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Copyright of Tsinghua Journal of Education is the property of Tsinghua University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of EurAmerica is the property of EurAmerica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Logos & Pneuma is the property of Logos & Pneuma and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Changzhou University (Social Science Edition) is the property of Editorial Department of Journal of Changzhou University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Zhejiang University. Humanities & Social Sciences / Zhejiang Daxue Xuebao is the property of Zhejiang University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The turn of the century saw new trends in China's foreign affair policies springing up. Rebuilding its humanitarian cause, promoting economic diplomacy, cultivating cultural and citizen diplomacy, China seemed to run its soft power programme in Africa on the fullest and most comprehensive scale, yet it still takes the engagement of Chinese society to eventually exercise the "soft power". In the process of engaging public, media play a central role, which is what this paper examines. It begins by summarizing various aspects of China's involvement in Africa in relation to value sharing and co-identity building, followed by a textual analysis of how Chinese media ignite the imagination of Africa for their audience. The paper concludes that media seem to be the pivotal connection between the Chinese public and Africa. More than obvious governmental directives are behind the media's initial interest in African issues, while the media narratives are driven by different forces and meant to meet various needs and demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why are anti-dumping measures frequently used in some industries, but rarely used in others? The existing researches have not yet invested sufficient efforts in analyzing and interpreting the significant differences across industries in a country's anti-dumping actions. Based on the antidumping and industry-specific data of China, India and USA from 1997 to 2011, we set up empirical models to investigate how antidumping appeals and adjudications are affected by the heterogeneous properties of different industries. We constructed variables, including the trading competitiveness of industries, their productivity, market structure and political influence, to capture the heterogeneities, and adopted the panel regression methods of Poisson distribution and classified assessment. The empirical results indicate hat: (1) The higher import penetration, the larger impact of imports on the industry concerned, which corresponds to an increase in the number of anti-dumping lawsuits and the passing rate of anti-dumping measures in adjudications. However, the higher export volume of trade, the lower passing rate in anti-dumping adjudications, that is, in anti-dumping ruling the administrative authority will take the issue of trade retaliation into account. (2) The higher productivity of the industry, the smaller impact of its imports, thus the lower number of anti-dumping lawsuits. However, the passing rate of anti-dumping adjudications indicates an inversed-U shaped relationship with industrial productivity. In other words, to protect the industries the anti-dumping ruling of the administrative authority must be weighed against the efficiency loss. When the efficiency of a particular industry is low, the administrative authority will reduce the willingness to protect; on the contrary, higher industrial productivity results in less necessity of anti-dumping protection. (3) The number of anti-dumping lawsuits has a U-shaped relationship with the degree of market monopoly. It turns out that the industry with more number of enterprises and more scattered distribution of their scales will suffer more from the impact of imports, thus the frequency of anti-dumping lawsuits will be higher. As industry concentration increases by numbers of enterprises decreasing, the crowding-out effect of import on small enterprises would increase the profit of leading enterprises, hereby reducing their willingness to file anti-dumping proceedings. When the degree of market monopoly is high, the crowding-out effect of import on small enterprises decreases, and leading enterprisese will be faced with greater competition, thereby increasing anti-dumping lawsuits. The higher concentration of the industry possessing, the larger the political influence on administrative authority, and hence the higher passing rate in adjudications. (4) The political connections of an industry will not affect the frequency of anti-dumping lawsuits, but they will significantly increase the probability that the administrative authority may rule and implement anti-dumping measures. And such kind of results are not affected by national differences. This paper provides evidences and preliminary conclusions for further in-depth research on industrial actors which affect anti-dumping actions. It also provides a possible framework and a theoretical basis or export countries in terms of how to circumvent anti-dumping sanctions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the global network society, the power of a nation-state is built not only on its hard-power, but also on its soft-power. International communication, understanding and tolerance are essential for national development as well as for the world's peace and prosperity. This research studied the attitudes of Australians towards China, via documentary study and secondary-data research. The paper discussed perceptions and opinions of Australian government and citizenry in three aspects: multilateral international relations, economic and trade and the rise of China; analyzed the characteristics of international communication in the information network era and explored the international communication challenges facing China. It showed that China's dramatic economic development and the benefits of Australia-China relationship had gained general recognition among the Australians. However, there was considerable distrust of China among the Australians. Some of them even wished to team up with the United States in order to constrain China. It recommended helping the international society know, understand and trust China be a focus of China's international communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dynamics of international relations between the West and the East have mutated in recent years with the decline of the West, especially in the wake of the financial crisis in America in 2008, and the rise of the East, where China is the most obvious powerhouse. The power-shift theory spotlights recent changes in many areas of international relations between industrialized countries and emerging powers but ignores the multi-polarization shift that doesn't tend to give "emerging powers" the same respect and attention. This paper examines the power-shift theory through quantitative analysis of the media coverage of "The United States" (the West) and "China" (the East) in three prominent European newspapers--The Times (British), Le Figaro (French) and Sü ddeutscheZeitung (Germany) -- over the past 12 years (from 2000 until 2011). Comparison over time will be conducted for the 3 newspapers in terms of the total number of stories, subject-matter ranking and favorability differences in order to (1) examine the shift trend and (dramatic) change of media representation of the United States and China in the past decade from the European point of view and (2) explore the characteristics of news coverage to understand the continuing imbalance between the attention paid to the West and the East, and verify the inequality and half-truth of the power-shift theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Up to now, there is still no IR theory in China that can be compared with the three main IR theories of realism, liberalism and constructivism, or with the English school. The Chinese IR community has a keen interest in IR theories since the,end of the 1980s. And from the beginning, the discussion on the "IR theories of China" has already been at the centre of the controversy, which involves topics such as whether there is a Chinese theory or not, what name such theory should be given, which approach should be taken to develop the IR theory of China or the Chinese School of IR theories. Among different approaches, there is a consensus that theoretical sources lie in traditional Chinese political theories. It has become a notable characteristic and trend in the contemporary IR study in China to discover and explain the traditional Chinese international relations ideas (TCIRIs). This article focuses on the trend in IR research of China which seeks to find theoretical sources in traditional Chinese ideas. Apart from the introduction and conclusion, the main body of this paper can be divided into three sections. The first part briefly reviews the Western research on TCIRIs, pointing out that the Chinese scholars paid little attention to TCIRIs. The second part discusses four types of research of TCIRIs in the Chinese IR academia: the theoretical innovation research represented by Zhao Tingyang and Qin Yaqing; the explorative explanatory research represented by Yan Xuetong and his Tsinghua group; the Chinese-Western comparative research; and the application research. The third part analyzes the problems and possible difficulties in the research on TCIRIs, arguing that the study of TCIRIs makes academic attainment of scholars in heavy demand, and there are also some difficulties in the respect of analytical tools as language and methodologies as well. Chinese IR academia going back to history to seek theoretical sources since the mid 1990s is similar to today's IR study in Western countries, which also tries to find their theoretical roots in Western political classics, e.g. Thucydides, Hobbes, Kant, Locke, Grotius, Rousseau, Marx, etc. In this sense, China's turning to its own classics is a natural thing to do, parallel to what is a common practice in the West research, but it turns to its own Chinese source. This turn shows that Chinese IR scholars are gradually becoming more self-confident in finding independent foundations for its research, which is helpful to make the direction clear for construction of Chinese IR theory or Chinese School of IR theories. At the same time, the turning back to history and traditional thoughts is a response from Chinese IR academia to the great change that China has gradually returned to the world political and economic centre from the isolation in the past since the reform and opening policy in 1978. It can be regarded as the dual effects of glocalization in IR study, that is, in the Chinese context, adopting Western IR theories and meanwhile seeking for local traditional thought sources as well, which is essentially an attempt to answer the two questions that have been bewildering China academia for more than a century: how to deal with the relations between China's studies and the Western studies, and the relations between the ancient thoughts and the modern research in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The situation across Taiwan Straits is unique in that it has undergone different phases of conflict, hostility, tension and relaxation, which is linked with interrelations between tourism development and political interactions. The research framework is based on the conceptual and theoretical implications of tourism development among partitioned states raised by two Canadian geographers Richard Butler and Baodi Mao. The methodology adopted by this study includes statistical analysis and historical comparison. The paper examines the interrelations between tourism development and political interactions across Taiwan Straits through relevant literature and current events. It deduces the conceptual model of interactions between tourism development and political relations among partitioned states so as to check the conceptual and theoretical implications raised by Butler and Mao. The conceptual model shows that after the policy allows people to travel between partitioned states, visiting can promote contacts and understanding among people, which contributes to the political relations to be gentle in initial stage, helps facilitate both sides to achieve conciliation in middle period, and creates the advantages of peaceful coexistence in a long term. Tourism is not just the facilitator of peace but the beneficiary of peace. Gentle political relations not only contribute to the sustainable development of tourism, but also strengthen Track Two Diplomacy (people-to-people) and Track One Diplomacy (government-to-government), and then could build the atmosphere which is good to political conciliation and normalized relations. Governments might take measures of warning or limiting people not to go to some particular tourist destinations because of the political taboo, ideology and tourism safety problems. The actions could make people misunderstand each other and lead to tense relationships of the two sides, and furthermore evolve into a situation of confrontation or conflict, thus we can find that tourism displays a political character. There has been no military conflict across Taiwan Straits since 1979; the sum of personnel exchanges was about 7 000 000 in 2011; even though it is not complete peace, the situation is in the reconciliation status. Tourism increased opportunities of contacts between people in stable situation of Taiwan Straits, and accomplished the fact of peace. Political peace is favorable for developing tourism. Tourism can also play a Track Two Diplomacy function in tense situations, provide an alternative channel to increase understanding, and affect Track One Diplomacy gradually. Removing political factors, it is attractive to people between partitioned states to visit another side, especially in those states which have the same consanguinity and culture. Political policies may be able to stop travel exchange temporarily, but when the bans are lifted, tourist flows will increase rapidly. Since June 28, 2011, people from Mainland China can visit Taiwan as individual travelers, the policy has a positive meaning to promote mutual understanding and maintain friendly and peaceful relations between the People of Taiwan and Mainland China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International system had a vivid change in 2008, in which the American subprime mortgage crisis broke out and caused a global financial crisis in the world. The Wall Street suddenly became the symbol of greedy. In August of 2008, the military conflict happened between Russia and Georgia after Georgia launch out military operation and fired the South Osetia. The UN could not negotiate the two countries to solve the problem without fire. Obxazia and South Osetia proclaimed independence and got admission from Russia. Georgia proclaimed to cease all foreign relations with Russia. The Russia-Georgia conflict showed the frustration of Georgia applying for entering NATO which tries to narrow the Russian strategic space and isolate Russia. The new Cold War is forming after Medvedev took the presidency in Kremlin. After Obama was elected the American president, the US media tried to attribute the financial crisis to China which tried to maintain the fixed currency in Reminbi. The bilateral relations between China and America will more and less reflect in the trade. The paper tries to analyze the media coverage from these three countries to show the characteristics of their foreign policies and international propaganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of China International Studies is the property of China International Studies Editorial Department and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)