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The Ancient Chinese initial ɤ -... occurs only before the finals of divisions I, II, and IV, while the initials g-...and j-... both only occur before division III finals. Theoretically speaking, the initials ɤ - and g- or j- are in complementary distribution. It is equally reasonable to reconstruct ɤ - with either g- or j- as one phoneme in Archaic Chinese. In 1971, Dr. Li Fang Kuei discovered that Anc. j- mostly occurred before ho-k'ou finals while g- occurred before k'ai-k'ou finals. He relegated Ancientɤ -, g- and j- to one Archaic phoneme *g-, and set up the following rules of change: Arch. *g + -j- finals > Anc. gj-... Arch. *g + non -j- finals > Anc. ɤ -... Arch. *gw + -j- finals > Anc. jw-... Arch. *gw + j + i > Anc. gjw-... Arch. *gw + non -j- finals > Anc. ɤ w-... For reasons stated elsewhere, I (Ting 1977-78) revised the rules as follows: *g +j > gj-... (...) *gw +j > gju-... (...) *ɤ +j> j-... (... ) *ɤw +j > ju-... (...) *ɤ + non-j finals > ɤ -...- (...) *ɤ w + non-j finals > ɤ u- ... (... ) One problem with this scheme would be why the common initials g- and gw- only occur before -j- finals. In the present paper I will present evidence from the Min dialects to support this proposal. There is a group of Ancient ɤ -words pronounced with initial k- which co-occur with tones in the Yang category in Colloquial Min. (Cf. p.3). This group differs from the other initial k- words which have tones in Yin category. It is natural to reconstruct voiced initials *g and *gw for this group in Colloquial Min as well as in Archaic Chinese. This reconstruction would make Archaic Chinese *g and *gw become well distributed phonemes. Therefore, the following two rules may be added to those I proposed before: *g + non-j finals >ɤ - (...) *gw + non-j finals >ɤ u- (...) I have checked the Hsieh-sheng relations of these *g- and *gw- words, and discovered nothing special. (Cf. p.4). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social economic transitions during the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties helped to increase the activities of secret societies or underground organizations of the lower classes. With regard to the diversities of their living environments, patterns of organizations, and leading doctrines, these societies can be divided into secret religions and secret sects. The Red Gang has long been believed to be one of the secret sects in southern China, a by-name of the Tien-ti Sect, and the orthodox of Ko-lao Sect. Nevertheless, the extant files of the Ch'ing dynasty show that the Red Gang was a secret gect developing from the Lo Sect, a secret religion in northern China. Most of the dockers working on the barges transporting grain among the provinces crossed by the Great Canal were converted to Lo Sect. The Grain-Barge Gang was the predecessor of the Red Gang, which was named as "Gang" after the former. Localism of the dockers who came from different places as well as incompatibility among those who were converted at different times resulted in conflicts between the old gang and the new gang which sometimes led to catastrophic fighting with arms. This paper consists of six sections. The introduction briefly surveys the extant files of the Ch'ing dynasty, touching the history of the Red Gang. The following sections are discussions on different legends of the Red Gang's origin, the relationship between the Red Gang and Lo Sect, the formation of the Red Gang, and regulations of the Ch'ing government made to guard against the dockers. No anti-Manchurian ideology is emphasized in this study because the Red Gang was nothing more than a fighting group of the dockers who believed in Lo Sect. The leader of the gang passed his orders with red chopsticks in the assembly during which all the members stood together. For the sake of identification, their waists were tied with red bands and their faces painted red. As the emblem of this gang, red also gave it its name. A knowledge of the origin and development of the Red Gang would help reestablish the authentic history of secret societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper applies the notion of reciprocity to the analysis of Chinese literary kin terms. The data used here are derived from Feng's (1937) list of 369 modern standard terms. In the analysis, the modified Romney's notation system (Liu 1972) is helpful in finding the reciprocal relation between these terms. Yet, some of the terms in the set of 369 terms do not find their corresponding reciprocal terms in the set. It is found that the reciprocity between terms has a root in the reciprocity between morphemes. In other words, the reciprocal term of a given kin term can be predicted by the reciprocity rules of kinship morphemes. With the aid of all such rules, we are able to construct a symmetric and complete system of Chinese kinship terminology. The implication of this analysis lies in two aspects of the structure of Chinese kin terms. First, the meaning of Chinese kin terms have a morphological basis. Since every term in composed of morphemes which each makes contribution to the whole meaning of the term, its reciprocal term can also be constructed morphologically by the morphemes whose meanings are reciprocal with the morphemes of the original term. Second, the inner structure of Chinese kin terms is generative. This study has illustrated such a generative nature by finding all the reciprocal terms which are morpho-syntactically well-formed, but not chosen by the culture in the ordinary usage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a very early time the Chinese economy had been characterized by a high man-arable land ratio as compared with the European history. Chinese rulers had not been pressed by severe labor shortages to institute tight control over labor. Consequently, local labor markets for hiring developed very early in China and, with a few exceptional periods, remained fairly free. This paper attempts to trace the development of labor markets and determine the extent to which waged workers were employed in the Chinese history. From scattered quantitative data, an increasing trend of labor employment over time seems discernible. Wage data have been compiled, too. When converted into real terms, i.e. the amount of grain that could be purchased with the cash wage at the price prevailing then, the wage data display a clear trend of decline in the long history. The level of real wages in the 19th century was more than ten times the level in the 19th century. It is believed that the decline reflects the enormous multiplication of population and labor, which depressed the marginal product of workers. Moreover, the decline in real wages was accompanied by a sharp deterioration of employment conditions. It is emphatically pointed out, however, that in most cases employment contracts were made on a voluntary basis. As long as this was true, the inferior status of workers should be interpreted as part of the worsening terms of employment rather than a symbol of slavery. In a basically uncontrolled labor market, the worker had the freedom to reject a job offer if he considered any of the employment terms unacceptable. The fact that the near-slave status of hired hands appeared after the 12th century suggests that the pressure of excess supply of labor forced workers to accept both the falling wage and the debased status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1957, the late well-known economist Alexander Eckstein who was sent from the United States to Taiwan to investigate academic conditions there, reported that Taiwan was a "cultural desert". Eckstein's view was shared by many Chinese scholars. But Eckstein's report was made 27 years ago. Taiwan is no longer a cultural desert. The United States and the Republic of China have had a history of more than 20 years of fruitful academic cooperation. In this paper we treat a number of themes which contributed to Taiwan's evolving from that cultural desert: 1) The establishment of the Chinese National Science Council under the support of the American Agency for International Development. 2) The financial assistance of U. S. private foundations to R.O.C. academic circles. 3) Sino-American cooperation which helped scientific and technological development in Taiwan. 4)The returned students who helped to build up academic standard in Taiwan; and. 5) Finally, an overview of American academic influence in Taiwan. This paper was originally delivered at the Conference on US-ROC Relations: From the White Paper to the Taiwan Relations Act (Sept. 23-24, 1983) held by St. John's University in New York, and published by the American Asian Review to which those who are interested may refer to for the original English text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the results of a series of experiments attempting to determine the methods of selection, preparation and use of turtle-shells and cattle-scapulas for divination during the late Shang dynasty. These experiments cover a range of topics, including shell and bone selection and preparation, the making of burning-pits, the source and application of heat to produce the divinatory cracks, the court diviners' interpretation of the cracks, why the court historians first wrote the divination-inscription texts on the bone or shell before they were carved, why the divinatory cracks and inscriptions were carved and pigmented, whether or not the bones and shells were softened before preparation and carving, and the use of bronze and jade knives in carving the inscriptions. I have compared the results of my experiments with archaeological data and with the work of other scholars in the field, and have finally established what the complete process of late-Shang oracle-bone divination was. The major conclusions obtained from these experiments include the following: 1) The primary selection criterion for live turtles to be used in divination was that they be good-looking, unscarred individuals with flat, high-quality plastrons. 2) The fifty-eight closely-joined bony plates making up the complete turtle-shell will loosen or fall apart if boiled too long, and are not suited for a softening process before preparation and carving. 3) The backs of the scapulas were flattened in order to facilitate the making of a greater number of burning-pits on the back and the turning of the bone during inscription-carving on the front; this also made them stable for carving and easier to stack. 4) During the making of the burning-pits, the long-oval pits had to be cut deep and straight, as they provided the guide-line for the initial crack during heating. 5) The cracking of the bones and shells required the use of hardwood burning in the form of a hot coal. This was lightly applied to the shallow burning-pit and slowly blown upon to keep it alight for as long as possible, until the crack was produced. 6) Auspicious or inauspicious crack-interpretations were determined by variations in the shape of the horizontal branch of the crack, but these variations were quite likely controlled by the diviners themselves. 7) The cracks and inscriptions were carved and pigmented for the practical purpose of facilitating later reference and confirmation of divinations, and not for aesthetic purposes. 8) The divination-inscription texts were most likely first written on the bone or shell by the historian, then given to specialized artisans for carving. 9) Shell and bone can be softened with vinegar for carving, but this method has its drawbacks. The proper proportions of copper and tin can definitely be used to make a bronze alloy for saws, knives and other tools capable of cutting bone and shell without pre-softening; such tools could especially have been used to make the wide variety of finely-carved late- Shang bone artifacts. This paper represents the first comprehensive inquiry into the actual physical process of oracle-bone divination that has been undertaken in the past eighty-five years of late-Shang research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ch'ing dynasty was established by the Manchus, a national minority in China. There were many suspicious circumstances surrounding the accession of the third emperor of the dynasty, Shih-tsung (Emperor Yung-cheng), and this has been a topic of considerable controversy amongst scholars. Over the past ten years, the author of the present article has published several papers on Shih-tsung and the fourteenth son of Emperor K'ang-hsi the Fu-yuan Ta Chiang-chun Yin-chen, which have supported the view that when Shih-tsung succeeded Emperor K'ang-hsi, he usurped the throne from his younger brother. The present article approaches the problem from another angle. Did K'ang-hsi's fourteenth son receive an instruction from K'ang-hsi, prior to his death, to the effect that he should inherit the throne, and did he return to Peking with the understanding that he would become Emperor? Or was the reason he returned to Peking to take part in the funeral ceremonies for his father, after he had been informed by Shih-tsung of his death? This article investigates the question of the usurpation of Shih-tsung from this direction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

無String functions are the key points of computer programming for library automation. In this paper the primary string functions, compute string length, extract some characters from a string, search specific characters in a string and concatenate two or more strings or characters are introduced in BASIC language first, then the application of these functions in KWIC. KWOC, OCLC's title search key and MARC record are explained. Finally the programming command of aforementioned string functions in COBOL, PL / l are described .

The shell-bridge is the part connecting turtle's shell and turtle's plastron. The term "shell-bridge inscriptions" is used only for those written-records inscribed on the shell-bridges, which are different from average divinations. The distribution of written-record inscriptions on the shell-bridges can be divided into four categories: 1. Written-record inscriptions on the right shell-bridges can be seen frequently among large turtle's plastrons. 2. Written-record inscriptions on the right shell-bridges and inscriber's or his residential names on the left shell-bridges, or vice versa. This category can generally be seen among the large, medium, small sizes' plastrons. 3. Written-record inscriptions on both bridges. This category can be seen more often among small size plastrons. 4. Special cases on both bridges. This category can be seen among all sizes' plastrons. In this paper, I list thirteen different phenomena relative to shell- bridge inscriptions, some of them not been known before, which, however, have been sorted out from those inscriptions upon the less fragmental or restored plastrons. For examples: 1. The contribution's figures as seen in the shell-bridge inscriptions are often contrary to the size of turtle upon which inscriptions were made. That is to say that the contribution's figures inscribed on the larger turtles are smaller, but on the smaller turtles, larger. This indicates that turtles for divination were in fact the contributions. 2. Some of the characters inscribed on shell-bridge were sawed into halves from the middle. This indicates that the shell-bridge inscriptions were inscribed upon the bridges before the shells or the plastron were treated for divintional purpose. 3. In a plastron set, the inscriptions on each shell-bridge was identical, but not every shell-bridge was inscribed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The approach adopted in this paper is to apply a morphological analysis to two sets of literary kinship terms drawn from death notices published in Taiwan newspapers. One set is composed of terms for the dead's relatives taking the dead as ego, the other is composed of terms for the dead taking the main announcer of each notice as ego. Both morphological structure and the range of kinship relationships are first analyzed and then compared with the modern standard terminology presented by Feng Han-yi. Also the "misuses" of terms in comparison to standard terms are carefully examined and explained. The result of the analysis shows that the basic form of Chinese literary kinship terms, i.e., type-modifier + focal morpheme + sex-modifier, is maintained in the use of such terms in death notices. Nevertheless, the range of relationship is, in comparison to the Feng's system, modified under this specific context. First, more affinal relationships are included and many relationships due to adoption (of either an outsider or a lineage member), remarriage, polygyny, and god parenting are made into new terms. Second, most relatives above the dead's generation are excluded and many collateral relatives on the dead's generation and below are cut down from the list of terms in death notices. The new terms are created by the addition of new morphemes to the kin vocabulary while the number of terms largely decreases due to the relatively low frequence of use of certain morphemes (such as t'ang, tsai-ts'ung, and tsu) and the merger of certain morphemes (such as ku-piao, chiu-piao, and i-piao). The implications of this analysis are as follows. First, literary kinship terms are not dead for being excluded from the oral use. Not only are they in active use, but more terms are generated according to the internal morphological structure. The evidence is drawn from death notices in which many new terms occur. Second, the Chinese system of kinship terminology is shown to possess its descriptive and classificatory characteristics by the unfixed number of modifiers involved in terms. The more the modifiers, the more descriptive the term. It is true that Feng's system is very descriptive. Yet, the use of literary terms in death notices is less descriptive since in many cases descriptive modifiers are omitted. The discrepancy can be explained by the influence of spoken usage upon the literary one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an attempt to reconstruct the philosophy of "Union of Heaven and Man" with a special emphasis on the School of Mind during the Sung-Ming period. It begins with the tracing of the traditional concept of "Heaven" in the ancient Confucian classics, and analyses this concept in various texts including the Book of History, Book of Odes, the Four Books and especially the Book of Changes. In the Sung period, many thinkers, such as Shao Yung, Hu Hung and Ch'eng Hao had already expounded the metaphysical significance of mind and treated it as the entity which bridged the gap between ultimate reality and man. But the height of development of this concept was reached by Lu Hsiang-shan and Wang Yang-ming, the objective of their philosophical endeavour was clearly in pointing out the creative nature of human mind and potential for a full enrichment so as to achieve absolute freedom and perfectibility inherent in human nature. The structure of this paper is presented in the following sections: 1)"Union of Heaven and Man" as the common belief in traditional Confucian thought. 2)The Neo-Confucian concept of "Mind" is derived from ineffable experience of self-realization. 3) The outline of the metaphysical implication of "Mind" in Confucian thought. 4) The textual evidence of "Union of Heaven and Man" in the pre-Ch'in period. 5) The development of "Union of Heaven and Man" in Lu Hsiang-shan. 6) The development of "all things form one body" in the School of Mind during the Ming period. 7) The realization of "Union of Heaven and Man" through introspection as the creativity of mind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immunoassay for Poisons is based on Clssical immunochemical procedures and utilizes an antigen-antibody reaction as an analytic means. It can determine the poisons contained in the blood or urine Sample quantitatively and directly No isolation is necessary, Thus this procedure can be performed easily and rapidly, and the results obtained are sensitive. For instance, the sensitivity of radioimmunoassay is 10, 000～10, 000, 000 times as high as that of the triditional method, up to ng(10~(-12)). The main adventage of this method is that it can be used as a Screening test, especrally the negative exclusive tests. This paper presents morphine radioimmunoassay and enzyme inhibition immunoassay, including the preparation of antigen and antibody, labelling of antigen and quantitative Procedures, etc.

The root of Rei—Xiang—Lang—Du (Stellera chamaejasme L.) is recognised to be tosic and therefore will be identified when it is necessary in criminal case. But how to identify it is a problem. Hence in order to solve, if possible, this problem, a general description of the morphological and histological characters of the root will be made and the chemical analysis will be studied. In this paper, how to apply the method above-mentioned into the identification of decocted dregs was discussed.

The extant and verifiable Han stone-carvings, with very few exceptions, are dated the Eastern Han dynasty. The authentic carvings of the Western Hart are marked with few characters, having no inscribed articles and frontal parts. However, the tomb-stone, the accomplishments-re- cording monument or the memorial slab, etc. allegedly considered later than the Eastern Han, besides the inscription which gives a detailed description of the deceased, his official rank and achievements, mostly contains a frontal part intended for identification or for indicating its purpose. So, for those later generations who are interested in an inscribed article, the frontal part is important in that it outlines the essence of the inscription as a whole. Some tomb-stones of the Eastern-Han officials are foreheaded with the ranks they were conferred upon while some are not. That's why Ouyang Hsiu and Chao Ming-ch'eng admitted their failure in understanding the principles used. During the Southern Sung dynasty, Hung Kua advanced the theories of "t'i-tsung" and "chung-nei" for explanation. The author of this paper, having exhausted all the tomb-stones of Eastern-Han officials whose frontal parts and inscriptions remain intact and legible, analyzes the ranks of the deceased one by one, thereby refutes the theory of "chung-nei" and affirms the fact the stone slabs were usually foreheaded with the ranks the deceased ever received, quite different from the officials of the T'ang and Sung, whose stones were in general foreheaded with the last ranks they were conferred upon. This paper also argues that while the last ranks given to the T'ang and Sung officials were done to observe the imperial decree and the laws, the highest ranks, which were not necessarily the last, were inscribed on the tomb-stone slabs of Han officials for glorification. The latter portion of this paper dwells on how to use the "t'i-tsung" to examine defective monuments, to decide if the stone rubbings of an inscription belong to the same slab, and to help interpret the inscription in question. The epilogue is devoted to discussing the system of civil service in the Eastern Han, which may enable us to understand the biographical data of that period better. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the paper is to explore the emotional aspect of Liang Ch'i-ch'ao's self-contradictions so as to further our understanding of Liang. Self-contradictory Liang Ch'i-ch'ao has been one of the most fascinating subjects in the study of modern China. However, since most studies concentrated one aspect of this complicated phenomenon, namely, Liang's intellectual self-contradictions, there has been little understanding of Liang's personality as a whole and the interactions between his personality and intellectual self-contradictions. Based upon Liang's personal correspondences in his chronological biography compiled by Ting Wen-chiang, I was able to piece together evidences about Liang's emotional development and to suggest that Liang suffered from emotional instability throughout his life. The emotional instability, characterized by periodical alternations between depression and elation, was very similar to a psychological disorder grouped as "cyclothymia". First of all, Liang's theory of journalism was analyzed to examine his intellectual self-contradictions in details. It was found that, although the summer of 1903 was indeed a watershed which divided Liang's political thought into two parts, that of a revolutionary and that of a reformist, his journalistic theory, particularly his attitude toward the journalistic responsibility of objective reporting, vacillated between pros and cons before as well as after 1903. This suggests that, in many aspects of Linag's thought other than his shift from revolution to reform, Liang's intellectual self-contradictions might be characterized by constant vacillations rather than by one big and clear shift in 1903. The constant vacillations corresponded to Liang's constant emotional swings as expressed in the ten cycles of elation and depression found in his biography. During the periods of elation, Liang worked so hard that he often could not sleep for several days. He had exaggerated confidence and thought himself equal to gods or saints. During the periods of depression, Liang was often struck by serious but unknown diseases which immobilized him. He lost confidence and thought himself lower than dogs or pigs. He overdrank, wept easily and became extremely dependent upon the emotional support of his relatives and friends, particularly his teacher K'ang Yu-wei and his daughter Liang Ling-hsien. The emotional dependency upon particularistic ties was in fact one of the most important factors in Liang's shift from revolution to reform in 1903. Intellectually, Liang was against particularism (men hu chih chien) at the beginning of his career. He often attacked particularism and advocated universalistic criteria to recruit revolutionaries for the cause of institutional change. However, due to his emotional dependency upon his own particularistic ties with reformists, Liang withdrew from revolution step by step and finally dropped it completely in the summer of 1903. The paper concludes that analyses of Liang's emotional development are very important for our understanding of Liang Ch'i-ch'ao. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we shall pay attention to a series of problems which concern the recent development trends of folk religion belief and activities in Taiwan. Three categories are divided: basic theological ideas, the management of temples, and the religion movement. In the first category, we shall notice some important problems. New gods and goddesses increase gradually. The spirit worship and the hero worship are the main factors which are dominating the occurrence of these new gods and goddesses. Although we know that Chinese would like to worship many gods and goddesses at a same time, it is true that the monotheism exist actually in Chinese society for a long time. This monotheism is not an exclusive monotheism, but a henotheism. The famous Eternal Mother belief is the best example of this henotheism. The belief of the Eternal Mother is very popular in modern Taiwan society. We can trace its history back to the Sixteenth century. On the other hand, a confused style of religious belief which mix with the Taoism, Buddhism, and Confucianism, play an important role. It makes us deduce the distinctions between these religions and philosophies. Many famous temples put the gods of three religions together. In the second category, we shall discuss the management of the temples. Due to the lackness of temple's own properties, the contribution of the believers becomes the main source of the temple's income. How to attract a huge number of people to visit the temple? It is the major theme of the management of the temples. We select the Fo-kuang-shan-shih (...) as the best example for discussing the management problems. We also notice the pilgram activities in modern Taiwan. It is a combination of religious and travelling purposes. In the third part of this category we may notice the money income and the social philanthropies of the temples. In the third category, we shall notice three important trends in the religious-social aspect. The first, the spirit medium, or shaman, and his private chapel increase rapidly. Because it is a kind of folk medicine for releasing people's psychological anxiety in a serious competitive society. On the other hand, the utilitarianism is the basic philosophy of this religious behaviors. The second, the cultural and religious revital movement occur in the last decade. It is accompany with a rapid social change. People who leave their native homes to metropolitan for seeking jobs. They suffer isolate, unfamiliar and unfriendly, and heavy living pressure. Some people hope eagerly to touch again the life of country style, so that they participate different religious groups which stress the traditional way of life style, human relations, and mutual helpness. Under such a condition, some folk religious sects, such as I-kuan-tao (...), Ju-chung Sheng-chiao (...), Tse-hui-tang (...), etc., grow up very quickly. These sects are majorly branches of the Eternal Mother belief. Religion is a part of cultural and social system. It is influenced by other parts of the society. Chinese folk religion has no special doctrines and philosophy, it is confused with the Confucianism and the morality of daily life. When the changes occur in the daily life, the religion produce responses. In general, folk religion suggest and provide some methods and chances to release the anxieties which is accompany with the social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

無The major problem of data processing for library material in East Asian languages are the design of character set, hardware for inputting, storing, processing, transmitting etc. and MARC Format. RLIN is the first institution to implement online network cataloging system in East Asian Languages. In this paper RLIN's achievement and effort on this area are described and what can we learn from it to develop the Chinese library automation system in the R. O. C. are suggested.

A large-scale reform movement launched at the end of the fifth century under the Emperor Hsiao-wen's rule, had a drastic impact upon the late development of the T'o-pa Empire. Some of the reform measures are considered to be landmarks reflecting the "sinicization" of the T'o-pa people from their traditional, nomadic cultural heritage, and are thus much studied by historians. One example is the move of the capital from P'ing-ch'eng to Loyang, and the cultural policies that followed. To better understand Hsiao-wen's reform movement, however, other less studied policies deserve our attention as well. This paper explores the issue of "bestowing commoners with rank" (...), one of these little discussed policies. Following an analysis of the content and implications of this policy, the author suggests that it was closely allied with another well known policy of "distinguishing hsing and tsu" (...), insofar as both were aimed at stratifying social classes. Finally, an investigation of contemporary social circumstances is undertaken in order to examine the factors leading to the ultimate failure of the policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Having studied Taoism in a mountain in his early years, Li Shang-yin kept close contact with Taoists all his life. His poems are full of allusions to Taoism and often surrounded by an aura of Taoism. Scholars, therefore, have focused their studies on his relation with Taoism. Li Shang-yin, as a matter of fact, had also close relationship with Buddhism. He showed strong faith in Buddhism especially in his old age. Papers up to the present, however, have scarcely discussed his motive in and his way of studying Buddhism nor have they treated the relation of Li's works and Buddhism. With this awarenese, this paper here not only traces Li's relation with Buddhism to his early years when he studied Taoism. It also probes his motive in studying Buddhism, attributing it to his desire for acquiring full enlightment. Besides, this paper also highlights some of Li's analysis of Buddhists' works with a view of adding something new to the annotations made on Li's poems by former scholars. Different from the traditional view which has used such external causes as the rise and fall of a man's fortune to interprete Li's behavior and works, the view in this paper uses the poet's internal desire to interprete his poems. It can compensate the limitations of approaching Li exclusively through Taoism while revealing to us some new aspects of Li's achievement in literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the historical phonology of the Kan dialect. Three related problems are discussed: (1). the characteristic features of the Proto-Kan dialect; (2). the genetic relationship between Kan and Hakka dialects; (3). the historical development and variations of the Kan dialect. Among the views developed in this paper, it is emphasized that Kan and Hakka are originally two different dialects, a point which has significance for Chinese dialectology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paper has always been a cheap and convenient substitute for more expensive materials or clumsy objects which are useful for other purposes and it is sometimes suitable for uses in which no better materials will serve. Today, paper and paper products have hundreds of uses in communication, business, industry, and household operations, as they are found everywhere in daffy life. Many of these uses can be traced back to centuries ago when paper was used as extensively and variously in China as it is elsewhere in the world during the modern times. Generally speaking, paper was used for wrapping and padding not long after its invention in the Western Han; for writing from the Later Hart; for cutting into designs, making stationery, fans, and umbrellas from the third or fourth century; for clothing, furnishing, visiting cards, kites, lanterns, napkins, and toilet purposes no later than the fifth or sixth century; for family ceremonies in the seventh; for state sacrifices and making replicas of real objects from the eighth; and for playing cards, for wearing as protective arms, and in lieu of cash as a medium of exchange from the ninth century. In other words, all these uses for graphic and decorative arts, for commercial and ceremonial occasions, and for household and recreational purposes existed in China before paper was introduced to the West in the ninth century. While the use of paper in writing, printing, stationery and decoration is discussed in a separate article, this study traces the origin and development of the popular and household use of paper and paper products as recorded in literature or found in recent discoveries of early specimens and artifacts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to study the impact of the restoration of the civil service examinations on the elite mobility in the second half of the Yüan dynasty. The elite mobility is known to have been very low in the early half of the Yüan when the government recruited the members of its ruling elite on the basis of ascription rather than that of achievement. The restoration of the traditional Chinese system of civil service examinations since 1315 naturally would affect the mobility rate and actual composition of the Yüan elite. But the exact impact of this restoration is still to be determined. This paper uses the List of the Chin-shih of 1333 (Yüan-t'ung yüan-nien chin-shih lu), the only complete one of its kind of the Yüan period still available, as the basic material and focus of the present study. It seeks to reveal the general impact of the examinations on the elite mobility throughout the second half of the Yüan by studying in depth the family background of the 100 chin-shih who passed the examination in 1333 A.D. For this purpose, references are also frequently made to the chin-shih of other classes. Since the Yüan was a multi-racial society and the quota for the successful chin-shih was equally divided among the four major ethnic groups (i.e. the Mongols, Se-mu, Northern and Southern Chinese), this study will not only show the mobility rate of the chin-shih of 1333 as a whole, but also the difference in that rate among various ethnic groups. In view of the special characteristics of the Yüan social structure, we shall study also the hu-chi or "household categories" to which each chin-shih's family belonged and the record of intermarriages of their families, taking these as two auxilliary factors affecting the rate of elite mobility. The second section of this paper shows that only 35% of the 100 chin-shih can be termed as "new blood" in the sense that none of their forebears in the previous three generations had held a degree or an office under either the Chin, Sung or Yüan dynasties, while the rest were from scholar or official families. However, an analysis of the actual official positions held by chin-shih's ancestors reveals that the family background of the chin-shih of each of the four ethnic groups actually differed greatly from one another. The ancestors of the Mongols and Se-mu chin-shih whose position are still known were in most cases middle or high ranking officials. There were even a few chin-shih who were from the most illustrious Mongol and Se-mu families. Most of the ancestors of the Northern Chinese chin-shih were lower and, to a lesser extent, middle ranking officials. In contrast to all these three groups, the ancestors of the Southern Chinese chin-shih were mostly former Sung degree or office holders. Of the few who had the opportunity to serve under the Yüan, most were school teachers. It is therefore evident that most of the Mongol, Se-mu and Northern Chinese chin-shih came from the Yüan official families while the majority of the Southern Chinese chin-shih were from the Sung official and scholar families, which had little or no connection with the Yüan official world. The third section tries to link the success of the chin-shih in the examinations with the hu-chi or household categories to which the individual chin-shih belonged. Hu-chi was a special Y/jan system under which all families were registered under different occupational categories and expected to perform service to the state on a hereditary basis. Since the families of different household categories varied greatly from one another in terms of background, function, privilege and obligation, the system naturally affected the mobility rate of the family members of different household categories. Our study shows that all the Mongol and the majority of Se-mu chin-shih whose family status are recorded came from military households (chün-hu).… [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper follows up some earlier studies by other writers attempting to measure grain outputs (1) per unit of cultivated land and (2) per person in Chinese history. It shows that the first indicator rose continuously during the period from 400 B.C. to the 18th century as a result of the improvement in farming techniques and the introduction of better and high-yield crops. But it began to decline gradually after the 18th century largely due to the deterioration of land fertility. The second indicator, however, began to decline much earlier, i.e. after the 12th century, because the output growth failed to match the rapid expansion of population after the Sung dynasty. The directions and turning points of the trend lines suggested in the paper conform to those identified by other writers, though the absolute quantities differ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the ascendancy of patriarchy in ancient China the status of women were degraded. In the cosmological order yang element was Heaven and yin element the Earth, therefore yang or male was superior to yin or female. The idea prevailed until the twentieth century. This paper traces the application of yin-yang to worldly affairs since 780 B.C.. In Han Dynasty it was used eloquently to justify women's inferior or dependent status. Scholars led by Tung Chung-su elaborated on the inferior and evil character of yin element. T'ang and Sung scholars stressed that the ascendancy of yin would incur disasters. After the arrival of Jesuit missionaries in China, some Ming and Ch'ing scholars criticized the Western custom of respecting women as subversion of yin-yang order and the way of Heaven. In the nineteenth century some enlightened scholars began to sympathize with the plight of Chinese women and stressed the equal and mutually complementary character of yin-yang elements. It paved the way for the women's movement to abolish foot-binding, concubinage, arranged marriage, and to promote women education. Releasing Chinese women from the bondage of yin inferiority was the turning point for the termination of the suppression of women for two thousand years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It had been commonly agreed that T'ao Yüan-ming passed away at the age of 63 after the publication of Shên Yüeh's Sung History and Prince Hsiao T'ung's Biography of T'ao Yüan-ming. However, this consensus encountered a new challenge from Liang Ch'i-ch'ao's refutation in 1923. Actually the old and new conclusions were based on the same documents, but each gave different interpretations of them. Among the variety of interpretations, the phrases "died at the middle of life" (in Yen Yen-nien's Eulogy upon T'ao Yüan-ming's Death) and "lived a short span" (in T'ao's A Dirge on Myself) were the most important points that led to diverse explanations. The new theory took these two phrases for granted that T'ao lived not to 60. Those scholars who disagreed with it were unable to bring forth strong and concrete evidences to substantiate their statement. This paper is designed to justify the former by new evidences and to arrive at such a conclusion: it is not strange to lament the dead with the expression of just "living a short span" or "dying at the middle of life". As a result, the argument of the new theory might be proven groundless, and that T'ao Yüan-ming died at the age of 63 is acceptable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author is carrying out a research and collating the different versions of the vast amount of Tang poems in Tunhuang manuscripts. The present paper focuses on the 37 four-lined poems on the back of S555. Some of these poems are long lost ones while others survive into present day. The late Mr. Wang Zhongmin has worked on the production of a patchwork of lost Tang poems. Mr. Pan Chonggui also works in the same direction and discusses the present scroll. However both of them concentrate on the lost poems and make no mention of the survived ones. The present writer emphasises more on textual collating in his study of Tang poems from Tunhuang. It has been shown that $555 sheds new light on the establishment of the authorship of Tang poems. It also helps to clarify the confusions that have occurred over the centuries. Examples cited in the paper include the Tang poets Wei Chengqing, Liu Yunji, Li Fuye and Cai Fu. Some of the misprints and variations in the poems have also been rectified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the author argues that in dealing with primary historical documents modern scholars need both to avoid ideological and chauvinistic prejudices on their own part and also to be aware of the inherent prejudices and the subjective historical background of the document's original author. He studies as a case in point the inscription on the "Jufu xu gai," the cover of a vessel cast during the reign of King Xuan of Zhou and discovered in 1974. This inscription, which concerns relations between the Zhou court and the Huaiyi of the Huai River valley, can be translated as follows: It was the king's eighteenth year, first month; States-Elder Nan Zhong commanded Jufu to approach the southern lords and to lead Gaofu to present to the Southern Huaiyi their tax and their tribute, and to respect the Yi customs, upon which they will not dare not to respect and fear the king's command and, reciprocating, will present to us their offerings and their tribute. We then arrived at Huai. Of the small and large states, none dared not to completely reciprocate the king's command. In the fourth month, (we) returned as far as Cai and made (this) set xu-vessel. May Jufu for ten-thousand years eternally use it and greatly benefit. The central problem in this inscription is the relationship between the two parallel lines translated here as "Jufu… present(s) to the Southern Huaiyi their tax and their tribute" and "(the Huaiyi) reciprocating will present to us their offerings and their tribute." All previous scholars have employed different grammatical readings for the two lines, such hs one active and one passive, by way of interpreting both to mean that the Huaiyi presented tribute to the Zhou. The author of this study suggests instead that the two sentences indicate a reciprocal exchange of gifts or tribute between the Zhou and the Huaiyi. On the basis of this and other evidence from Western Zhou bronze inscriptions, as well as comparisons with patterns of foreign relations in later periods of Chinese history, the author concludes that throughout much of the Western Zhou period and certainly at the time of King Xuan's reign, the Huaiyi were a people independent of and more or less equal with the Zhou. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The original text of Shih-ching hsin-i (...), written by Wang An-shih of Sung dynasty, was lost for a very long time. Mr. Ch'iu Han-sheng had gathered the incomplete text of this book which were quoted by scholars of Sung, Yuan, Ming, and Ch'ing dynasties in their individual works for over seven years. He compiled the incomplete text he gathered and then wrote a book entitled Shih-i kou-ch 'en (...). (The first edition of this book was published in September 1982 by Chunghua Book Co. on mainland China.) According to the results of my research on Shih-ching hsin-i, I found the following questions when I looked at Ch'iu's work: (1) There are mistakes about his views on the editions and spread of Shih-ching hsin-i. (2) When he quoted text from a book, he never noted down the volume number where the text was from. (3) The whole contents of his work were gathered from twelve books only. It seems his reference source material is very limited. (4) A part of the text he gathered is not the origional text of Shih-ching hsin-i. (5) There are mis-writings and ommissions in the text he gathered. In this paper, I have discussed these questions one by one. Meanwhile, I have compared my work Shih-ching hsin-i chi-k'ao hui-p'ing (...) with Ch'iu's work in detail. (The first edition of my work was published in September, 1986 by National Institute of Compilation & Translation.) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This thesis attempts to present a correct interpretation of the I-Wei "Sixty-Four Diagram Transformed into Twelve Terrestial Branches". The different versions of the I-Wei handed down over the centuries have not always been completed, and many erroneous interpretations and misunderstandings be found in these versions of the I-Wei. This thesis will examine the "Sixty-Four Diagram Transformed into Twelve Terrestial Branches", as found in different versions of the I-Wei. There are three parts to this thesis. In the first part, the"Jiau Jeng", the mathematics employed in these versions will be examined and corrections will be made; in the second part, the "Chan Wei", the theory of the I-Wei "Sixty-Four Diagram Transformed into Twelve Terrestial Branches" will be elucidated and explained; and in the third part, the "Jie Lwuen", an evaluation of the validity of the I-Wei "Sixty-Four Diagram Transformed into Twelve Terrestial Branches" will be made. In the list of the "Sixty-Four Diagram Transformed into Twelve Terrestial Branches", the diagram or "Gua" is used as a basis for determining a year, then the"Yiau" is a month, the "shi" is a day, and two diagrams are equal to one year, 32 years equal a circle of 64 diagrams. A Yiau is taken as a month, two diagrams consist of 12 Yiau, equal to one year, that is 12 months. Thirty-two years are equal to 384 Yiau, a circle of Yiau. The Shi is taken as a day, so the Chien and Kuen make up 360 Shi which is equal to one year of 360 days; 32 years then equal 11520 Shi, which forms a circle. These follow the rules of Liu. But the Ren Fen or excess days of the year have not yet been dealt with. To deal with this problem, I-Wei used 81 Fen-Fa to make 291840 years and 107520 months of Ren or excess days; in order to make the 64 diagrams correspond with the Liu, the musical scale and the Li, the calender. I-Wei succeeded in tallying the excess days and matching the 64 diagrams with the musical scale and the calender, which greatly assisted in the study of Confucian classics. The second part of the paper analyzes and elucidates this theory, and is thus called "Chart Wei". In the third part, the paper concludes that, the I-Wei "Sixty-Four Diagram Trasformed into Twelve Terrestial Branches" is highly scientific and valuable. However, use of the Sixty-Four Diagrams for divination, such as the "Shr Guei" and the "Tuei e" belongs entirely to the realm of superstition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the organization of Ji-Yun, and expresses the following arguments: First, in Ji-Yun, the syllables (...) under the same rime are arranged in a fixed order. I think that the arrangement of the syllable order is a distinctive feature system. Syllables that are in close arrangement have similar sounds and also belong to the same category; moreover, syllables that are not similar in sound definitely do not belong in the same category. Second, at about the time of the 11th century, the methods of analyzing sound classes already are firmly established in the Guang-Yun (and Chie-Yun). Ji-Yun then takes these two rime books as a basis, and develops a new method for analyzing syllable structure. In addition, Ji-Yun then takes the reanalyzed syllables and divides them into different categories based on their phonemic relationships. Thus, after understanding Ji-Yun, one is much better able to understand and research Guang-Yun. Third, the organization of Ji-Yun reflects the phonological system of Guang-Yun, and at the same time reflects the daily language of the period, since scholars during that era did recognize the differences between "contemporary pronunciation" and "older pronunciation". For these reasons, Ji-Yun is an ideal text because it gives an exact description of the phonological system of Ancient Chinese, and also sets a firm foundation for the study of traditional Chinese phonology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces and explores two recent syntactic theories by applying them to a special Mandarin Chinese construction. Both theories, GPSG (Generalized Phrase Structure Grammar) and LFG (Lexical-Functional Grammar), originate from developments to remedy the inadequacies of Transformational Grammars. They agree with each other in taking actual surface strings as the input to syntax and in abandoning transformations among various abstract levels as an explanatory tool. GPSG emphasizes the mathematical and formal properties of grammars. It builds on the concept of categories as partial functions on features to enrich the grammatical information conveyable by a simple context-free phrase structure grammar. LFG, on the other hand, focuses on psychological reality and assumes grammatical functions, instead of categories, to be primitives. Its formalism encodes grammatical functions and treats many syntactic phenomena as extensions of lexicon. Wasow's (1985) assessment that these two theories represent re-emphasis on observational and descriptive adequacies respectively is followed in this paper, while the eventual cause is ascribed to the rising influence of computational linguistics. Mandarin Chinese Possessive Subjects offer a good test for surface-based syntactic theories because of the mismatch between grammatical functions and their structural positions. It is shown in this paper that previous transformational analyses do not account for the grammatical facts satisfactorily. It is shown instead that both theories in discussion can account for this special construction. In GPSG, a special semantic translation of the morpheme de is the only thing needed in addition to the usual PS rules and feature percolation mechanisms. In LFG, explicit reference of grammatical functions in functional equations annotated on tree structures, a design feature of the theory, helps accounting for the data. The fact that a construction with surface mismatches is better accounted for in surface-based syntactic theories lend support to such approaches. This paper foresees promising results in future studies of Chinese syntax in these theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Shuo-wen chieh-tzu (...) there are 27 characters which are derived from the graph.... In the clerical style of Chinese calligraphy (...) they are divided into two groups,... and .... But in fact, they are both based on the same bone inscription, graph .... There are also two other graphs, ... and ...in which both the form and the meaning are similar to the graph... in oracle inscriptions. Some scholars have discussed this question, but they hold many differing views. Some of them have even proposed the unification of the three graphs. In this paper, I examine the oracle inscriptions which are related to..., and review the discussions concerning it. I find that Tang Lan's (... ) explanation of... as "drought" to be correct, and I distinguish the differences and similarities between the three graphs, ... , ... and.... After discussing the meanings of...and its derivatives, I find that even though the graph has gone through many transformations, most of the derivative characters have a close relationship with the meaning "drought" In Shuo-wen ( ...) it says, "..., sticky earth; derived from ... and ... in reduced form." ( ... ) However, in ancient writing (...), the form ... is not reduced. Many scholars believe that ... was derived from ... and that the derivatives ... and ... mean "hard" or "difficult" because the sticky Chinese earth is very hard to reclaim. However, the graph ... is not derived from ... and ... . The confusion surrounding the graphs stems from the fact that the forms were very similar in appearance on the ancient written materials of bone, bronze, silk, stone, bamboo, etc. The graph ... is identified as the graph ... for this very reason. The history of Chinese characters is long, so the original form and meaning are often obscured over time, especially since characters are sometimes copied wrong. The evolution of the graph ... is an obvious example. In this paper, my goal is to discuss the change of form and meaning for the character ... and its derivatives in ancient written materials, and to clarify the mistakes and confusions surrounding it throughout its evolution, and finally to present a clear pedigree for the word family.... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the fifty-five chapters in Han-fei Zi (...), Jie-lao Pian (...) and Yu-lao Pian (...) are two outstanding chapters with their particular interpretation of Lao Zi (...) that have attracted the attention of scholars. There are unfortunately still some basic unsolved problems remaining in these two chapters, namely their authorship and their relationship with other ancient books. With the following discussion, it is hoped that the several conclusions in this paper will eliminate some of the confussion and obstacles in the study of Han-fei Zi in future. (I) Yu-lao Pian and Dao-ying Pian Dao-ying Pian (...) is a chapter of Huai-nan Zi (...) which was written in the early part of Western Han Dynasty. The structure of the whole chapter of Dao-ying Pian is just the same as the Yu-lao Plan, but its quotation of Lao Zi does not repeat that in Yu-lao Pian. For these two reasons, Jiang Bo-qian (...) insisted that these two chapters are of the same origin. It was a Han scholar who wrote it and divided it into two separate chapters and at the sametime compiled them into two different books. If Jiang's suggestion is correct, it means Yu-lao Pian was not part of the original Han-fei Zi. I contradict his argument with three catogories of proofs. (II) The relationship between Jie-lao Pian and Yu-lao Pian Guo Mo-ruo (...) has insisted that these two chapters were not written by one person, whereas Liang Qi-Xiong ( ...) has suggested that part of the Jie-lao Plan was supplemented by a later scholar. Based on several reasons, I confirm Guo's Suggestion. (III) The authorship of Yu-lao Plan It is regrettable that even though Dr. Hu Shi (...) was the first scholar who made the suggestion that Yu-lao Pian was not written by Han Fei, no substantial proofs was given by him and subsequent scholars who expressed the same point of view. By comparative study of the terms used in Yu-lao Pian and the whole book of Han-fei Zi and by tracking back the dates of the latest historical anecdotes in Yu-lao Pian, I suggest that this chapter was not the original material in Han-fei Zi but was written as early as the middle of the Warring States period. (IV) The authorship of Jie-lao Pian The authorship of Jie-lao Plan has been a controversial problem since the beginning of this century, Yong Zhao-zu (...) has even gone much further by insisting that it was written by a Western Han Scholar. After a detailed investigation and careful examination, I suggest that it was Han Fei himself who wrote this chapter during his earlier years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are two opposing views on Chu Hsi's understanding and criticism of Buddhism. Some scholars maintain that even though Chu Hsi's criticism of Buddhism is not based on a justified ground, he was, in essence, greatly influenced by Buddhism (ch'an, in particular), and this made him to be a Confucianist on the surface, but a Buddhist in reality. But, on the other hand, other scholars hold that Chu Hsi really had a good knowledge of Buddhism, by means of which he could draw a line of demarcation between Confucianism and Buddhism rightly and sharply. I wish to argue in this paper that Chu Hsi's understanding of Buddhism is purely superficial, it is not only not enough for him to construct a Confucian form of Buddhist philosophy, but also not appropriate for him to criticize Buddhism fairly. However, Chu Hsi was really a great system-maker in Confucianism, thus he was able to pick out some of the essential characteristics of Confucianism which were lacking in Buddhism. Following this line, we can distinguish the concept of 'Hsing-li' (...) and the concept of 'K'ung-li' (...), and, further, use this distinction as a criterion, which is adequate in logical and material sense as well, to achieve a satisfactory demarcation betwen this two traditional doctrines and teachings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay is the eighth of my studies on Tsau Pi's literary background. In the essay, I will classify the writing date of Tsau's thirty five literary pieces into the following five categories: (1) Knowing the writing date from the work itself. I will cite three examples, beginning with "An Inscription of one Treasured Sword" (...); (2) Judging the writing time by means of The Records of the Three Kingdoms (...) annotated and quoted by Pei sueng Ji (...) or Lu Bi (...), I will cite 9 examples, beginning with "Dian Luen: Discussing Princes" (...); (3) Ascertaining the writing date by examining and checking over other literary works. I will cite 10 examples, beginning with "A song for the Drinking Horse on the Great Wall Cave" ( ...); (4) Judging the literary pieces written in a certain period. I will give 4 examples, beginning with "A Preface for the Essays of Chen Lin" (...), and (5) Judging the writing date from literary style or some related things. I will cite 9 examples, beginning with "A song of Lin Gau Tai" (...). In a word, this essay, together with my seven other research papers which have been published in different Journals, can be used as one of the requirements concerning the study of Tsau Pi's literary works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]