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Copyright of Pravnik is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores whether the succession of generations can be an impetus that changes prevailing patterns of interpretation within teaching staff. Following Karl Mannheim, I argue that social patterns of interpretation are shaped by generation-specific experiences. One then would expect changes in the patterns of interpretation within teaching staff to take place continuously, as older members are replaced by younger ones. But due to particular dynamics within the labour market, over the last two centuries, always one specific birth cohort was prevailing among teachers (in Germany). At the end of its career, it was replaced by a younger cohort within a short period. This might mean, typical patterns of interpretation changed within a short period as well. This idea is tested by two examples. They suggest it is correct for a homogeneous group of teachers. However, within other social groups of teachers in other geographical areas different patterns of interpretation can be found simultaneously. Considering the teaching profession as a whole it would thus be problematic to assume uniform, generation-specific patterns of interpretation that changed at uniform points in time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is supposed to be a contribution to contemporary discussion about creating “the others” as a populist strategy. One can say that the role of the most important “the others” in modern Czech history has been played by the Germans (as a nation) and/or by Germany (as a political unit). On the case of Czech President Miloš Zeman, the goal of this paper is to show the process of creation “the others”. The main questions of this text are: “Are the Germans the object of othering by Miloš Zeman? If yes, what are his arguments for creating this enemy of the Czech people?” This paper stands as a content analysis of dataset consist of all speeches, interviews, and articles by Miloš Zeman from his whole first presidential term in office. The main findings of this analysis are related to the reframing of the image of the Germans as a source of danger for the Czech people. Originally, Miloš Zeman used to speak mostly about the problems related to the so-called “Sudeten question”. However, this argumentation has been changed and Miloš Zeman has been speaking especially about the negative role of Germany during “immigration crisis” and immigration politics of Angela Merkel during the last years. Islam and immigration seem to be discoursively strong topics able to replace former importance of some other issues (the insignificant number of immigrants and especially Muslims in the country notwithstanding). Zeman often uses the historical images of Nazism to delegitimize Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the question of whether property may be used for an assembly without the owner's permission. These problems arise mainly with respect to assemblies taking place at airports, stations or shopping malls, which are owned by a private entity but these premises fulfil public functions. The problem is examined from the perspective of Czech law, the case law of the European Court of Human Rights and German theory and practice, since this issue has been discussed in Germany for several years. The research shows that the right of property is not unlimited and, under specific conditions, an assembly can take place at the property even without the owner's permission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Art / Umění is the property of Institute of Art History of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tunel is the property of Ceska Tunelarska Asociace ITA-AITES, z.s and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pravnik is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper aims to explain the development of the perception of national identity of the Christian Democratic Party (CDU), the strongest German political party in the past few decades. The paper focuses on election manifestos for the 1990, 1994, 1998, 2002, 2005, and 2009 elections. For this purpose, each manifesto is examined according to up to five analytical categories -- such as values, nation, Europe, threats, and society. These categories explore the party's perception in a wider context instead of focusing only on direct references to national identity. The analysed period was divided into three phases with an emphasis on the internal crisis between the years 1998 and 2002. The crisis influenced policy priorities; therefore the perceptions of elements belonging to national identity were changed in order i) to gain victory in the general elections in 2002 and 2005, and ii) to reflect properly the state of German society. Therefore, significant policy shifts were made. These policy changes show how the party successfully integrated societal demands and preferences over the past decade. Thank to this, the CDU incorporated both conservative and liberal elements. This is evident in the case of incorporating liberal elements such as homosexual partnerships while, at the same time, actively stressing the importance of defending national interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tunel is the property of Ceska Tunelarska Asociace ITA-AITES, z.s and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)