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China and the United States are both major countries in the world in the production of and trade in wind energy products, and they are also important trading partners. Therefore, it is of great practical significance to analyze and evaluate the Sino-US bilateral wind power complementarity for re-examining their respective comparative advantages and re-understanding the benefits that trade liberalization brings to both countries, in an attempt to strengthen the trade relations between China and the United States and enhance trade complementarities in wind energy products under the global circumstances of fierce competition. In this paper, based on the trade data from the UN Comtrade database in 2007-2016, a quantitative analysis was conducted on the complementarity of Sino-US wind energy products, by adopting the quantitative research methods of trade combination degree index (TCD), export similarity index (SI) and trade complementarity index (TCI). The results shows that: i) the total trade volume of wind energy products between China and the United States has increased rapidly, and the trade surplus between China and the United States has been expanding year by year; ii) the overall trade balance of wind energy products trade between the two countries is generally stable, and the dependence of China's wind energy products on the United States is much higher than that of the U.S wind energy products on China; iii) the Sino-US wind energy products between China and the United States are highly competitive in the international market; iv) Sino-US wind energy products have different degrees of complementarity in bilateral trade. Finally, this paper proposed policy implications based on the findings of this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asia's middle powers face a trilateral dilemma stemming from their relationships with the U.S. and China. This paper uses the Australian example to examine the dilemma. It shows that Australia has bound itself to the U.S. because of domestic political factors, cost considerations, a belief that it can keep its interests separate, and its perception of regional threats. The paper then argues that others are likely to resolve their trilateral dilemmas in ways that make the regional strategic dynamic more competitive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to survey the growth of solar energy worldwide, analyze US-China trade dispute in the solar industry, and evaluate the merits of US trade tariffs. Design/methodology/approach – The study surveyed archival data, publications by international organizations, government agencies, industry groups, and some academic research papers. Findings – Global demand for solar energy has been rising steadily and is projected to generate growing source of electric power. There is worldwide consensus that public support for solar industry in the development stages is necessary. The US Government provides generous support programs and subsidies to US solar industry. Accordingly, US punitive tariffs against China's solar industry on grounds of government subsidies are of questionable merit. Originality/value – This paper presents a concise profile of global solar energy and evaluates US trade policy toward China. The findings can be of value to government officials as they consider trade policies and their impact on the future of solar energy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to promote more global trade that results a win-win solution for participating countries that have complementary comparative advantage. Applying reliable empirical data from World Bank databases, we show that (1) the United States has absolute advantage in both agriculture and industry; (2) the United States has comparative advantage in agriculture while China has comparative advantage in industry. With the help of risk management strategies, more bilateral trade will certainly benefit both countries. The research result has the potential to benefit millions of people, if not billions, for their future food security. The paper offers a win-win solution that is currently missing in the global food industry because countries tend to focus on their own interests without understanding the whole system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the historical institutionalists' emphasis on the effects of ideas on policy making, this paper focuses on the importance of economic ideas and ideologies on China's trade policy making with regard to the signing of the WTO agreement with the United States in 1999. The paper argues that trade liberalization in China was a result of top Chinese leaders' embrace of neoclassical economic ideas which conceive a small role for the state in the marketplace, mainly as the regulator of the macro-economic environment and as the enforcer of the rule of law, rather than as a major player in the marketplace. Top Chinese leaders' socialization with neoclassical economic ideas enabled them to forge a political consensus to link state-owned enterprise (SOE) reforms with speedy WTO accession and led to China's major concessions in WTO negotiations with the United States in 1999 which were inconceivable just a few years ago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose-This paper aims to critically examine China's exchange rate policy debate and discuss Chinese financial and capital control reform of recent years. Furthermore, using the empirical results based on a regional general equilibrium model, alternative methods are suggested of American concerns about China's role in contributing towards global financial stability and American trade deficits with China. Designlmethodology/approach-Regional general equilibrium input.output model. Findings-Sino-American debate on exchange rate policy is a matter of difference of opinion in sequencing of policies China has adopted to reduce capital account control and make her exchange rate regime more flexible. Using the final demand elasticity of exports it is observed that Chinese expansionary fiscal stimuli do have powerful effects in inducing additional exports for the United States and other Chinese trading partners. Research limitations/implications-The model does not include rest-of-the-world economies. Practical implications:-The results imply viable alternatives to renminbi/dollar appreciation policy in dealing with US-China persistent trade deficit. Originality/value-The paper suggests a new, empirical-based policy recommendation in dealing with the US trade deficit with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper selects China and Thailand as a reference object. Based on the U. S. market, it analyzes the export competitiveness of the agricultural products of China and Thailand by market share and growth rate, measures the agricultural products of China and Thailand export competition degree by export product similarity innex and estimates the agricultural products of China and Thailand export competitiveness strength by shift share method. The results show that: At present, in the U. S. market, the competition of the agricultural products of China and Thailand is fierce, but export growth of China's agricultural products is faster and more competitive. Finally on how to further improve China's agricultural exports competitiveness in the U. S. market and promote China's agricultural export trade to the U. S. it puts forward the related countermeasures and suggestions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a critical overview of Australian, Chinese, and American perspectives on trilateralism, with a detailed discussion of Australian debates on the matter. Its aim is to trace the evolution of the changing discourse on the rise of China, examine major debates in Australia, and provide both an intellectual background and an overview for this special issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of China is the primary cause of changing strategic dynamics in Asia. China's growing economic, military and political weight is shaping regional and individual destinies of its neighbours, particularly in Southeast Asia. Despite the academic debate over its future, Chinese influence is burgeoning and this has major implications for other Asian powers such as India, Japan, Russia, and the offshore balancer, the United States. This paper examines Chinese strategic gains in the Southeast Asian region in the areas of trade, regional diplomacy and cross-border connectivity. It also seeks to understand why India, unlike China, has not managed to integrate as closely with Southeast Asia despite using policies similar to that of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the past twenty years, manufacturers have been outsourcing their production to China to take advantage of low labor costs. From years of experience, companies have implemented and redesigned systems to be the most effective and cost efficient, which has led to increased dependence on interconnected supply chains that are vulnerable to associated risks. US companies are recognizing the risks and starting to mitigate the risk as the impact becomes greater and more probable. This paper discusses the outcomes and impacts of the occurrence of major supply chain risks from both a macro and micro point of view. A diagram outlining risks associated with Chinese trade is also included. The macro-level addresses the actions the US government – and the country as a whole – must take to maintain a viable relationship with China. On the micro-level, the analysis is presented on the most relevant risk management options. A risk mitigation prescriptive business model that covers both macro and micro views is also presented. The discussion is limited to the most relevant issues facing the United States when it comes to trading with China. It is also known that information reported on China is not always accurate or representative of reality. To offset this fact, broad research from various sources has been conducted to present an acceptable range of data. This study augments the nascent research on the potential outcomes of risks occurring in the China supply chain, and makes a case that risks are not only probable, but that the outcomes are acute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sino-US agreement regarding China's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in late 1999 came as a surprise to many observers. How and why did the Chinese reach the agreement in view of the impasses in the negotiation that occurred earlier in the year? These impasses included the collapse of the WTO talks during Zhu's visit to the USA in April, the NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in May, and the deadlock between the Chinese and US negotiators in November. Drawing on published sources as well as experts' insights, this paper examines the Chinese leadership's decision-making process and its reasons for concluding the agreement. It suggests that the exclusive decision-making circle of top Chinese leaders circumvented the opposition to the agreement and facilitated the negotiations. These leaders, especially Jiang and Zhu, favoured an agreement because they believed WTO membership could improve China's international relations, trade conditions, the outcomes of reform at home, and China's leverage over Taiwan. The closed decision making on the WTO also left the Chinese leaders with a challenging task: educating officials and the population about the WTO rules and possible impacts while ensuring that they abide by the rules. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]