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This paper attempts to describe the meaning and role of the adversarial system principle in the canon law against the background of the Polish law. The eponymous issue of the adversarial system was analysed using a comparative legal method, which makes it possible to identify similarities and differences found in the two legal orders, as well as to determine the priorities and principles that guide the Polish and ecclesiastical legislators at the stage of creating and applying the law. The restoration of the principle of the adversarial system in the system of the canon law is expected to lead to an assessment of the level of procedural warranties of the parties, and further provide a stimulus for a detailed study of eponymous issues.

Although Poland’s energy mix is becoming ‘greener’ each year, the coun‑ try’s energy production is still dominated by coal. This affects several important spheres: financial, socioeconomic and political. Therefore, the aim of the article is to explain Poland’s response to adaptational pressure stemming from the European Green Deal (EGD) by reconstructing discursive strategies related to the topics of decarbonisa‑ tion and green transformation. We perceive the EGD as a regulatory initiative, whose purpose is to incorporate formal rules and European norms in the domestic discourse and public policies. In order to induce such a change, the European Commission influ‑ ences the ‘utility calculations’ used by member states. However, at the same time, some member states need to deal with problems caused by misfits between their energy sector’s capabilities and expectations of the EGD. In Poland’s case, the significant fields of misfits refer to national emission targets, obligations resulting from the EU Emis‑ sion Trading System and the Fit for 55 reform package. Using discourse analysis, we have reconstructed a governmental narrative on the transformation based on elec‑ tion manifestos, selected ministerial documents and social media posts from the years 2019–2021. As the government aims to present itself as defenders of Polish national interests, climate‑related policies are seen as a threat. There is a clear focus on energy sovereignty and security issues, while challenges related to global warming are absent from the political communication. As the situation at the Belarussian border developed and the danger connected with Russian politics became clearer, the concept of being a defender acquired more meanings.

The paper examines how Prince Marko (Kraljević Marko) gained popularity in 19th-century Europe, largely due to the Serbian folk songs published by Vuk Stefanović Karadžić and their translations into Polish and other languages. The author juxtaposes historical data on Marko Mrnjavcevic (c. 1355–1395), noting his role as a Turkish vassal after 1371, and compares it with the portrayal of Prince Marko in Serbian folk songs. The Polish language’s earliest mention of Prince Marko as a folk hero appears in the 1804 travel diary of Prince A. Sapieha, who journeyed through Dalmatia and Zagorje. The paper discusses the unique translation approaches of August Bielowski and Roman Zmorski. It further analyzes references to Prince Marko in Adam Mickiewicz’s lectures at the Collège de France (1841), Roman Zmorski’s introduction to his 1859 book of 30 song translations about Prince Marko, Kazimierz Władysław Wóycicki’s encyclopedic article (1867), and Bronisław Grabowski’s play about Prince Marko (1880). The author draws on research from Petar Bunjak, Kreshimir Georgijevic, Roman Zmorski, Marian Jakóbiec, Milica Jakobiec Semkowowa, Damian Kubik, Regels Halili and others. The historical review concludes that Polish scholars rarely highlighted the humorous elements in the Serbian songs about Marko or his contentious relationships with women. Additionally, Polish translations were not used as intermediaries for translating these songs into Ukrainian. Original title in Serbian: Краљевић Марко из српских народних песама код Пољака у 19. веку

The Lemkos, a distinctive ethnic group with roots in the Carpathian Mountains, have forged a unique cultural identity shaped by their language, traditions, and historical experiences. This study delves into the intricate dynamics of the „Łemkowska Watra“ (Lemko Bonfire), a symbol embodying both unity and division among the Lemko community. Originating in 1983, the Watra marks a renaissance of Lemko identity, resonating with communities worldwide. However, it also serves as a poignant illustration of the divisions within the Lemko community. This research scrutinizes the contrasting perspectives of pro-Ukrainian and pro-Rusyn factions, revealing how differing national affiliations have shaped Lemko identity.

This study refers to the problem of franchising regulation as a phenomenon of private law. In fact, in most legal systems, franchising operates on the basis of the principle of freedom of contract or the principle of freedom of economic activity. However, in some countries, franchising is regulated with varying degrees of intensity. The regulation of franchises seems to be necessary due to the need to protect the economically weaker party to the legal relationship. The question arises whether, at the pre-contractual stage, if the candidate for a franchisee is a natural person who does not conduct business activity, such a person should benefit from the legal protection provided by the legal system for the consumer, in terms of information provided before the conclusion of the contract. The problem of information provided by the organizer of the franchise network is addressed by the so-called model law. In its main part, the study first indicates different ways of regulating franchising in different European jurisdictions. Subsequently, the final part of the core of the presented study is devoted to the key attempt in adopting the franchise regulation in Poland.

he daughter of King Sigismund I of Poland (1506–1548) and Queen Bona Sforza (1518–1548), Sophie Jagiellon (1522–1575) is one of the most remarkable figures among the important women of the 16th century. Like her sisters of the Jagiellonian family, she served as a representative of the Polish ruling dynasty and as a guarantee of good relations in the field of dynastic politics and contemporary diplomacy. This study aims to explore the diverse forms of her identity as captured by contemporary sources. We will gradually focus on the reconstruction of her dynastic identity as a royal daughter living in the milieu of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation, her position as the wife of the eminent imperial aristocrat Henry of Brunswick, and then address issues related to her death and, above all, her posthumous legacy and place in collective memory in the centuries that followed. The long-standing dynastic, legal and economic dispute between Sophie’s heirs in Poland and in the territory of the Holy Roman Empire, which significantly shaped the regional political situation after her death, will also play an important role.

The aim of this article is to propose the term ‘illiberal neo-intergovernmentalism’ (IN) to describe and explain Poland’s EU concept promoted by the government and some scholars after 2015. The methodology, based on decision, factor and comparative analyses, is of qualitative nature. The main idea is the assumption that Polish vision can be treated as a concept contributing to theory building. The research question relates to the positioning of the Polish concept against the background of other approaches: due to its significant distance from the functionalist trend, a connection with the intergovernmentalist theories is assumed. Two hypotheses are presented, and their verification shows that the main weakness of the Polish concept is the lack of paradigmatic rooting. The ‘Eurorealist’ illiberal neo-intergovernmentalism has not been created as a result of the evolutionary development of well-founded views typical of the intergovernmental trend and seems to disregard all previous theoretical achievements. Referring to realism alone, without defining the continuity of thought, is not enough to recognise the concept as a realist one. Therefore, this vision does not have explanatory values, while its normative character is the result of the adoption of Eurosceptic and ultraconservative ideology.

Voting behaviour is affected by various factors and the effect varies in individual countries. Economic and geographic factors are among the major criteria taken into account in electorate segmentation. The present study analyses them in the case of the Polish presidential election in 2020, held under the circumstances of strong polarisation within the society and controversies surrounding the rule-of-law and democratic standards. The present study analyses voter turnout and results of the second round of the election, focusing on the subregional level of poviats (counties). The analysis considers macroeconomic factors (such as GDP per capita, unemployment rate, average remuneration), financial condition of the local government (measured by budgetary revenues) and urbanisation (comparing the biggest cities to other counties). The findings confirm correlation between the macroeconomic parameters of the subregion and voter turnout. In the case of voting results, the hypotheses concerning macroeconomic parameters and the status of the biggest cities are confirmed, but there’s no evidence of correlation of the average remuneration on the poviat level and support for the centre-liberal candidate.

This text examines U. S. foreign policy toward the Eastern Bloc during Dwight D. Eisenhower‘s presidency. Specifically, the text focuses on the „revolutionary“ events unfolding in Poland and then Hungary during 1956 and the U. S. government‘s discussions of possible responses to these events, which included discussions of possible retaliatory measures, particularly of an economic nature, and efforts to achieve global diplomatic condemnation of the violent intervention of the Polish and Soviet armies. The text also compares U. S. policy toward the two countries and attempts to place this response in the broader context of U. S. foreign policy strategy at the time, which was influenced by both the strategy of containment and Dulles‘s proclamation of the „liberation of captive nations“. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new dynamics in the global security environment accompanied by the renewal of great power competition and its impact on security provision of Central European countries brought new challenges, especially in countering hybrid threats. The article embraces the outcome of a multilateral research analysing countering hybrid threat policies in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. The goal of the article is to discuss and explain the four nations’ policies towards the mitigation of the hybrid challenges and their complexity. Those national approaches are comprehensively assessed in four case studies and their main commonalities and key differences are discussed. The conclusion is that although the V4 countries have the same conceptual theoretical basis, the policies against the hybrid threat differ. The authors propose more efficient way ahead at the national level and the improvement of coordination between the V4 countries.

European larch (Larix decidua Mill.) is an important tree species commonly used in managed forests of central Europe. However, its genetic structure, post-glacial range dynamics, and consequent nativity status are poorly understood. Here we provide the fi rst study focusing on the genetic structure of in situ larch populations in the north-eastern Czech Republic using molecular genetics. Most of the studied area is traditionally considered to be a part of the autochthonous native range of the Jeseníky lineage of larch and some of the included populations are protected as belonging to this type. We confi rm a common presence of the Jeseníky type and its close evolutionary relation with larch populations from both the Carpathians and Poland. However, we also found important levels of admixture of genetic material from the Alps in all of the analyzed populations. Th e highest amount of Alpine admixture was found in the populations of intensively managed forests, the proportion of non-native material in the protected areas was relatively lower but still signifi cant. Our results show the importance of populationgenetic research for practical conservation of local populations and lineages even for common species. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study concerns the dispute between Poland and Germany regarding war reparations for losses caused in Poland in the years 1939 – 1945. The author pointed to the relevant acts of international law. This applies to the so-called Potsdam Agreement, the declaration of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (hereinafter referred to as the “USSR”) on the resignation of claims against Germany, the declaration of the government of the People’s Republic of Poland on the resignation of claims, the German unification treaty. As well as in the study, the substantive position that may be presented by Poland was indicated. After the end of the World War II, there was no peace agreement between the defeated Germans and members of the anti-German coalition. This was due to emerging political differences between the victorious states. What is significant in the case is the fact that the Polish war losses were not covered in full. There are reasons to believe that Poland’s renunciation of claims in year 1953 (with effect from January 1, 1954) was invalid.

This paper presents the legal situation of whistleblowers employed as professional soldiers and officers of militarized services in Poland. The starting point of the study is to show the specific nature of employment in the services and to identify the risks that can occur in these organizations. The paper critically analyses the international and European Union solutions that do not regulate in any special way the protection of whistleblowers employed as soldiers and officers. The study also points out the lack of adequate protection at the level of the Polish domestic law. At the same time, it is noted that the ongoing work to implement the Directive (EU) 2019/1937 of the European Parliament and of the Council on the Protection of Whistleblowers does not seem to be moving in the direction of increasing this protection. The study also shows significant differences in solutions for the protection of whistleblowers at the national level, which may be due to the cultural and historical conditions.

The aim of this paper is to examine the role of women at the ministerial level in right-wing populist parties. To do so, we analyse the descriptive and substantive representation of women within the Hungarian and Polish right-wing populist cabinets. Using descriptive statistics, we examine the policy areas and relative prestige of their ministerial portfolios. To gain a deeper understanding of the role of women, we further provide an analysis of the roles of Beata Szydło as Polish prime minister and Katalin Novák as Minister without Portfolio for Families, Youth and the Elderly in Hungary. Within this analysis, we investigate their educational and political backgrounds and particularly focus on the gender aspects of their initiated family policies. Our results show that women within right-wing populist cabinets tend to govern traditionally ‘male’ and neutral policy areas; furthermore, they hold portfolios with similar prestige as do the men. The analysis of Beata Szydło and Katalin Novák indicates that women in executive offices are well educated and are more likely to become chief executives when their power is limited. Moreover, the investigation of the family policies demonstrates that they predominantly support the preservation of traditional family roles and strengthen them implicitly.

The ‘Homeland – Graves’ Topos in Media Publications of the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church: The paper examines the ‘homeland – graves’ literary topos appearing in media publications of the Polish Orthodox Church. The material is excerpted from the periodicals ‘Przegląd Prawosławny’, ‘Polski Żołnierz Prawosławny’, ‘Cerkiewny Wiestnik’ and ‘Wiadomości Polskiego Autokefalicznego Kościoła Prawosławnego’ from the years 1989–2012. Based on the analysis of nine text samples, the author concludes that the presence of this topos is not connected either with genre features of the publications, or with text’s direct content (the time and place of the described events have no effect on the appearance of the topos). Analyses also reveal that the topos most often stimulates expressive, evaluative language; burial places are often mentioned to emphasize the belonging of Orthodox community members to the Polish nation and also include the aspect of the victims’ sacralization; the concept of homeland may refer to a specific region of Poland, the whole country, or to a territory inhabited predominantly by several generations of Orthodox Christians. The use of the ‘homeland – graves’ topos serves the aim to reveal Orthodox citizens as an integral part of the Polish society that shares the same challenges and makes the same sacrifices as other Poles. On the other hand, the topos may emphasize that Orthodox Christians comprise a separate community within the Polish state as they have been subject to persecution and suffering for their religious beliefs.

Conditional discontinuation of the proceedings is a probation measure enabling perpetrators of minor offenses to avoid conviction and punishment. Under the currently applicable provisions of the Polish law, conditional discontinuation of the proceedings is one of the three measures related to putting the perpetrator on trial. The use of the described probation measure is possible only in the case of cumulative fulfilment of the conditions specified in the Article 66 of the Polish Penal Code. One of them is the so-called positive criminological forecast, which consists of many elements related to the perpetrator, because only the characteristics of the perpetrator strictly defined in the corresponding provision may determine the prognosis. The general point is to drop the conviction and, at the same time, to punish the perpetrator of the crime. The measure in question is only optional and may only be ordered by a court judgement.

Over the centuries, various minerals were used in pottery production; for some societies, graphite played a unique role. Certain areas lack local sources of this mineral but simultaneously reveal a great occurrence of ‘graphite-coated’ pottery. Still, it is commonly believed that the surface of these vessels was coated with graphite. The aim of the article is to examine whether the surface visually characterised as ‘graphited’ (suggesting the use of graphite) could be achieved without the application of the mineral and what the technological process of manufacturing might have looked like. Macroscopical and archaeometry recognition features of ‘graphite-coated’ pottery and mineral graphite were indicated. A series of experiments were performed to achieve a lustrous, silver surface without applying mineral graphite. The firing process was conducted in two types of kilns reconstructed according to archaeological sources from the territory of Poland dated to the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages. The reproduced pottery shows surfaces very similar to their prehistorical counterparts. The significant occurrence of this type of pottery indicates its production could also be conducted in areas lacking mineral graphite.

The article considers the economic and political use of small lead seals (tag seals) to validate different kinds of social relations in early medieval Poland and Rus’. Originated in Antiquity, the practice of sealing peaked in Byzantium from where it spread to Early Rus’. This is reflected, for example, in the use in late 11th-late 14th centuries of small lead seals referred to as the “Drohiczyn type”. In this paper I put forward an opinion that not all the early medieval small lead seals should be attributed to “coinless economy”. A study of the corpus of small lead seals from Drohiczyn and Czermno, and finds from Ma-zovia, has identified a group with iconography identical to the Polish Hohlpfennig, suggesting they were commercial-customs small lead seals used by the Piast dynasty, contemporary with the bracteates intro-duced in the first half/mid-13th-early 14th centuries. The extraordinary number of small lead seals found in Drohiczyn possibly reflects the outstanding position of the town in the Eastern and Central European relationships as well as a short-term relocation of trade routes leading north, caused by the military conflicts of the 1240-1280s in the upper course of the Western Bug. The practice of sealing could have been introduced by Conrad of Mazovia to Poland from Early Rus’. Subsequently, the small Polish seals might have contributed to the emergence of lead cloth seals in Western Europe as part of a cultural transfer

Russia’s aggression against Ukraine on February 24, 2022, triggered a migration crisis unprecedented in the Central and Eastern Europe. The mass of refugees from Ukraine moved towards Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania. Most of the refugees, however, ended up in Poland. Both the Polish state and society welcomed the refugees with great openness. Nevertheless, the influx of such a large number of the Ukrainian citizens on the territory of Poland made the authorities responsible for the systemic regulation of their stay, treatment, employment, education in schools, etc. Systemic solutions, in this regard, were adopted in the Act of March 12, 2022, on Assistance to the Ukrainian Citizens in Connection with the Armed Conflict in the Territory of that State. The paper discusses the most important regulations of the act in question.

The paper discusses the issue of the fine line between fictitious employment and discrimination. The presented study is a reflection from the Polish perspective. The purpose of this paper is to present the Polish regulation and authorities’ practices concerning the entitlement of women who began employment during pregnancy to social security benefits. The manuscript emphasizes that pregnancy does not create any presumption of fictitious employment, and the refusal to grant social security benefits to such women often leads to discrimination.

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This study concerns on the Draft Act on Family Foundations. This draft law is still in the course of legislative works, but it constitutes the basis for a lively discussion in Poland on its final structure. This paper presents the general concept of regulating family foundations in Poland with the most important aspects of the private-legal structure. The model relating to tax solutions remains beyond the scope of this text. The Bill on Family Foundations has a symbolic dimension, because if the legislator intends to implement it, it means that the development of economic relations in Poland has reached an appropriate high level.

The study analyses the reception of Petra Hůlová’s literary work in Poland with a focus on her publishers’ activities. The writer’s books have been published in two different publishing houses – W.A.B., one of the biggest fiction publishers in Poland, and Afera, small publishing house founded by bohemist and translator Julia Różewicz. The author of the paper – basing on the publishers’ strategies and the reviews of critics and readers – describes the influence of this transition on the perception of Petra Hůlová’s works in Poland and on the position of both writer and publisher in Polish literary field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Lhotka I site yielded one of the most original assemblages of the Upper Palaeolithic chipped industry in Central Europe. The site is situated in the very middle of an important settlement area of the Aurignacian. The raw materials are dominated by erratic flint, the second place in the group of retouched tools belongs to the chocolatetype silicite from the Holy Cross Mts. in Poland, approximately 300 km distant. Therefore, the main supply area of the site was located towards the north. The Lhotka collection can be compared to Epi-Aurignacian assemblages with greatly imbalanced spectrum of formal tools, in which Aurignacian (and, in general terms, polyhedral) burins usually considerably prevail, and only in the case of Lhotka this applies to high nosed (and very narrow) endscrapers (representing nearly a half of all retouched tools). It cannot be assumed that such a numerous collection comes from some kind of special activity. Rather, it testifies to stable occupation that required all of the usual activities. These findings can also be related to other assemblages that tend to be separated out from the Aurignacian framework just because they perhaps represent specialized workshops producing blanks and functioning within other cultural traditions (such as “Aurignacian V”, Bockstein-Törle VI etc.). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Populist leaders tend to be more popular and more followed than their parties or movements. Exceptions, like Igor Matovič, or Jaroslaw Kaczynski, confirm the rule. The major differences in party versus leader ́s popularity („likes“) could be found for Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Matteo Salvini, Alexis Tsipras and their respective parties. These three leaders were clearly FB stars (with caveat that Tsipras was actually not populist in his communication) and their parties seemed to be much less relevant for those who used FB. The most negative significant divergence in popularity on FB between a party and a party leader was noticed in the case of PiS and Jaroslaw Kaczyński. Kaczyński ́s FB page could be called as a niche phenomenon in Polish political communication. Also, Kaczyński was the least frequent actual user of FB among party leaders as well as the leader with the lowest popularity („likes“ in absolute and relative numbers) among political leaders in our sample among FB users. Similarly, FB seemed to be a rather irrelevant tool for PiS considering its FB popularity, although PiS actually communicated quite actively on this platform. While populists tend to be associated with alternative, highly biased, radical or conspiratorial media sources, the analyses in the national case studies showed that these types of sources were exceptions rather than the norm in almost all cases. The most often shared sources were digital sources or social networks. The least often shared were radio or TV channels. The rather ambiguous ideology promoted by Luigi di Maio and Boris Kollár was also reflected in their preferences for ideologically diverse media sources.

National-conservative Law and Justice Party (PiS) is seen as quite open to the innovative use of social media. Moreover, the government led by PiS is aiming at regulating social media in a dual way – on the one hand to prevent blocking by social media platforms, on the other hand to allow intervention and blocking by authorities. Regarding our findings, not surprisingly, the preferred source of information for both PiS and Confederation (Konfederacja) were digital sources. TV was the least often linked media outlet for PiS and radio for Confederation, respectively. All the linked media were national or with mixed origin, there were no links to European/supranational media. The overwhelming majority of links were websites and social media accounts of Confederation and PiS, their individual politicians or YouTube materials produced by these two groupings. Left and liberal media were systematically ignored when around 10% were common to both profiles, including FaceBook (FB). These were mostly mainstream media of diverse type (news websites, YouTube, radio, TV) and left, centre and centre-right ideological leanings. The political orientation of the shared sources reflected the inclination of populist parties and their coalitions to promote right wing discourses. PiS as a large party oriented towards the centre represents centre-right and Confederation represents radical right. The references to the media classified as centre-right constituted 96% of PiS sample and 66% of Confederation sample. The network analysis showed that both parties were embedded in two almost separate bubbles which are linked together by a very limited set of sources. They stayed in reciprocal relations mostly with their own separated structures, organizations, politicians or FB discussion groups.

All governments in Poland formed after the introduction of the European Semester were coalitional ones. All these governments contained junior coalition partners representing all party families. Irrespective of their affiliation, all these junior parties adopted policies that appeared to comply with the European Semester. Hence, junior coalition parties might be recognised as very diligent European students, even if two out of three represented quite extreme views and were undeniably more Eurosceptic than their respective senior partners. However, it can be argued that their strategy was mixed: even if these two more Eurosceptic parties might be regarded as being so in their rhetoric, they accepted all recommendations from the European Semester, except for the farmers’ insurance privileges reduction. The salience of their approach to this latter issue was seen even after a few years in government, making these parties clearly different from their senior coalition partners.

The aim of this paper is to analyse selected issues related to the phenomenon of the self-employment in Poland from the perspective of the competitiveness of the labour market. This topic remains particularly relevant in the view of the growing number of the self-employed in Poland. It also touches upon an important constitutional sphere related, on the one hand, to the guaranteed social rights of working people (the rights of the second generation) and, on the other hand, to the right to freedom of economic activity. The Polish practice to this day is not fully able to deal effectively with the problem of fictitious self-employment. This text is of a contributory nature. Its purpose is to indicate some research problems related to the phenomenon of the self-employment in Poland from the perspective of the market competitiveness and social burdens as well as to indicate the main weaknesses of the current material and procedural solutions in this matter.

The current paper analyses the background of the relationship of the Baltic States and Poland with Belarus. The Baltic states together with Poland were advocating a decided foreign policy towards the political system of Alyaksandr Lukashenka in the last fifteen years, which applied through the financial support of political opposition, the support of NGO-s and media outlets, attraction of Belarusian students and qualified workforce and firm political actions. This policy culminated during the latest political crisis, following the presidential elections of August 2020. This paper analyses the historic roots behind the respected countries’ relationship, important domestic factors influencing the decision making, dynamics of migration in the recent years, the geopolitical ambitions of Poland and the strategic factors, perceiving Belarus a security threat for the region.

Sport is a complex phenomenon that academics across many social sciences are focusing on. The interest in sports has been observable for a long time by historians, anthropologists and sociologists. Scientists in the field of international relations are no exception. A typical way sport is studied in international relations is by paying attention to sports diplomacy. The study of sports diplomacy has become a pretty popular part of the research since the second decade of the 21st century and it is possible to observe the dominance of the authors from the American and British universities in sports diplomacy research. Based on the Web of Science dataset, at first sight, the study of sports diplomacy is not seen as a popular field of research in the Central European countries. On the other hand, this statistical measure does not describe a complex situation of what the sports diplomacy research looks like, how it is formed or how it reflects the thinking of the politicians on national public/sports diplomacy. Thus, the article aims to map sports diplomacy research in the Central European states, specifically in Poland, Czechia and Slovakia.

The subject of this paper is the issue of the criminalisation of the possession of narcotics in Poland. Particular attention is paid to the institution of the optional termination of criminal proceedings in cases when the person who has committed the offence is in possession of an inconsiderable amount of narcotics for personal use. The aim of the study is, among other things, to demonstrate how this institution functions in practice and to examine whether the Polish regulations are compatible with the international and the European regulations. The author first presents a historical outline of the criminalisation of offences involving an unlawful possession of narcotics, and then develops the idea of what should be understood by ‘possession’ of narcotics while also addressing the issue of ‘possession of narcotics within one’s own body’. In the further section of the paper, the author analyses the notion of ‘an inconsiderable quantity of narcotics’, presenting views expressed in the literature and showing disparities in interpretations of this notion in the case law. In the final section, the author presents conclusions and an assessment of the current state of the relevant Polish legislation.

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The paper deals with the find of 222 shillings of the Polish King John II Casimir Vasa unearthed in unknown time on the territory of a not specified Moravian site and kept currently in the Moravian Museum under the signature H 63. The coins in question are Polish and Lithuanian copper coins coming approximately from the 1660s and particular mints (e.g. Ujazdów, Oliwa, Vilnius, Kaunas…) can be detected, in ideal case, through characteristic marks on the coin surface. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Folk etymology refers to the process of making connections between etymologically opaque words and words that despite having similar forms or meanings are etymo)logically different. It is a manifestation of people’s natural need to attain a clear under)standing of the things that surround them, identify relationships between them, and give them an order. The first part of the study addresses folk etymology vis-à-vis folk memory. The second part focuses on folk interpretations of toponyms that were used by the inhabitants of the Czech Corner, a territory located in Kłodzko Land in what is now Poland. Arguably, the most remarkable example of these is the traditional folk interpretation of “selling Poverty to buy Need”, meaning that the financial situation of the local people was never very good. The phraseme, which contains the names of two villages on the Czech border ‒ Chudoba (EN: poverty) and Nouzín (EN: place where people are in need), is believed to be based on the common assumption that the two place names remind us of the poverty that the region faced. The reality is however that etymologically Nouzín has nothing to do with „need“. Additionally, the study deals with folk interpretations of the toponyms Pálenina, Kodrcov, Plhánek, Zámecká hora and Pec. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to compare the presentation of national history in Czech and Polish literature textbooks for pupils from the first grade to the end of secondary school. Looking at history as a phenomenon will help to better understand the presentation of specific historical events. Comparisons will be made using discursive analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The subject of the paper is an analysis of the issue of permanent establishment in the form of a dependent agent. The main purpose is to list the positive conditions leading to the setting up of a permanent establishment in the form of a dependent agent. The paper examines the issue of indication of characteristics of the agent’s dependence on the enterprise under the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s Model Convention. The definition of a dependent agent contained in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s Model Convention is analysed in the context of the Polish company law regulations. The author made an attempt to characterize the institute, taking into account the differences between the versions of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s Model Convention of years 2014 and 2017, and to present the advantages and disadvantages of the concept of a dependent agent.

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The article maps the path to the adoption of the rule of law conditionality regulation for the EU budget in 2020 and the political framing of the adoption and application of the new EU regime. The article then analyses the review of the legality of the regulation carried out by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) on the initiative of Poland and Hungary, where the EU judges provided their insight into the interpretation of the existence of EU competence to adopt the regulation, the relationship between the regime under the new regulation, the mechanism under Article 7 TEU and the CJEU enforcement action, as well as into the EU concept of the rule of law itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Short-term rental has become extremely popular in recent years. It is important to distinguish the functioning of the two main real estate markets: the investment market, which includes the transfer of property rights and ownership-like rights, and the rental market, relating to the conclusion of contracts specifying mutual rights and obligations related to the ownership of a real estate. Booking or Airbnb websites, used to book accommodation, after selecting the basic search parameters allow you to find not only hotels and guesthouses, but also private apartments in competitive locations. This note argues that cities should adopt an enforceable ordinance that addresses health and safety, zoning, licensing and taxation by drawing on ideas already implemented in other cities.

The subject of the paper is an analysis of the issue of criminal responsibility for participation in illegal car races and the possibility of assigning it to drivers deliberately causing the risk of death of another traffic participant. The author, using the example of events taking place in Germany, Slovakia and Poland, indicates the need to prosecute their participants who caused death of another person taking part in the traffic for intentional homicide or murder. The paper examines the issue of responsibility for causing common danger in traffic and presents arguments supporting the idea of assigning such responsibility to people who show bravado in road traffic and disregard danger they cause for life and health of other road users.

Roman law has had a significant impact on the development of the both canon law and church legislation. Medieval canonists were fascinated by the Roman law. Thanks to the Roman law, the Church has obtained an auxiliary source of the canon law. During the Middle-Ages, even the division into canonists and secular lawyers disappeared. Academies were awarding degrees in both laws, i.e. the canon law and the Roman law. Many church legal institutions and canonical procedures are rooted in the Roman law. The purpose of this paper is to show the ambiguity of the term “complaint” in the legal doctrine, because the canon law derives from the conceptual apparatus of the Roman law.

The author evaluates the information the Thietmar’s Chronicle provides about the ongoing Christianization of the Slavic people at the turn of the first and second millennium. It summarises the terms and views of the chronicler, especially the view of the collective Christianization of the whole peoples. The article especially analyses Thietmar’s view on the cases stressing the relations and transformations of the pre-christian (or non-christian) beliefs to the spreading Christianity. It seems that the key factor in perceiving certain people as Christians was for the chronicler the religion of their elites and working church administrative. Important role is dedicated to the bishops – colleagues of the writer Thietmar – who were responsible for the missionary efforts between the Slavs. Their work is at the focus point of the narrative.

The paper aims to reevaluate the ideological and theological questions connected with the first two coronations of the Piast rulers. The author tries to present the actions of Polish kings-to-be as a possible redefinition of their position within the recreated medieval Roman empire (not against it as a more traditional view puts it). Very important role plays the utilization of Holy Lance, or its copy possessed by the Polish rulers. Author uses especially the written accounts of Thietmar’s Chronicle put in certain antithesis with the only positive contemporary description of Mieszko II’s kingship – the letter written (or stylized) by Matilda of Swabia. The kingship of Piasts is described rather as a religious and ideological, rather than political act.

In the presented paper, the author very deeply and thoroughly explains the issue of the currently amended consumer bankruptcy law in Poland. The paper consists of four key parts. In the first part of the paper, the author clarifies the Polish legislation concerning the consumer bankruptcy; in the second part of his paper he analyses the modes of a debt relief for an insolvent natural person through the consumer bankruptcy and consumer arrangement; the third part of the paper deals with the question of the legal character of a consumer debt relief and, finally, in the last part of his paper, the author focuses on the issues of a payment morality of the debtor and its legal importance. The main summaries and key recommendations the author attaches at the end of his paper.

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