against the disputed measure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This paper attempts to map the way that gender inequalities have shaped experiences of contemporary Chinese mothers and their role-negotiation in transnational families. Narrative inquiry is used not only as methodology but also as phenomenon experienced by the mothers and the author. The narratives of three mothers both confirm and counter the master cultural narrative of motherhood of contemporary China as well as the stereotypical notion of a Chinese "Tiger Mom" in the United States; their narratives and diasporic experiences shaped by the transnational social field are far more complex than either of these two narratives taken on their own. It is imperative to rethink the complex intersection of education, gender and migration in the contemporary Chinese diaspora in the United States. In so doing, we are able to deconstruct the unitary concept of motherhood and womanhood, and reconceptualize their meanings in a more sociohistorical locale as well as a global and transnational context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Agenda 2030 poses critical elements regarding the transition towards a more sustainable development. This paper aims at exploring and comparing the path of sustainable development within the United States and China at the subnational level. An index of Integrated Sustainable Development is introduced to measure local sustainable development on an internationally-comparable scale. This Index is computed both at the national and subnational level and the resulting scores are compared within and across the two countries, also through the adoption of convergence and cluster analysis, allowing to answer four questions: Are the US and China moving towards a sustainable development agenda? Are the current achievements uniformly distributed within the two countries? Are states/provinces converging towards a more uniform level of sustainable development? Do the existing differences and analogies between states and provinces give rise to common clusters across the two countries? The results lead to one robust conclusion: while the US can claim a better result in the national and subnational rankings of sustainable development, China exhibits a more balanced achievement in terms of synergies across Goals and spatial distribution. Nonetheless, both countries are characterized by subnational disparities and scarce achievements of Planet-related Goals. Policy recommendations are discussed accordingly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given China's economic dependence on coal for energy and industry, carbon capture, utilization and storage (CCUS) technology is a critical decarbonization strategy. Carbon dioxide (CO 2) enhanced oil recovery (EOR) is critical to success of CCUS in China, providing the industrial know-how for long-term carbon storage. Carbon dioxide flooding in both China and the United States began in the 1960s. While the United States produces about 300,000 barrels of EOR oil per day, China's EOR efforts still face significant hurdles. This paper presents a compilation and brief review of CO 2 -EOR data, some of it previously unpublished, from the three major Chinese oil companies (China National Petroleum Corporation, Sinopec, and Yanchang Petroleum Company) and one private company (Dunhua) that presently maintain pilot CO 2 -EOR floods. The authors have visited several of the projects discussed in the paper and some observations from these visits are included. China's EOR projects generally produce from deep, tight, largely continental clastic reservoirs requiring hydraulic fracturing to create flow paths. There are no separation and recycle facilities—necessary to contain CO 2 in the system-- and there are presently no supercritical pipelines for CO 2 supply. Several CO 2 -EOR projects have established monitoring and storage pilot projects but the absence of recycle means determination of net storage is not possible. China's projects could benefit from improved reservoir selection, new CO 2 monitoring tools and operating strategies, expanded front-end investments in CO 2 infrastructure such as pipelines and modern surface separation and recycling facilities that will serve to reutilize and store CO 2. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Can we construct transnational or international public service advertising to counterbalance the proliferation of transnational commercial advertising? As an important first step in exploring the possibility of such an application of shared media public diplomacy among nations, this paper describes a complete survey of commercial and public service advertisements collected from the public spaces of subway systems in American and Chinese cities in 2010 – New York, Washington, DC, Shanghai and Beijing – to reveal the range of themes of commercial and public service ads in these spaces. The study reveals first that analogous commercial and public service ads are ubiquitous in the public spaces of both Chinese and American cities. Second, many of the themes that might appear in international or transnational public service ads are already being portrayed in ads created by local or national governments or NGOs, although these themes are portrayed in ads created by different sets of actors in China and in the US: government actors and a few international NGOs in Chinese cities, and governments, corporations and non-profit organizations in the case of American cities. Finally, the survey reveals that in all four cities there are many commercial advertisements that appeal to the identity of a transnational consumer, but that there are almost no public service ads that appeal to the identity of a transnational citizen: merely local or national ones who can solve such public problems as global warming, education, and health issues. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Online privacy seeks to protect the identity of individuals who use the internet to collect information or express opinions. However, given the proliferating vehicles through which one''s identity can be ascertained, the question remains as to what policies can most effectively protect personal identity. This paper explores the similarities and differences with online privacy regulation in the United States and China. The scope of privacy measures examined here ranges from government to personal levels, from communication and finance to personal records, for adults and children. As might be expected in a democracy, American legislative initiatives are more comprehensive and far-reaching than those of their Chinese counterparts. In China, there was until recently no specific right of privacy specified in dedicated legislation, with privacy having been instead protected under the right of reputation in the Civil law. Policy implications stemming from these competing models are evaluated. Study findings underscore the notion that privacy should be a universally established individual right, and that both countries are moving—at least in rhetorical terms—to strengthen it as such. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: The U.S. and China are the world''s largest and second largest CO2 emitters, respectively, and to what extent the U.S. and China get involved in combating global climate change is extremely important both for lowering compliance costs of climate mitigation and adaptation and for moving international climate negotiations forward. While it is unavoidable that China will take on commitments at some specific point of time in the future, this paper has argued that the proposal for joint accession by the U.S. and China is not a way forward. For various reasons, such a proposal is in the U.S. interest, but is not in the interest of China. Given the U.S. political reality and institutional settings on the one hand and China''s over-riding concern about economic growth and poverty reduction on the other, the two countries are unlikely to take on emissions caps under an international regime, at least for the time being. Therefore, we need to explore the area where cooperation between the two countries to address climate change seems best. The research, development and deployment of clean technology is the area that is in the best interests of the two countries. The U.S. has adopted a technology-oriented approach to climate issues, and has launched the four multilateral initiatives on technology cooperation and the Asia Pacific Partnership for Clean Development and Climate (APP). China has participated in all these U.S.-led initiatives, and is a partner to the APP. Strengthened technology cooperation between the two countries through these initiatives and the APP has led some tangible benefits. However, it should be pointed out that while technology is a critical ingredient in a climate policy package, efforts such as the APP can only be part of the solution. They alone cannot ensure that best available technologies are always deployed in the marketplace, and that new technologies will roll out at the pace and on the scale that we need. In order to have such technology-oriented approach to play a full role, we do need a coordinated policy framework agreed via the Kyoto Protocol or a follow-up regime or the parent United Nations Framework Convention. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]