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El presente trabajo se inscribe en una temática de dilatada tradición en el campo de las ciencias sociales en Argentina. Por motivaciones tanto científicas como políticas, la evolución del sector hidrocarburífero ha sido un tópico recurrente en las discusiones acerca de las distintas «etapas de desarrollo» que se sucedieron en el país a lo largo del siglo xx. En este sentido, el período abierto por la implementación de reformas neoliberales resulta relevante y ha concitado particular interés entre los investigadores. En el marco dado por un proceso general de reestructuración capitalista y metamorfosis de la forma de Estado, la industria petrolera sufrió profundos y perdurables cambios cualitativos. En este artículo analizamos las políticas de reorganización neoliberal del sector, en su articulación con las principales características de la «estrategia de acumulación» durante la etapa dominada por la convertibilidad (1989-2001). El cumplimiento de este objetivo pretende demostrar que la «comoditización» del petróleo y el gas —operada a través de la amplia desregulación y apertura del mercado a la competencia internacional— fue el reverso de la garantía del abastecimiento de combustibles para un modelo de crecimiento económico basado en el desarrollo de los sectores productivos. Para ello, recuperamos críticamente la bibliografía existente sobre el período, evaluamos cualitativamente las principales políticas implementadas y recurrimos al análisis cuantitativo de distintas variables económico-productivas. Entre sus resultados, el artículo sintetiza el carácter complejo de dicha articulación, así como los desafíos que quedarían planteados a la política hidrocarburífera del Estado una vez finalizada la etapa.

The article focuses on the conditions of self-employed professionals in the European and Latin American labour markets, whose increase is linked to the expansion of on-demand service economy. Moving from a critic to the traditional segmentation theory, this group of high-skilled self-employed, expression of the upper-middle class and post-industrial work can be considered halfway between market and hierarchy, HR internalization and outsourcing. Dealing with social inequalities, the research questions are whether the conditions of the independent professionals (namely “self-employers without employees” and “cuenta propia profesionales”, characterized on average by higher levels of education and who works in the advanced service sectors) are comparable with employees and whether in the two contexts (specifically Italy and Argentina) there are similar trends. The article investigates work income (as a dependent variable) to measure how it changes controlling for the occupation (self-employed or employee) and the socio-demographic characteristics (as independent variables). The comparison of income levels was realized by using two datasets: EPH-INDEC (Encuesta Permanente des Hogares) for Argentina and ITA-SILC for Italy. Despite the limits -due to problems of comparison in the classification of occupations- the analysis highlights differences between the two countries, linked to a dissimilar expansion of the service economy, professional services and outsourcing of high-skilled competences. Moreover, within a frame of a high income inequalities in self-employment, graduated independent professionals in Argentina seem to retain a stronger economic performance, while in Italy they show lower earnings than other occupations, suggesting an unequal labour market impact of higher education in the two countries.

The restoration of democracy in Argentina, towards the end of 1983, mobilized various sectors of public opinion. The revision of what happened during the dictatorial regime, as well as the debate about the problems the political opening should address, constituted a horizon of interpellation among diverse actors. In particular, those who identified with the heterogeneous spectrum of institutions and organizations linked to the Jewish produced a series of narratives and experiences that allow us to recognize the unique role assigned to the agenda of the human rights in the context of a climate of democratic reconstruction. This paper is an attempt to recompose the positions around the way an early representation was constituted on the anti-Semitic character of the dictatorial regime and how that image identified the various actors of the Jewish community with victims– or not– of said dictatorial regime and, therefore, endowed with legitimacy to operate on the democratic transition.

El present treball analitza algunes claus que ens permeten re-dimensionar el context històric i ideològic en què es va desenvolupar la fonamentació del ‘ser nacional’ argentí, sobretot, en el pla teòric projectual, destacant el valor intrínsec que va adquirir la tasca de civilitzar i educar la població en potència. Per a això exposem el paper fonamental i els mecanismes pràctics i discursius assumits per l’Estat i les elits criolles en tant patrocinadores de l’impuls argentinizador al començament de segle XX. Així mateix, aquest estudi parteix del supòsit que aquesta qüestió, a Amèrica Llatina en general i a l’Argentina en particular, reforçarà el sentiment de pertinença nacional, va contribuir a legitimar el poder estatal -més enllà del color ideològic del partit de torn- així com reproduir el sistema de dominació.

This paper suggests a putative paradox of federalism, namely that formalfederal polities, which are normally based on strong bicameralism, can at timesbe less effective than more loose, yet decentralizing unitary systems in deepeningfiscal decentralization. For that purpose, case studies of Argentina andSpain are used to provide insights into the way that the distribution of institutionalresources in multi-tiered polities shapes the extent to which the policyof transferring revenue to subnational governments can be exploited forpolitical gain. It does so by using institutional analysis and qualitative evidenceto assess the effect of patterns of territorial representation on fiscal decentralizationpolicies. It focuses first on legislative-level territorial representationand its effect on intergovernmental fiscal outcomes. Also, it explores the conditionsleading to bilateral and multilateral intergovernmental bargaining,which, we will argue are part and parcel of the tension between territorialdistribution of political influence and economic resources. The research suggeststhat whereas Argentine subnational interests are “locked-in” at the Senatelevel and intergovernmental negotiations are conducted bilaterally, openendedinstitutional arrangements and a relatively impotent senate in Spainboosted the redressing of regional concerns through informal intergovernmentalfora and increasing multilateral collaboration. Such differences in patternsof institutional representation and bargaining strategies account for thepaucity of fiscal decentralization in Argentina and its relative progress in Spain.

Peronism was born as a popular movement on 17 October 1945, when a crowd demanded the release of the recently arrested Colonel Perón. It subsequently became a political party and established a regime after the national elections of 1946, following an ideology: justicialismo. The presence or absence of Peronism in the political life of Argentina has conditioned the history of the country over the last sixty years. This paper is a historiographical study of the various interpretations of Peronism, which range from its conception as a form of Bonapartism-Bismarckism, as Nazi-Fascist, Populist, and even as stage prior to Socialism. | El 17 de octubre de 1945, cuando una multitud reclamaba la liberación del recientemente apresado coronel Perón, marcó el nacimiento del peronismo como movimiento popular. A continuación se conformó como partido político, instituyó un régimen con el triunfo de las elecciones nacionales de 1946, y se condujo siguiendo una ideología: el justicialismo. Desde entonces, la presencia o ausencia del peronismo en la vida política argentina ha condicionado la historia de los últimos setenta años del país. El artículo ofrece un estudio historiográfico atendiendo a las diversas interpretaciones de las que ha sido objeto el peronismo, ya sea como una forma de bonapartismo-bismarckismo, como nazi-fascista, populista, o bien como un estadio previo hacia el socialismo.

The purpose of this paper is to critically review some of the main theoretical tenets in Ezequiel Martínez Estrada’s pessimistic stance about the Argentinean history and society of his time. Focusing on his critical remarks about the so-called «literatura o poesía gauchesca» as well as on his enthusiastic assessment of José Hernández’ Martín Fierro, the achievements and missing points in Martínez Estrada’s skeptical diagnosis will be underlined and put in broader philosophical context. For the Argentinean writer the controversial notion of a “superimposed reality” – as he infers its existence from the Martín Fierro – captures a kind of ambivalent metaphysical concurrence among the literary creation, the geographical setting and the sociopolitical state of the country.