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This study refers to the problem of franchising regulation as a phenomenon of private law. In fact, in most legal systems, franchising operates on the basis of the principle of freedom of contract or the principle of freedom of economic activity. However, in some countries, franchising is regulated with varying degrees of intensity. The regulation of franchises seems to be necessary due to the need to protect the economically weaker party to the legal relationship. The question arises whether, at the pre-contractual stage, if the candidate for a franchisee is a natural person who does not conduct business activity, such a person should benefit from the legal protection provided by the legal system for the consumer, in terms of information provided before the conclusion of the contract. The problem of information provided by the organizer of the franchise network is addressed by the so-called model law. In its main part, the study first indicates different ways of regulating franchising in different European jurisdictions. Subsequently, the final part of the core of the presented study is devoted to the key attempt in adopting the franchise regulation in Poland.

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The peculiarities of transformation of five European countries’ (Switzerland, Austria, Sweden, Finland and Ireland) foreign policy strategies of neutrality and non-alignment have been analyzed. It has been documented that neutral European states pay considerable attention to security and defence strategies, the main purpose of which is to protect their territorial integrity and neutral status. It has been emphasized that modern neutrality of these European states has transformed under the influence of integration processes (neoliberal approach). We reflect on the transformation of neutral states’ models of foreign policy with simultaneously retaining the international prestige associated with neutrality. The neutrality of these European states is inferior to an active position in the international arena, which ensures their contribution to global problem-solving, as well as to maintaining peace and security in the world. The article is situated in the relations with the perceived security and economic benefits of neutral states that come with cooperation and regional and international integration.

As one of the fundamental human rights that belong to every human being, freedom of movement is prescribed at the international, EU and national level. Every person has the right to move freely and must not be unlawfully deprived of freedom. The right to freedom of movement is the rule and restricting it the exception. Nevertheless, there occasionally do exist justified reasons for restricting certain rights, including the right to freedom of movement. Asylum seekers (ASs), much like all other persons, have the right to freedom of movement, though not always without restrictions. The migration and refugee crisis that began in 2015 brought many a challenge for the EU, a major one being the striking of balance between protecting human rights and protecting the national security of the Member States (MSs). Until the onset of the 2015 migration and refugee crisis, Sweden was a country open to migrants and refugees and highly protective of their rights. Soon after, as a self-protection and – preservation measure, Sweden began increasingly frequently restricting the freedom of movement of and imposing detention on ASs. But did Sweden’s newly adopted approach remain in line with international and European legal norms? To determine this, this article offers a systematic analysis of the compliance of Swedish legislation with international and EU standards in regard to restrictions on the freedom of movement of ASs, including minors, with special reference to the imposing of detention.

This text focuses on a tour of southern Sweden undertaken by the imperial envoy Josef Klement of Kounice in the summer of 1776. The count was active in Sweden from 1775 to 1777. On the basis of a French-language travelogue, it is possible to compile the itinerary that took Kounic to, for example, Gothenburg, Landskrona, Karlskrona and, briefly, to Copenhagen, Denmark. During his travels, the count became familiar with the country and its system of government, as well as the state of its armed forces and fortifications, which he was then able to put to good use in performing his service.

The current political environment is undergoing gradual improvements that significantly change the nature of the international system. One of these changes is the growing trend of feminist foreign policy (FFP), which promises to transform the traditional, military-oriented principles that were historically dominant in the international arena. Despite the fact that the world has been working with this concept since 2014, when Sweden adopted the principles of feminism in its decision-making process, there is still no consensus on what the FFP should be like. Using a detailed literature review and the subsequent synthesis of relevant facts, this review article aims to integrate the individual FFP principles into one unit, and to create a research framework that can be used at the empirical level. At the same time, the article discusses the weaknesses of already existing models and briefly evaluates the war in Ukraine through the feminist lens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social Work Forum / Fórum Sociální Práce is the property of Charles University Prague, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article follows on from the article on spatial planning in Sweden published in the 5/21 issue of this journal, which contained basic information on Swedish spatial planning, and an article on related documents and processes published in issue 1/22. The processes used for specifi c spatial planning documents are described in detail. While Part I dealt with local and municipal planning, this article is about detailed planning at regional level. Its aim is to describe the documents, outline the responsibilities and involvement of actors in particular processes and present the legislative requirements and documents for planning at each level. Also, it describes the cycle of their origin, approval, practical application and possibilities of cancellation or change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes a largely unknown Swedish effort to intervene in deportations of Jews in Slovakia between 1942 and 1944. Swedish officials and religious leaders used their diplomatic correspondence with the Slovak government to extract some Jewish individuals and later on the whole Jewish community of Slovakia from deportations by their government and eventually by German officials. Despite the efforts of Swedish Royal Consulate in Bratislava, the Swedish Archbishop Erling Eidem, and the Slovak Consul Bohumil Pissko in Stockholm, and despite the acts taken by some Slovak ministries, the Slovak officials including the President of Slovak republic Jozef Tiso revoked further negotiations in autumn 1944. However, the negotiations between Slovakia and Sweden created a scope of actions to protect some Jewish individuals which were doomed to failure due to the political situation. Nevertheless, this plan and the previous diplomatic interventions are significant to describe the almost unknown Swedish and Slovak efforts to save the Jews of Slovakia. Repeated Swedish offers to take in Jewish individuals and later the whole community would have likely prepared the way for larger rescues. These never occurred due to the Slovak interest in deporting its own Jewish citizens and later due to the German occupation of Slovakia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Physical Culture / Tělesná Kultura is the property of Palacky University in Olomouc and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tunel is the property of Ceska Tunelarska Asociace ITA-AITES, z.s and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of E-Pedagogium is the property of Palacky University in Olomouc and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The text examines the electoral rise of the Sweden Democrats party between 2010-2014. Based on the theoretical assumptions of the concept of political opportunity structures, the authors analyse exit polls data to explain the factors that contributed to the unprecedented rise of populist radical right in Sweden. The authors conclude that the 2014 elections took place in the context favorable for the rise of Sweden Democrats, mainly due to higher salience of immigration, law and order and relatively weak ties between voters and political parties. Moreover, the level of trust towards politicians remained quite low during the period under investigation. Furthermore, the profile of voters of Sweden Democrats underwent significant changes, especially when age and political orientation of voters is taken into consideratio. In contrast to the 2010 elections, the voters of Sweden Democrats were older and more centrist in 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2014 parliamentary elections in Sweden yielded three main results: 1) Social Democrats returned to the government after eight years in opposition; for the first time since 1957 they created a government coalition (with the Green Party) and not a single-party government. 2) The populist radical right Sweden Democrats became the major victor of the elections, since their electoral result almost doubled in comparison to the 2010 elections; as a result, neither left-wing nor the right-wing parties command the parliamentary majority, and the Sweden Democrats can again tip the scale of power in the Swedish party politics. 3) The new incumbent cabinet lost the key parliamentary vote on the budget and called early elections. This surprising move was caused by inability of other parliamentary parties to find a cross-block agreement on budget issues in order to prevent Sweden Democrats from having too much power in the Swedish politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study "NORDEK: Plan of Nordic Economic Cooperation in 1968–1970" is focused on development of Nordic cooperation at the end of 60's and its consequences in European integration of Nordic states at the beginning of 70's.

Copyright of Social Education / Sociální Pedagogika is the property of Tomas Bata University, Research Centre of the Faculty of Humanities and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Nordic countries, being fully aware of their common heritage, are cooperating very closely. But is their cooperation ment to be successful in the current situation, when Europe is dominated by the European Union and the whole world is interconnected by international and transnational organisations with global impact? Can the Nordic cooperation survive in this competition or is it likely to perish? And what are its specifics? These and others are the questions this study focuses on. The relevance of the Nordic cooperation is evident since not all Nordic countries are members of the most significant international organizations such as the EU or NATO. The main thesis is based on the fact, that although the history of Scandinavia has not always been favorable to a closer cooperation, the common Nordic heritage is essential. The paper is conceived as a one-case study and stresses the importance of the historical background which has formed the current situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides information about translations of works by Bohumil Hrabal (1914-1997) published in Denmark, Norway, Finland, and Sweden. The greater part of the article, however, is devoted to the reception of Hrabal's works in Sweden, where they enjoy the most interest. The article is based on reviews and other relevant articles published in the Swedish press. It also considers the works of Scandinavian scholars of Czech literature, translators, and publishers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is the second part of a two-part paper, the first one having been published in the previous volume of this journal. After the 1998 general elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Republic, the largest party, the Social Democratic Party (CSSD), formed a minority government. The origin and existence of this government was enabled by an agreement with the second largest formation, the Civic Democratic Party (ODS). What was then known as the Opposition Agreement became the subject of considerable debate. The first part of the paper provided analysis of government practice in similar circumstances in Denmark, Sweden, New Zealand, and Italy at the time of the Historic Compromise. Here I focus specifically on the Czech case. The present paper points out not only the Opposition Agreement between the Social Democrats and the Civic Democratic Party and the later Toleration Patent, which even deepened the cooperation between these two parties, but also the frequent ad hoc legislative coalitions which the minority government was able to form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the 1998 general elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Republic, the largest party, the Social Democratic Party (ČSSD), formed a minority government. The origin and existence of this government was enabled by an agreement with the second largest formation, the Civic Democratic Party (ODS). What was then known as the Opposition Agreement became the subject of considerable debate. The paper analyses the Opposition Agreement in comparison with other minority governments with external support, be they governments formed on the basis of ad hoc agreements or complex ones. The text looks in detail at government practice in Denmark, Sweden, New Zealand, and Italy at the time of the Historic Compromise; this is then used as a context for outlining the specifics of the Czech case. The paper highlights not only the Opposition Agreement between the Social Democrats and the Civic Democratic Party and the later Toleration Patent, which even deepened the cooperation between these two parties, but also the frequent ad hoc legislative coalitions which the minority government was able to form. An additional aim of the paper is to outline foreign analogies to the potential future single-party minority government of the Czech Social Democrats supported by the Communists. Because of its considerable length, the text is divided into two parts; the first part is printed in this volume. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the relevance of international and domestic factors for the implementation of and compliance with the commitments of the international regime of climate protection? This article analyses the implementation of and compliance with the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol in the cases of seven comparable countries: Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, Greece, Hungary, Portugal and Sweden. These countries have been achieving different levels of success in meeting their climate protection goals so far. Based on a detailed study of various reports and an analysis of factors such as the level of ambitions in the international environment protection policy, the GDP and GDP energy intensity change, the points out that GDP energy intensity change proves to have a significant correspondence with the level of compliance, i.e. with the rate of total greenhouse gas emissions reduction, which shows that there are close interlinkages between the energy use of national economies and climate change issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study describes development of therapeutic, relaxation and self-experiencing method Restricted environmental stimulation technique/therapy (REST). From a historical standpoint it refers to early research into sensory deprivation from the 1950s to 1970s. Further it emphasizes the connection with Japanese therapists approach (Masatake Morita and Yoshimoto Ishin). Research of REST is intensively practiced in Sweden and USA. REST is method that is construed as a supplement of therapeutic action. This method has two forms: Chamber REST and Flotation REST. The chamber REST variant, in combination with other therapeutic techniques, has a therapeutic potencial that enables restructuralization of attitudes, opinions, understanding of the patients own emotions in relation to social environment, enacts on change of self-concept and enables an insight into actual problems. It improves realistic thinking and ability of elaboration. Some studies support positive influence on serious diagnosis such as obsessive compulsive disorder, autism, reducing psychotic symptoms in schizofrenic patients, manic and hypomanic states, and addictive behaviour changes (alcohol abuse, obesity, smoking). The flotation REST variant has similar effects such as relaxation, autogenous training, meditation. Its use is connected with medical influence in hypertension reduction, insomnia treatment, stress coping. It also provides relief of chronic pain and muscle tension, and improves creativity. It can create feeling of relief without previous training [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Typology of parties in conflict constitutes one of the most important steps in conflict research. It provides us with tools to analyze importance of various agents involved in conflict. One of the most influential recent typologies is the model used by Uppsala Conflict Data Program. Its main shortcoming is only two dimensional understanding of parties. This seems to be inadequate, so a tertiary level should be added based on various other typologies. Furthermore, the definition of secondary level conflict parties is not sufficient since it does not allow researchers to grasp the importance of non-state actors. The main objective of this paper is thus to develop new typology which will enable us to analyze positions and strategies of all parties involved in modern conflicts. Conflict in Angola has been chosen to illustrate this new approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the analysis of the European Parliament elections in Sweden. Four elections, which were held between 1995 and 2009, are examined here. The author chose the second-order elections theory, developed by Karlheinz Reif and Hermann Schmitt, as a framework of the analysis. He analyses the three most important characteristics that are attributed to the second-order elections: a) a lower turnout; b) a higher proportion of votes for non-parliamentary parties; c) a lower proportion of votes cast for government parties. The author also analyses whether EU-related issues affected a performance of political parties in the European elections, as results of some recent studies indicated. The analysis demonstrates validity of most of the Reif and Schmitt's original propositions, despite some discrepancies found in the third above mentioned characteristic. The Swedish elections to the European Parliament thus correspond, to the large extent, with the basic assumptions connected with the second order-elections theory. Factors decisive for a success of political parties should be sought in particular with regards to current developments in the dominant political arena, while European factors play only a minor role, which is reflected primarily in a longterm comparison. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study deals with the electoral support of the far-right Sweden Democrats in the 2006 and 2010 elections to the Swedish Riksdag. The method of the study is based on analysing the spatial variability of electoral results, time-space stability of voting patterns, research of stability/instability of the territorial support, i.e. finding an area of electoral support, which shows the districts where the Sweden Democrats are successful in the long term. The final part of the article tries to find an underlying factors explaining spatial variation of party electoral results. The study analyses electoral support in 290 Swedish municipalities in order to explain geographical stability of vote distribution and variance in electoral support. The analyses prove that support for the Sweden Democrats is concentrated in southern Sweden. However, the Sweden Democrats success in the 2010 election was largely associated with a significant rise in areas, where the Sweden Democrats possessed only less numerous electorate in the past. The analyses also found that key underlying factors explaining spatial variation of the Sweden Democrats electoral support are level of education (primary education), number of people aged 24-44 years, increasing proportion of immigrants from European countries, low income, and increasing number of reported crimes, which are positively correlated with the level of party support. On the contrary, the success of the party is negatively correlated with the proportion of non-European immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article is to analyze the causes behind the electoral success of the Sweden Democrats, the radical right-wing populist party in Sweden that gained parliamentary representation in the 2010 elections. The article argues that the causes of its success should be looked for not only in favourable political conditions (e.g. the continuing saliency of the immigration issue, growing electoral volatility and decreasing partisan identification), but above all in the party's strategy - a new master frame, the politicization of the immigration issue, and the strengthening of the party's organization. The Sweden Democrats have moderated their party program and, to a large extent, rid themselves of the stigma that resulted from their origins and their connection to neo-Nazi movements. They have also skilfully used media attention and succeeded in politicizing their major issue - immigration. Another reason for their success lies in their establishment of party apparatus at the municipal and regional levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The Bitter Taste of a Victory. The 2010 Parliamentary Election in Sweden. The parliamentary elections which were held in Sweden in September 2010 can be characterid by several never-before-seen moments. The electoral support of the Social democratic party dropped to the lowest level since the 1911 elections despite the fact that a new leftist pre-electoral alliance including the social democrats, the leftist socialists and the greens was formed. At the same time, the Moderates reached the best electoral result in the last one hundred years. On the other hand, the electoral support of other right-wing parties dropped. For the first time in history, the Sweden Democrats, an anti-immigration and right-wing populist party secured enough votes to get over the electoral support. After the elections, no one of the two blocs gained majority in the parliament which led to the continuation of the rightcentre government, this time in the minority position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Listy Cukrovarnicke a Reparske is the property of VUC Praha a.s. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Orbis Scholae is the property of Charles University Prague, Faculty of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article traces the effect of socio-economic, cultural, and gender factors on the reproduction of educational inequalities in access to tertiary education in the Czech Republic, Switzerland, Germany, Poland, and Sweden. Single- country analyses conducted to date on the Czech Republic have reached conflicting results both on the development of educational inequalities since the fall of socialism and on the weight of the factors behind those inequalities. Also, no international comparison has been conducted. Thus, the authors pursue two new directions of inquiry: 1) an international comparison, and 2) an update of the development of inequalities in all the mentioned countries since 2002. The authors used multi-dimensional statistical methods (logit models and a log-linear analysis) and the most recent available international data from the European Social Survey. The results revealed that out of all the countries studied it is in the Czech Republic that access to tertiary education is currently determined most by the cultural component of social background (the father's education). The country closest to the Czech Republic in this regard is Switzerland. The educational status of the family is also a crucial factor in educational reproduction in Sweden. Paradoxically, in the countries that historically and geographically are closest to the Czech Republic, namely, Poland and Germany, the crucial determinant in the transmission of educational status is the father's class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scandinavian countries are frequently associated with so called Nordic model. The article deals with last three EU Council Presidency conducted by the Nordic countries (Sweden 2001, Denmark 2002, Finland 2006) and their political priorities. After reviewing the Nordic model and its components, the article proceeds to the analysis of program priorities of these three presidencies. By comparing the presidencies programs and the key elements of the Nordic model, the hypothesis of relevance of the Nordic model for Scandinavian presidencies is verified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article seeks to describe and interpret recent trends within the Swedish party system. The point of departure for analysis is twofold: (1) to describe past development of patterns of cooperation and conflict among Swedish political parties, (2) an examination of P. Mair's concepts on the structure of party system competition and party system change, which are applied to the Swedish case. Special attention is given to the process of formation of the right-wing as well as the left-wing blocs. The aim of the article is to explain why and under what circumstances these blocs emerged, considering the fact that these blocs were at times almost invisible, at times only slightly salient. Moreover, party cooperation often took place across bloc lines. This analysis of past trends serves as a basis for understanding up-to-date developments within the right-wing bloc and particularly left-wing parties, which - for the first time in the Swedish party politics history - have recently declared their intention to form an election alliance and even a government coalition after the 2010 parliamentary elections. The article also discusses the question of whether these trends might lead to a specific version of the two-party system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text analyses compensatory seats in election systems of Denmark, Sweden and Norway. The study is focused on comparation of impact of this element and deals with problem of ideal number of compensatory seats in election system, which can ensure ideal proportionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on a comparison of attitudes towards migration in twenty European countries. It analyses data from the European Social Survey 2002. The first part of the article contains a summary of the available sources of data on migration and a brief outline of developments and the current state of migration in Europe. The second part looks at the question of whether attitudes towards immigrants are related to the numbers and structure of immigrants in a country and their economic situation. Three thematic areas are examined: 1) the host population's willingness to accept immigrants; 2) perceptions of the impact of immigration on the host country; 3) attitudes towards different forms of integration of immigrants. The findings indicate that Europeans are more willing to accept migrants that are of the same race (ethnic group) and from Europe than they are migrants of a different race (ethnic group) and from states outside Europe. The strongest unwillingness to accept people from other states and the strongest emphasis on the negative impact of immigration was observed in Greece and Hungary, while the strongest willingness to accept immigrants was found in Sweden and Switzerland and was connected with a more positive perception of the impact of immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]