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Inleiding. We zien momenteel een merkwaardige ontwikkeling in de jeugdcriminaliteit: enerzijds is er sprake van een spectaculaire afname over de hele linie, anderzijds bestaan er ernstige zorgen over verharding onder jongeren die in aanraking komen met de politie. In de media wordt het vaak voorgesteld alsof jeugdige delinquenten steeds jonger zouden worden. Maar als we kijken naar de politieregistraties over de afgelopen tien jaar, dan blijkt dat het aantal jonge daders in die periode juist is gehalveerd. Het eerste politiecontact ligt nog steeds gemiddeld rond de 15 jaar en is zelfs licht gestegen. Gemiddeld zijn de huidige minderjarige first offenders juist iets ouder dan in de voorgaande tien jaar. Ook blijkt het eerst geregistreerde delict niet zwaarder te zijn geworden. Tegelijkertijd zien we echter een verontrustende stijging van het aantal jonge minderjarigen dat betrokken is bij ernstige criminaliteit. Zo blijkt recent bij ongeveer één op de vijf overvallen een minderjarige dader betrokken. Terwijl het aantal overvallen op winkels en restaurants de laatste jaren flink is afgenomen, is het aantal aangehouden verdachten van dergelijke misdrijven tussen de 11 en 16 jaar omhoog gegaan. Kortom, er is geen sprake van ‘verjonging’ van de jeugdcriminaliteit in het algemeen, maar wel onder een zeer kleine groep jongeren die zich schuldig maakt aan ernstige misdrijven. [...]

While comparative and transnational approaches are now dominant historiographical trends, there is currently little interest in an integrated approach to the modern history of Belgium and the Netherlands. This is all the more remarkable, since such an integral approach to the history of the Low Countries prevailed until the 1970s, despite the fact that Pieter Geyl’s ideological programme of a Greater Netherlands had fallen into disrepute. Two recent publications suggest a departure from this trend and re-open the debate on how to write an integrated history of the Low Countries, especially for the period after the constitutional division of 1830. Reflecting on these publications, De Haan argues that there are strong historical commonalities between the Belgium and the Netherlands, and that the historiographical trend of increased attention to national specificities must be interpreted as a reflection of the divided impact of the Sixties in the two countries.

The longest orchard in Europe is a concept by Caro Agterberg, for which she received first prize in 2017, in the competition ‘Make Gelderland More Beautiful’, initiated by the province of Gelderland. Her aim is to strengthen (landscape-)architectonic quality alongside the A15 motorway between Deil and Dodewaard by means of local DNA-related greening. Rijkswaterstaat GPO asked Wageningen University and Research to develop two design scenarios alongside the A15 trajectory, Deil Junction - Dodewaard. A 33 km long trajectory, covering the width between the A15 motorway and the highspeed rail Betuwelijn, including all slip roads and exits. De langste boomgaard van Europa is een idee van Caro Agterberg, waarvoor zij op 7 juli 2017 de eerste prijs ontving naar aanleiding van de prijsvraag ‘Maak Gelderland Mooier’, uitgeschreven door de provincie Gelderland. Haar uitgangspunt is het versterken van de beeldkwaliteit langs de A15 tussen knooppunt Deil en Dodewaard door middel van DNA-gerelateerde vergroening (hiermee wordt bedoeld de typische fruit-, sier- en laanbomen van de Betuwe). Wageningen Environmental Research is gevraagd door Rijkswaterstaat GPO om twee scenario’s voor inrichting uit te werken voor het tracé van knooppunt Deil tot aan Dodewaard langs de A15. Een tracé van 33 kilometer lang en betreft de breedte tussen de A15 en de Betuwelijn, inclusief alle op- en afritten.

In its forty years of existence, Krisis, as a journal of contemporary philosophy, has aimed to develop a new philosophical praxis. This praxis is sketched here in the first place as the practical work of making a journal, in the context of a community of philosophers discussing a canon of contemporary thinkers as well a range of shared problems. Yet beyond that, Krisis has always struggled with the question how, as a philosophical practice, it is related to other practices. The debate about “empirical philosophy” forms a crucial episode in this debate, in which Krisis has explored analytical, existentialist, pragmatist and Marxist approaches to a philosophy as praxis. Since then, this debate has shifted along four dimensions, of science, culture, politics and economy. In conclusion, it is argued that the entanglement of the praxis of Krisis with these four other practices makes it difficult to identify what is philosophical about Krisis.

Introduction to the book "Youth criminology", I.Weijers&C.Eliaerts (edit.).

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Het door Nederland geratificeerde IVRK schrijft voor dat bij alle maatregelen betreffende kinderen het belang van het kind een eerste overweging moet zijn (art. 3 IVRK). Zowel bij de ontwikkelingen rond de Verklaring Omtrent het Gedrag als bij de totstandkoming van de Wet DNA-V is geen expliciete afweging gemaakt tussen het belang van de openbare veiligheid en het belang van het kind. Dit botst met het pedagogisch element in het jeugdstrafrecht, waarbij aandacht voor heropvoeding, resocialisatie en herintegratie vooropstaan. Daarom is het van belang dat de discussie over beide onderwerpen wordt heropend en dat de bovengenoemde voorstellen daarin serieus worden overwogen.

Betoog dat in de besluit-vorming in kinderbeschermingszaken de verdragsverplichtingen onder meer door kinderrechters niet in acht worden genomen.

Het artikel bespreekt het belang van de toerekeningsvatbaarheid als schakelbegrip bij de forensisch-gedragskundige vertaalslag in de rapportage pro Justitia.

Marinus van der Goes van Naters (1900-2005). A Biography The history of the twentieth century is reflected in the life of the Dutch politician and lawyer Marinus (‘Dup’) van der Goes of Naters, also known as the ‘Red Squire’. He was a flamboyant and idiosyncratic politician, who during his lifetime witnessed the great events of the twentieth century: World War I and the Russian revolution, the rise of national socialism and World War II, post-war reconstruction and the rise of the welfare state, European integration, decolonization, and the emergence of new social movements from the end of the 1960s. In all these developments Van der Goes van Naters played a role, initially as an intellectual who, as a staunch supporter of the democratic constitutional state, contributed to the renewal of the Dutch social democratic party, and from 1937 to 1967 as a politician in the Dutch House of Representatives. After World War II Van der Goes was active in the new institutions set up in the context of European integration. Van der Goes van Naters contributed to the renewal of the Dutch social democratic movement in the 1930s. In the first postwar years, he was the parliamentary party leader of the Dutch Labour party Partij van de Arbeid (PvdA), during the turbulent years of reconstruction and decolonization. The latter issue led to his downfall, after which he never managed to get a ministerial post or any other high political position. Nevertheless he was described as the ‘icon of social democracy’ at the end of his long life. In order to investigate what this reputation is based on, this biography explores four entangled research themes that played an important role in Van der Goes' life: his work as a politician, his education as a jurist, the different places where he developed his ideas and where he practised politics (parliament, various committees, the social democratic movement, transnational networks) and the way he presented himself. Van der Goes van Naters appeared to be someone who carefully shaped and constructed his image: in interviews, by writing an autobiography and by selecting and compiling his political archive. Although Van der Goes van Naters represented the interests of the working class, his intellectual view of society and politics was often at odds with the views of the average party member. Moreover, the principle of ‘aristo-democracy’ he advocated, was not very consistent with the social democratic value of equality. Nevertheless, Van der Goes van Naters appealed to people’s imaginations and at the end of his life he acted as the conscience of the Dutch social democrats. While the party embraced the ‘Third Way’ during the 1990s, he continued to point out to his party members the traditional social democratic values: fighting for an equal and just society.

Aim: Various research studies in countries worldwide have shown that most repeat offenders quit their criminal career at some point in life, many of them choosing to do so when they reach the age period of emerging adulthood (18-28 years old). This process of quitting crime has been named ‘desistance’. The aim of this study is to shed more light on why young adult repeat offenders decide to stop their criminal lifestyle and what helps them in this process of desistance. Methods: Data were collected for a group of 81 registered juvenile repeat offenders. Three waves of data collection took place, the first of which went back to the first registered offences committed by the youngsters. During the second wave of data collection, next to checking up on their ‘offence status’ 21 young adults were interviewed to get a better understanding of their motivations in life. The last wave of data was collected when the mean age of the group was 25 years old, to see which part of the group was still criminally active. Results: A motivational model has been developed based on the interviews, from Persistence tot Desistance, from having no wish to give up crime, to consolidating a non-criminal lifestyle. The stages are named: Persisting, Acknowledging, Preparing and Consolidating. This model can help place a young adult repeat offender in his or her process of desistance. Based on which stage the person is in, an approach to help them desist from crime can be chosen. Also it was found that at a mean age of 25 years old, when the group still existed of 79 young adults, 40 of them had given up their criminal career for a minimum of three years. A further 8 persons had given up their criminal career for at least two years. Conclusion: In conclusion can be stated that at 25 years old, half of the group had given up crime for a minimum of three years. This means they quit crime at 22 years old. A second conclusion is that motivation plays a large part in the process of desistance and the motivational stage should be taken into account in trying to aid a person in the process of quitting crime. Desistance is a struggle which entails a large change in a young person’s life and should not be underestimated.

This study deals with the rise and decline of the system of unelected representative bodies that accompanied post-war democracy in the Netherlands. After World War II, the number of these unelected representative bodies grew spectacularly, but from the seventies onwards, it started to decrease. How can we account for this remarkable political change? In traditional historiography, this change is associated with the pillarisation of Dutch society, the institutionalisation of corporatist arrangements, the emergence of new social movements or the deep-rooted practice of consensus building. As these accounts turn out to be problematic, this study focuses on the democratic character of unelected representative bodies. Chapter 1 introduces a framework for analysing the democratic character of these bodies, based on the criteria of a democratic political order as identified by R.A. Dahl. The framework encompasses the constitution of the domains represented by unelected bodies; the recruitment of their members; the tasks they fulfilled; and their internal decision-making process. Chapter 2 presents the cases used to analyse how the democratic character of the system of unelected representative bodies developed. These cases are the Sociaal-Economische Raad (1950), the Landbouwschap (1954 - 1995), the Nationale Raad voor Maatschappelijk Werk (1946 - 1989) and the Raad voor de Kunst (1955 - 1995). Chapter 3 shows that the represented domains were either constituted from above by the state or from below by interest groups. The involvement of interest groups led to the exclusion of rivals and, later on, to petrifaction, with the composition of unelected bodies remaining the same despite fundamental social changes. Chapter 4 highlights a similar pattern as the members delegated by interest groups managed to exclude a large number of newcomers. This resulted in a fierce critique of the involvement of interest groups in member recruitment and led to a new generation of unelected councils composed of independent experts. Chapter 5 illustrates that most bodies turned to interest articulation, consultation and advisory tasks instead of governing the domains they represented – one of their initial tasks. Meanwhile, as chapter 6 shows, the internal decision-making process acquired a more democratic character because both its openness to the public and opportunities for participation increased. However, conflicts of interest intensified. There were two categories of unelected representative bodies, as the concluding Chapter 7 makes clear. One category remained largely unaffected by social pressures and was influenced mainly by internal processes aiming to consolidate the position of insiders. The other category transformed in accordance with political initiative or administrative changes. These bodies were the first to be abolished or transformed into assemblies of experts, intensively controlled by the state. A dialectics of loss of control and interference explains why the state delegated public responsibility first but withdrew it later, causing the system to decline. A dialectics of expertise and social support explains why its composition changed. By recruiting members from interest groups, the government tried to enhance social support for political decisions. The introduction of experts helped to overcome the shortcomings these members exposed but weakened links with society

Betoog dat in de besluit-vorming in kinderbeschermingszaken de verdragsverplichtingen onder meer door kinderrechters niet in acht worden genomen.