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Copyright of EurAmerica is the property of EurAmerica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Society: Chinese Journal of Sociology / Shehui is the property of Society: Chinese Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Sino-Western Studies is the property of Sanovan Press, Nordic Forum of Sino-Western Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Society: Chinese Journal of Sociology / Shehui is the property of Society: Chinese Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of EurAmerica is the property of EurAmerica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Educational Review (1563-3527) is the property of National Kaohsiung Normal University, Department of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the relationship between democracy and law from an Athenian perspective. This paper argues that the Athenian law court maintained an open space of deliberation through institutional arrangements. Besides, the law court considered three dilemmas: sycophancy, conflict of public interests and the manipulation of fortune. This paper concludes that the Athenian rule of law means the jurors' thoughtful responses to these dilemmas. The law court provided the space for deliberation where the jurors, in their search for the highest public interest, took into account factors such as the relevant statutes, the spirit of law, public opinions and the background of individual cases. Athenian democracy and law complemented each other, for the laws made the people sovereign while the people protected the laws against irrational interference. To limit the scope of this paper, the court speeches of Aeschines and Demosthenes are chosen as the focus of discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely recognized that Taiwanese democrat Wan-chu Lee, a so-called half-mainlander who spent a good part of his career in China, was in general in favor of democracy in his coping with the national issue. However, this paper argues that his understanding of the Chinese nation is primarily a cultural nation and he gave this cultural identity an authentic reading that is not to be transcended by his promotion of democracy. Despite that the prospect for democracy was aborted by the actual development in China, his identification with cultural China never faded away. This paper traces the evolution of his cultural identity and how he was able to stay with it throughout his career. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences & Philosophy is the property of Research Center for Humanities & Social Sciences, Academia Sinica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Liberal democracy, in spite of its bad performance in many countries, is still taken to be the final human political establishment in its thinking mode and institutional framework among most political scientists. But some serious challenges are on the rise. The one I introduce here comes from ancient Chinese political tradition and is exemplified by four modern Chinese political scientists, who are all familiar with the doctrine of liberal democracy, but disagree with its thinking mode: the primacy of the politics of liberal democracy. Independently, they all put political primacy on good governing and treat it as the basis of any regime, democratic or not. This paper tries to expound this uniquely critical point on liberal democracy, and reveals its connection with the tradition of ancient China's political thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on social capital within the leisure context has become an academic hotspot. This paper firstly reviews Putnam's classical research on leisure, voluntary organization, and social capital. Putnam (1993, 2000) highlighted the importance of social communication inside voluntary organizations in which the membership established and maintained larger social networks by uniting related strangers. Therefore, general trust and mutual relationships were produced, as well as the value of social cooperation. Nevertheless, some scholars criticized Putnam's view because the most significant difficulty in interpreting Putnam's argument lay in its detailed description and explanation of the influences of the system and the ways of social capital was established and maintained in voluntary organizations. To solve this difficulty, Hemingway (1999) attempted to identify the mutual relationships of leisure, social capital, and citizen democracy using interdisciplinary insights. He proved that the fundamental contribution of leisure is in its indirect effect on citizen democracy; that is, leisure and citizen democracy are related by social capital. Hemingway consequently pointed out that there are three approaches to combine the various analyses of leisure and social capital: first, he analyzed how different leisure forms mainly affect citizen democracy and social capital; secondly, he highlighted the need to acknowledge the necessary personal and social resources for the development of leisure social capital. He also outlined the structure and distribution of social capital so that it grows more equally. Thirdly, he focused on a study of the role of leisure in social capital. Based on Hemingway's three research methods for leisure and social capital as described above, we researched the previous ten years of literature in the foreign leisure field to identify related materials and papers. We found that current commentary on social capital in the foreign leisure context is explored using two aspects of research: research content and research approaches. In research content, the application of citizens' social capital and leisure social capital has shown great progress, with leisure taking a more significant role in the establishment of social capital while allowing social interaction processes to be fully realized. In research approaches, microcosmic resource and macrocosmic civic approaches were considered general and mature research perspectives in the leisure social capital research field. Microcosmic research approaches were mainly qualitative, and macrocosmic civic approaches were mainly quantitative and investigative. Specifically, these indices distinguished between the two types of approaches with significant differences, which reflects the wide gap between micro- and macrocosmic aspects in social capital research. We combined these micro- and macrocosmic approaches to shrink the gap by analyzing the role of social networks in social capital. Finally, we discuss our inspiration of combining foreign leisure and social capital research in the Chinese leisure and social capital research context. Our findings have significance for theory and in reality to advocate for a sustainable Chinese leisure social capital research, by referring to and using our advanced research results from comparing Chinese studies on citizen and resource approaches in the leisure context with similar and different origins of social capital in various leisure contexts around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Curriculum Studies / Kecheng Yanjiu is the property of Angle Publishing Co., Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences & Philosophy is the property of Research Center for Humanities & Social Sciences, Academia Sinica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper will introduce a novel perspective on Confucian democracy by connecting it with Ernesto Laclau’s (2005) conception of democracy in On Populist Reason. Specifically, I argue that the normatively ideal ruler-ruled relationship in Confucian political theory can be conceptualized as the people making a radical investment in a virtuous leader. This argument will proceed in several steps. Firstly, I will provide context surrounding Confucianism and Laclau’s (2005) novel political ontology. Secondly, I will draw on the psychoanalytic work of Jacques Lacan (2001) to explore the notion of a radical investment and how it can be appealed to by politicians, rhetoricians and philosophers through their use of empty signifiers, signifiers without a fixed conceptual signified (such as MAGA or “Take Back Control”). In Laclau’s application of Lacanian psychoanalysis these represent an unachievable full harmonious community with no conflicts between different interests. I will then argue that a core part of Confucius’ political message, his constant advocacy for a virtuous ruler modelled on the Sage-Kings of the Zhou dynasty, is essentially a Laclauian conception of politics, because the Zhou kings are playing the role of empty signifiers in Confucius’ political theory. That is, they represent an unachievable ideal of a fully harmonious community. Finally, I argue that this increases Confucianism’s potential for compatibility with democracy since these psychoanalytic dynamics could be replicable in modern democracies and would be normatively desirable should a virtuous leader utilize them.

Private entrepreneurs play an invisible but more and more influential role in Chinese political life. Therefore, more studies on government-business relations become necessary for better understanding of the political development in contemporary China. With the theoretical presumption of "no bourgeoisie, no democracy", existing researches explore whether there is an autonomous and opposite capitalist class in the process of market transition, and most of them conclude that the capitalist class in China is quite dependent on and colludes with the state because of their shared political values and interests as well as the political cooptation and corporatism of the Party-state. Some other studies reflect on these viewpoints and contend that it's improper to consider the private entrepreneurs as a homogeneous social class with common interests and identity. The theoretical presumption of "no bourgeois, no democracy" is also questioned and modified. Based on these studies, the paper argues that the existing studies have had too much presumptions with the private entrepreneurs? role in democratization process, either for it or against it, while neglecting the actual influences of the private entrepreneurs on policy making and implementation, individually or collectively. This, however, signifies great political change in contemporary China. Therefore, this paper suggests it is necessary to reflect on the existing theoretical presumption that in order to deepen our understanding of the relationship between Chinese government and private entrepreneurs. Furthermore, a possible turn in the studies on private entrepreneurs in China is from democratization approach to policy influence approach, as well as the change of focus from "autonomy" to "influence". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Western and Chinese traditional political culture, citizen and subjects represent two different identities which reflect two different frameworks of political systems at the same time. Freedom and servant, right and moral, democracy and in-people and so on as two different categories of conceptions rooted in personality of different regions or nation, have impacted on the inner world of people and the reproduction of external political system. By means of comparing the political cultures,analyzing the several conceptions in citizenship and subjects, this paper will show advantages and disadvantages in respective identity as well as their influence on the political development in the regions or nation above. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exploring the institutional ethics of higher education is aimed at a scientific understanding of the goodness of higher education systems. From the perspective of the past, the present and the future institutional changes, this paper analyzes the multiple dimensions of institutional ethics in China's higher education--centralization reflects the administrative ethics of China's higher education institutions before the reform and opening up, and attachment to politics expresses the goodness of tools; decentralization embodies the administrative ethics of China's higher education institutions after the reform and opening up, and efficiency follows the market ethics; and in the future the freedom of China's higher education institutions is the goodness of purpose, democracy reflects the future administrative ethics, and justice highlights the social ethics. By questioning institutional ethics in China's higher education, the lost spirit of university might be regained and the effectiveness of higher education systems might be enhanced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences & Philosophy is the property of Research Center for Humanities & Social Sciences, Academia Sinica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

From the compound structure of Chinese democracy, the paper probe on the strategy of the development of Chinese democracy. The integration of the leadership of the party, the position of the people as masters of the country and the rule of law are framed into the compound structure of Chinese democracy and the effective interaction among the three elements are the basic lessons for Chinese democracy. The compound structure determines the strategy of Chinese democracy, which is focused on the interaction among the three elements and centered as the construction of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese party system origins from the development of Chinese society. At the same time, it is the important element of Chinese democratic politics. The paper systematically make clear the mutual relation between party system and democratic growing up in China. Only through effectively embedding party system into the state institution and inosculating as a whole, in my opinion, can people's democracy be consolidated and developed. Moreover, party system can adequately be maintained and consolidated by complying with the inherent requirement of the operation of the state institution. Political negotiation is the bridge of interaction between state and party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lacan's concept of the Real is one of the core concepts of Lacanian psychoanalytic theory. The Real is not approachable by way of the Symbolic but forms indispensible tie with it by causing it to function with the signifiers to cover over the impossivility of the Real. This concept of the Real should be studied in detail in that it becomes indissoluble with some aspects of the clinic and other cultural domains, including politics. The intent of this paper is to study how the Real is reflected in some phenomena of politics and economics with the help of Karatani's concept of 'transcritique.' Karatani's concept of 'transcritique' is very useful in understanding the relation of the Real and the cultural phenomena because 'transcritique' puts forward the need of the parallax view in approaching the transcendental X existing in the ambiguous Real and surplus value in economics. The transcental X cannot be reduced to any positive factors and can be approached only by way of the parallaw view which forms critical space in between some definite views which are transcended by the parallax view exemplified in 'trnascritique'. Likewise, Lacan's Real can be approached with the parallax view, not being available by way of any one absolute view or standpoint. The impossibility of the Real is defined as antagonism of the Real by Zizek who is regarded as a proselytizer of the Real. Zizek is rather criticial of some postmarxists such as Laclau and Mouffe and a deconstructionist critic, Stavrakakis in that they are too compromising in their interpretations of antagonism of the Real with their focus on discursivity of cultural phenomena, ignoring the hardcore economic aspect of class struggle. Zizek argues that today's global capitalism is extremely inclined toward relentless economic exploitation of the underprivileged countries of the world and antagonism of the Real is manifested in such economic struggles. Therefore in Zizek's view the encounter with the Real and ethical perfomance of the 'event' would be in concrete confrontation with this kind of antagonistic relations not with agnonistic relations as delineated multiculturally in terms of gener, race, and other forms of resistances in the political perspectives of the advocaters of Radical Demoncracy like Laclau and Mouffe. These various arguments in relation to the ambiguous antagonim of the Real prove how the impossibility of the Real causes these different readings among Lacanian scholars and the scholars influenced by Lacan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to clarify Slavoy Žižek's interpretation of Jacques Lacan through G. W. F. Hegel, and to question Žižek's interpretation of Jacques Derrida's idea of 'Democracy-to-come.' Žižek asserts that objet a can be approached through parallax view, that is, it could be interpreted from the perspective of desire and the perspective of drive. According to Žižek, desire considers objet a as 'lack' but drive sees it as 'surplus.' The structure of desire is a linear and developmental structure that tries to fill up the lack represented by objet a. On the other hand, drive aims to circulate the surplus objet a constantly and invent a new structure. Based on the structure of desire, Žižek interprets Derrida's 'democracy-to-come' as a democracy that will be able to be completed in the future. Žižek criticizes Derrida's 'democracy-to-come' gets caught in the tradition of Judaism since Derrida's idea is dependent on the Judaic idea of 'Messiah is to come.' But what Derrida stresses is not the content of Messiah as the redeemer, but what the Messiah introduces, the form of cessation or termination. Whatever cut through can be called 'messianic.' Derrida's 'democracy-to-come' is a democracy taken place by whatever introduces cessations by coming unexpectedly, which is the meaning of 'to-come.' What will come introducing cessations cannot be predicted. What will come blasts open a completely new place called 'khora.' Khora, as a 'groundless ground' even coming from outside of the onto-theological tradition, opens up a new place to begin on and with. When a khora takes place, more precisely, khora as a taking place of place happens, the existing structure crumbles down, it is 'out of joint.' The similarity between objet a and khora can be sighted. Khora and objet a are what derails the existing structure, ontology, theology, or whatever it may be. Derrida's khora does not follow the structure of desire which maintains and improves the existing structure. Rather Derrida's khora faithfully follows the mode of drive that forces to invent a wholly new structure. Derrida's 'democracy-to-come' is a structure that represents endless self-reflection of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The writer of this paper believes that the lack of democratic qualities has become the most serious barrier to develop deeply socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics. So training citizens with democratic qualities has become a necessity to break through the barrier. However, training citizens has to depend on education in accordance with China's actual conditions, and education is the only way to train citizens with democratic qualities effectively, speedily and steadily. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

二十一世紀世界各國課程改革浪潮此起彼伏，但實際的改革效果卻差強人意。本研究嘗試從民眾教育的視角再次思考對課程─此一基本概念的理解，探討課程對於學生在民主社會中建構公民身分的意義，並指出可從三方面對學校教學進行重構：課程資源的多維整合、課程場域的彈性延展、師生角色的動態轉換。 The 21st century has been witnessed to widespread global curriculum reform. However, the implementations of these reforms are hardly satisfactory. This paper attempts to reinterpret the meaning of schooling, curriculum and instruction from the perspective of public pedagogy, explore the function of curriculum for students to cultivate citizenship in a democratic society. Meanwhile, based on comprehensive analysis of previous literature, three approaches for reconstructing the schooling are suggested: Multi-dimensional integration of curriculum resources, fl exible extension of curriculum boundaries, and the dynamic role change between teachers and students.

Copyright of Review of Social Sciences is the property of National Chengchi University, College of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Soochow Journal of Political Science is the property of Soochow Journal of Political Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)