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From 1309 to 1523, Rhodes was ruled by the Order of the Knights of St. John. The relics of John the Baptist, their patron saint, held a prominent place in the Hospitallers’ devotion. Among the relics, his arm became a significant focus of attention and pilgrimage for the Christian world. After a brief review of the earliest references to the arm, its travels about the eastern Mediterranean, as well as some of the testimonies related to it, the representations of the saint’s arm in medieval painting are briefly examined. After 1204, the Knights appear to have had a direct or indirect connection with the proliferation and dispersal of the relics of the saint, aiming at political and economic benefits. The “miraculous replication” of the arm opened new perspectives for power and influence.

Based on data contained in Constantine Porphyrogenitus’s De Administrando Imperio, local written sources, and fragments with inscriptions, the article offers new insight about the original position of the relics of St. Tryphon, the patron saint of Kotor from the first decades of the 9th century. Also, the foundations of a church with a quincuncial (cross-in-square) plan, erected in the same period and discovered below the city’s cathedral, can be seen as an early and important example of the dispersion of this architectural type in lands that belonged to the Byzantine cultural sphere. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177015: Hrišćanska kultura na Balkanu u srednjem veku: Vizantijsko carstvo, Srbi i Bugari od IX do XV veka and Grant no. 177036: Srpska srednjovekovna umetnost i njen evropski kontekst]

The Life of archbishop Eustathios I [Jevstatije] (1279-1286), deserving head of the medieval Serbian Church and a saint, is a very interesting source for studying the cult of relics with the Serbs. This is not surprising considering that the Life was penned by one of the most illustrious of Eustathios' successors on the church throne, Daniel II [Danilo], a learned Athonite and unquestionable master of the hagiographie literary genre. In his account of the life of his distinguished predecessor, Daniel describes extensively the events constituting the key stage in the glorification of a saint, namely Eustathios' death and posthumous occurrences at his grave. As most holy men, Eustathios foresaw his own death, and he departed from this world serenely. He was buried, with due honours, in the 'marble grave' he had prepared for himself in the cathedral church of Holy Saviour at Žiča. In keeping with the well-established saint-making process, a few years after the funeral 'extraordinary signs' began to occur at the archbishop's grave, in this particular case, candlelight and a multitude of murmuring voices followed by the miraculous cure of an incurably ill person. These occurrences preceded the great miracle which, to the best of my knowledge, is unparalleled in the medieval Serbian practice of relic veneration. Namely, 'one day they found growing from his marble grave three flowers endowed with wondrous beauty and impossible to liken to anything else. For, indeed, they were not of earthly humidity or of union with flowers that grow from earth; but, o wonder, how a dry stone standing for so long in the church could send forth fragrant flowers, to the renewal of the sanctified one's body'. Flower metaphors occur in the Service to the holy archbishop Eustathios, yet another piece penned by Daniel II, notably in his paraphrases of Psalm 92, 12-14 ('The righteous shall flourish like the palm tree: he shall grow like a cedar in Lebanon. These that be planted in the house of the Lord shall flourish in the courts of our God'). The meaning of these quotations should be looked at within a broader framework, that of the medieval theology of relics where flower symbolism played a significant role. The close link between flowers and relics had its origin in the martyrological tradition and was founded on the belief that the martyrs' heavenly abode is a paradisiacal locus amoenus, a garden with springs of fresh water, lush greenery and copious flowers. It is well known that such a vision of paradeisos - a reconstruction of the Garden of Eden lost through Adam's fall, and an anticipation of the future heavenly abode - was a commonplace in the Byzantine tradition. It found its full expression in the concept of monastic gardens, conceived of as the earthly image of the fragrant flowery meadows of paradise inhabited by the righteous. Two flowers highly charged with symbolic power were the lily and the rose, considered as being paradise flowers, flowers of martyrdom and holiness. Early Christian exegesis often referred to the martyrs as flores martyrum, and to their bodies as heavenly flowers. This connection between relics and flowers involves several aspects that are relevant to understanding the miraculous episode at the grave of archbishop Eustathios. Essential from the theological point of view is the association, deeply rooted in the antique world, between flowers and death and rebirth. This belief in the transforming power of flowers, rejuvenation and renewal of life, found its full expression in a complex and very popular springtime rite - dies rosationes - when the graves of the ancestors were visited and adorned with flowers. The Christianized version of this belief may be illustrated by the words of the prophet Isaiah (66, 14): 'And when you see this, your heart shall rejoice, and your bones shall flourish like an herb.' Needless to say, the doctrine of the resurrection of mankind, rebirth and life everlasting lies at the heart of Christian teaching. Another essential aspect of this subject is the phenomenon of exuding a sweet smell or fragrance, which is in a direct functional connection with flowers. Recent work has shown convincingly how complex and diffuse meanings of this subject are, especially with regard to the relationship between fragrance and fundamental Christian beliefs about the nature, redemption and resurrection of the human body, ascetic practices, or the cult of relics. One of the starting points in Christian exegesis was the message in the Second Epistle to the Corinthians (2,14-16) about Christ and the 'savour of his knowledge', interpreted as the 'savour of life' as opposed to the 'savour of death'. Along the same lines, St Ambrose refers to the 'fragrance of resurrection' as anticipating life everlasting. Ephrem the Syrian, who was instrumental in shaping the theological notion of fragrance, argues that a sweet smell is a vehicle for recognizing divine blessing, receiving revelation and sending it out into the world, as at the descent of the Holy Spirit upon the apostles. Eschatological symbolism connected with flowers and scents played an important role in the cult of relics. Fragrance, as is well known, was a key indicator of sanctity and a sign of divine presence. A similar, transcendental, meaning was assigned to other elements of the ritual of elevatio and depositio of relics: resplendent polychrome ornamentation of the coffin, various perfume oils and aromatics, lavish shrouds, flowers laid onto the grave. This is a phenomenon which researchers have recognized, and with good reason, as a distinctive type of 'aesthetics' or religious sensibility which may be traced back to late antiquity and its marked penchant for flowers, bright colours and luminous effects. Finally, this theme has yet another level of meaning that is well worthy of mention: flowers as a metaphor for piety, virtue and ascetic values. This sort of fragrance originates from Christian virtues and deeds - devotion, fasting and prayer - and in particular from the ascetic way of life. The link between fragrance, flower symbolism and asceticism is a distinctive and very popular topos in Christian literature. It also has biblical models, such as, for example, Isaiah 35,1: 'The wilderness and the solitary place shall be glad for them; and desert shall rejoice, and blossom as the rose.' Exegetes interpreted the concept of the desert in a seemingly paradoxical way as anchoretic paradise and a place of plenty with a multitude of flowers in bloom - metaphor for monks and their virtues. The syntagm desertum floridus, therefore, has not only a strong internal logic, but also a precisely delineated field of meaning. Namely, the main goal of the desert fathers was to 'reconstruct' the Garden of Eden in their own living environments and thus anticipate the future heavenly gardens. The notions contained in the relic-related 'ideology' and practice of the Byzantine world elicited a creative response in the Balkans. The motif of flowers and their fragrance as a metaphor for paradise, triumph over death and rebirth in Christ was given its due place in the process of creating regional and national saintly cults. This may be seen from the texts written for the needs of the cults, such as, for exam-80 pie, the Life of St John of Rila, where the saint's relics are likened to a 'fragrant lily'. Particularly interesting for the subject here discussed is a description of the signs occurring at the grave of St Joachim of Osogov, because it provides a direct analogy with the miraculous uncovering of the relics of archbishop Eustathios. Namely, according to the hagiographer, at that very moment the earth above the grave rose up and the grave became surrounded with many a fragrant flower. In the Serbian environment such ideas can be traced back to the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries or the time of St Sava and Stefan the First-Crowned, that is, the time of the establishment of the cult of their father Nemanja (in monkhood Simeon), the founder of the dynasty. It is quite understandable, then, that the motif of vine with its offshoots, blossoms and fruit became an element of royal ideology in the early days of the medieval Serbian state. Namely, the metaphorical likening of Nemanja's dynasty to a vine laid an emphasis on the idea of dynastic divine election and sanctity. It is already the Service to St Simeon that uses the habitual paraphrase of Psalm 92,12-14 about the flourishing palm tree and Lebanese cedar, but in a distinctive context: their growth and flourishing refers to the growth of Simeon's 'children', which is to say the dynasty and the 'fatherland'. The idea of life-giving growth and thriving is illustrated by other epithets ascribed to Simeon, such as a 'fruit-bearing vine', 'wonderful heaven', a 'flower of faith in the heavenly vineyard', and so on. It should be emphasized that the authors of the eulogies of Simeon, his sons Stefan and Sava, were well-acquainted with the concept of the monastic desert, epitomized by Mount Athos whose attributes are blossoming, fragrance and illumination. Subsequent Serbian writers also made ample use of the idea of the miraculous blossoming and transformation of matter, especially in paraphrasing Psalm 92,12-14. Their paraphrases are never identical, however; on the contrary, the emphasis varies both in substance and in function. Apart from 'ideological' messages about the flourishing dynasty and state, the verses of this psalm are usually used to refer to piety and a virtuous life. It probably is not a coincidence that such references frequently occur in the eulogies to the sainted heads of the Serbian Church, but also to distinguished ascetics. Thus St Sava, 'like a good-smelling lily, is saturated with scents of piety', archbishop Nikodemos [Nikodim] blossoms like a 'fine-growing palm tree', and patriarch Ephrem [Jefrem] 'blossoms offering spiritual gifts'. The virtue attained by two distinguished anchorites, St Peter of Koriša [Petar Koriški] and St Ioannikios of Devič [Joanikije Devički], is described in much the same way. Blossoming as a metaphor for virtuousness and the ascetic struggle did not draw solely upon Psalm 92; it was evoked by a variety of poetic images. The Service to the holy king Milutin, for example, refers to the 'most beautiful flowers of piety', 'diverse flowers of [the king's] many good works', to 'paradise and the lovely lily' or the 'mysterious rose blooming with good works'. The understanding of the ascetic struggle and withdrawal to the desert as a major source of heavenly fragrance and blooming is elaborated with much erudition by Theodosios of Hilandar [Teodosije Hilandarac]. He describes St Sava of Serbia as a 'desert disciple; a child of calling, an offshoot of quietness, a branch of abstinence, a flower of fasting, a fruit of humbleness, perfected by love and compassion'. Theodosios makes ample use of metaphors to describe fragrance as a sign of sanctity and as a vehicle for knowing the higher truth through sensory experience, the truth granted by revelation and divine grace. Similar poetic imagery is found even in post-Kosovo Serbian literature when the predominant saintly model becomes that of the martyr ruler. Thus Gregory Tsamblak [Grigorije Camblak] likens the relics of Stefan of Decani to the flowers of martyrdom and associates them with illumination: 'For at first he grew in your midst as a fragrant rose, and now, amidst the martyrs, he shines forth as a bright star.' Similar attributes were accorded to the relics of the greatest martyr of Kosovo, holy prince Lazar, likened by the writer of his Service to the rose and the lily. The traditional topos of blooming and renewal in the context of the cult of relics continued into the modern age, and in various domains of culture. In the jurisdictional area of the Patriarchate of Pec, this is particularly noticeable in the work of patriarch Paisios [Pajsije] (1614-1647). His programmatic reestablishment of the cults of the Nemanjićs was predicated on theological and poetic models found in the medieval literary legacy. Similar developments are observable in the veneration of the Serbian saints north of the Sava and the Danube between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. The concept of a new lineage, that of the Brankovićs of Srem, of its flourishing and fruits, lay at the heart of the religio-political programme of the Metropolitanate of Krušedol, later of Karlovci, and was used as one of major historical arguments for the legitimacy of the Serbian presence in the region. A distinctive aspect of this theme is the materialization, conditionally speaking, of the concept of the blossoming, growth and enlivening of matter as a paradigm of the future resurrection and heavenly abodes. For understandable reasons, this was the central message communicated by Eastern Christian gravestones. Apart from other symbolical and allegorical signs, it was expressed by way of blooming lilies, flowers, foliate vines and fruits. This is observable in the funerary practice of medieval Serbia, too, but its distinctive feature, to judge from the surviving material, is in that this repertoire occurs in the form of a rounded-off programme on the representative tombs of the heads of the church. Particularly important of these are the marble sarcophagi at the Patriarchate of Pec with their semantically highly stratified ornamentation. The idea of resurrection and heavenly bliss is expressed through motifs such as arcades, blossoming crosses, rosette flowers, foliate vines, lilies etc. Given the symbolical nature and metaphorical and associative qualities of Byzantine funerary sculpture, there are good reasons to believe that this decoration in fact evoked texts such as Psalm 92, 12-14 about the future life of the righteous in the house of the Lord. It is in the light of these considerations that we should look at all aspects of the grave of archbishop Eustathios I and the posthumous miracles that occurred at it. A particularly interesting question is whether the story about the miracle with flowers was reflected in the decoration of his tomb. This should be cautiously allowed, given Felix Kanitz's eyewitness record of 1860 that Eustathios' grave was marked with a marble monument with the lid engraved with a cross on a stepped base and a six-petal flower. This lid, now lost, is known from Kanitz's drawing. This may be a mere coincidence, but the fact remains that this decoration has no analogy in the surviving gravemarkers of the heads of the Serbian Church, and that just as unique is Daniel II's narrative about the flowers miraculously growing from Eustathios' grave. What led Daniel II to use, for the first and last time in his work, flower metaphors to describe the posthumous miracles at Eustathios' grave, remains unknown. And yet, there is no doubt that Eustathios I's 'life and deeds' provided a strong defence for the 'fragrance of virtue' and attributes of the heavenly abode manifested by his body. Namely, his ha-giography, both in details and as a whole, and regardless of whether drawing upon hagiographie commonplaces or historical facts, indeed suggests a person profoundly committed to living the life of an 'earthly angel'. This is demonstrated by the stages of his path: longing for a solitary life from early days, withdrawal from the world, taking of monastic vows, devotion to all monastic duties. Moreover, Eustathios was one of those prelates who looked up to St Sava of Serbia and built their habitus in the most illustrious Christian deserts, withdrawing to Athos and making pilgrimages to Jerusalem and the Judean Desert. Eustathios' lifestyle and service was accommodated to supreme models, and its course and stages clearly suggest a person consciously prepared for the highest offices in the hierarchy. At first appointed hegumen of the monastery of Hilandar on Mount Athos, upon his return to Serbia he became bishop of Zeta, and eventually was elevated to archbishop of Serbia with the blessing and under the patronage of king Dragutin. Daniel II does not fail to describe, using standard topoi, his Christian and pastoral virtues, with a special emphasis on the ascetic aspect of his personality. And yet, what made Eustathios a truly outstanding person were his charisma and his holiness, which Daniel portrays using hesychast concepts such as praxis and vision. The same meaning resides in phrases such as 'well-reasoned discernment' and 'well-reasoned words', fundamental notions in Christian ascetic literature. Such abilities, regarded as being God's gift and a charismatic quality of the highest order, were the true source of the authority that the renowned abbasascetics enjoyed among the larger populace of medieval society. According to Christian beliefs, it was this category of 'holy men' - recipients of divine grace - that was granted the privilege of having their relics exude the 'fragrance of virtue' like paradisiacal flowers. This seems to be the framework in which the true meaning of the 'extraordinary sight' at the grave of Eustathios I at Žiča should be understood. .

The paper addresses a recently discovered rock-hewn chapel in the Davitgareji Desert, which has preserved late twelfth-early thirteenth century wall paintings dominated by a cycle of St Demetrios. The cycle, which finds no parallel in Georgia, is remarkable in many regards and raises important questions as to the chronology and geographical spread of such cycles, the provenance of unknown iconographical redactions, the history of the relics of St Demetrios, the function of the chapel dedicated to the saint, and the interaction between Georgian and Byzantine artistic and cultural traditions, in general.

The paper discusses the relic of the head of the Serbian patriarch Pajsije, recently discovered in the Patriarchate of Peć monastery. Besides a painted cryptogram, the head also includes an extensive inscription with information about Pajsije’s title, time of reign, date of death and place of burial. Taking into account the historical and ideological context, the paper argues that the impetus for establishing Pajsije’s cult came from Patriarch Maksim, his follower and admirer. An analysis of archaeological documentation has shown that Pajsije’s tomb was located at the same spot as Patriarch Maksim’s grave later on. An icon of Patriarch Pajsije now kept in Ravenna made up a unified cultic ensemble with the coffin-reliquary.

The paper presents the results of analysis of typological, stylistic- technical, epigraphic and iconographic features of the luxurious panagiarion, part of a complex reliquary, in the treasury of the Tersatto Monastery near Rijeka. The size and content of the panagiarion, made of jewels, pearls and relics in silver gilded revetments, provide basis to classify it within the group of Late Byzantine pectoral panagiaria-reliquaries and enkolpia of diverse forms. The dedicatory inscription on its reverse refers to despotissa Barbara Frankopan, the wife of the Serbian despot Vuk Grgurević, as its patron. The inscription on its rim and capsule with a miniature relief of the Virgin with Christ place it within the field of Orthodox personal devotion. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177003: Srednjovekovno nasleđe Balkana: institucije i kultura]

Saint Sampson, whose feast is celebrated on June 27, was depicted among holy physicians. However, his images were not frequent. He was usually accompanied with Saint Mokios (in Saint Sophia in Kiev, the Transfiguration church in the Mirozh monastery and the church of the Presentation of the Holy Virgin in the Temple in the monastery of Saint Euphrosyne; possibly also in Saint Panteleimon in Nerezi and Saint Demetrios in the village of Aiani near Kozani; furthermore, in the church of Saint Nicholas in Manastir and, afterwards, in the katholikon of the Vatopedi monastery). In a later period, he was usually shown in the vicinity of Saint Diomedes (in the churches of Saint Achillius in Arilje, Saint George in the village Vathiako on Crete, Saint Nicholas Orphanos in Thessaloniki, the Annunciation in Gračanica, the narthexes of the Hilandar katholikon and the church of the Holy Virgin in the monastery of Brontocheion at Mistra, the katholicon of the Pantokrator monastery and the church of Saint Demetrios in Markov Manastir). There are no substantial data regarding the identity of the saints depicted next to him in the metropolitan Church of Saint Demetrios at Mistra, while in a number of cases the image of the saint shown next to him has not been preserved (e.g. Saint Irene in the village of Agios Mamas on Crete, Gregory’s Gallery in the church of Saint Sophia in Ohrid and the church of the Holy Virgin (Panagia Kera) near the village Chromonastiri on Crete). On the other hand, in the church of the Holy Virgin in Mateič, Saint Sampson is, exceptionally, depicted among bishops, while in the church of the Holy Archangels in Prilep and the chapel of the Holy Anargyroi in Vatopedi, he is, as usual, surrounded by holy physicians but his mates are not featured - neither Saint Mokios, not Saint Diomedes. The earliest known commemorative text dedicated to him is the extensive hagiography - Vita Sampsonis I, composed in the seventh or the early eighth century. Other hagiographies, which mostly date from the tenth century, are completely based on the earlier writing. Such a composition can be found in the Synaxarion of the Church of Constantinople. In the extensive text (Vita Sampsonis II), Symeon Metaphrastes added a part that included detailed descriptions of a number of posthumous miracles, mostly healings; all these events are also mentioned in the short Hagiography. Finally, in the late thirteenth century, Constantine Akropolites wrote the still unpublished Hagiography (Vita Sampsonis III), in which he presented an account of events from the later history of the Saint’s hospital. The hagiographies inform us that Sampson was a Roman by birth and a kin of Emperor Constantine. He inherited a fortune, which he distributed to the poor. Then, he departed for Constantinople, where he found a modest home. Patriarch Menas ordained him a priest. Relying on the medical knowledge, Sampson was saving the sick and he even cured Emperor Justinian from an incurable disease. For that reason, the Emperor found a large house, in which he established and fully equipped a xenon (hospital, ξενῶν), whereas Sampson was appointed as the skeuophylax of the Great Church. The Blessed continued to work there until his death. His venerable leipsana, which rested in the church of Saint Mokios, constantly issued the cures. His feast was celebrated in the hospital founded by him. Long time had passed between the period in which the Saint had lived and the epoch in which his earliest hagiography was compiled. During that time, some events could have fallen into oblivion and accounts of other events could have been invented. Accordingly, the results of the researchers of Saint Sampson’s xenon’s history are valuable. The hospital was housed in Sampson’s home, where he provided not only health care, but also food and bed. It was presumably founded in the fourth century. The xenon was burned in the Nika riots in 532 and Emperor Justinian had it renovated and expanded. Based on some documents issued in the Empire of Nicaea, it may be concluded that the xenon had vast estates. The Crusaders first sacked it, to subsequently use it for their own needs, as they established the Order of Saint Sampson. The hospital soon received many properties in Constantinople and its environs, Hungary and Flanders. It seems that after the liberation of Constantinople, the activities of Saint Sampson’s hospital were ceased and that there was a monastery at its place in the Palaiologan period. Anyway, the reputation of its holy founder persisted throughout the thirteenth century. Constantine Akropolites wrote the already mentioned Hagiography, and in one of his letters he spoke of the Saint, who was also mentioned in a poem by Manuel Philes (died around 1345). In Constantinople, the veneration of Saint Sampson had two centres - the hospital named after him and the church of Saint Mokios, where his leipsana rested. According to the synaxaria of the Typikon of the Great Church and the Church of Constantinople, the feast dedicated to the Saint was celebrated at his xenon. The former text informs us that the service was held by the Patriarch, whereas Symeon Metaphrastes relates that the vigil on the eve of the feast took place over the relics in the church of Saint Mokios. The Patriarch celebrated the feast dedicated to Saint Sampson with hospital clergy in the church within the xenon, both mentioned by Metaphrastes. It was either this church or a shrine from a later period that housed the iconostasis noted down by Constantine Stilbes, an eyewitness of the Latin capture of the Byzantine capital. Written sources and archaeological finds are consistent in that the hospital was located between the churches of Saint Sophia and Saint Irene. However, the first excavations carried out at the site of the xenon were not properly documented, whereas archaeologists involved in further investigations could not rely on reliable data, though they carefully examined all finds. The question arises why Saint Sampson was at first usually depicted in the company of Saint Mokios, a presbyter who died a martyr’s death in Constantinople (May 11), and later, together with Saint Diomedes, the physician who died in Nicaea (August 16). Therefore, this paper briefly presents the hagiographies of the two saints and the churches in the Byzantine capital where their relics rested - the monastery of Saint Mokios, which did not exist in the mid-fourteenth century, and Saint Diomedes, which was counting its last days in the fourteenth century, reduced to a small monastery. Dobrynja Jadrejkovič (subsequently Antony, archbishop of Novgorod) noted down around 1200 that the saint’s stick, epitrachelion and robes were kept at the hospital of Saint Sampson, whereas in the church of Saint Mokios, under the altar, rested Saint Mokios and Saint Sampson. He also mentioned that water flew from the latter’s grave, as well as that the church of Saint Diomedes was near the Golden Gate and that the relics of Saint Diomedes rested there. However, the Russian pilgrims who visited Constantinople during the Palaiologan period mentioned neither Saint Sampson’s hospital, not the church of Saint Mokios, whereas the church of Saint Diomedes, but not his relics, was noted down only by an unknown traveller who described the pilgrimage undertaken between the late 1389 and the early 1391. The answer to the question of what happened to the leipsana that once laid in these churches is not possible to provide. The fate of the relics of Saint Sampson, previously kept in his xenon, is not known, nor is it known where the commemorations of the three saints were held in the capital during the Palaiologan period. Anyway, the depictions of Saint Sampson accompanied by Saint Diomedes - whose oldest examples are preserved in Arilje - indicate that the connection of these two priest-physicians had already begun by the time when the church was painted (1295/1296), but, judging by the available sources, the only evidence on the process is given by the paintings. Although Saint Sampson founded the hospital which was probably the oldest in Constantinople, and though his leipsana, kept in the church of Saint Mokios, had healing powers, while his relics in the xenon were visited by pilgrims, it seems that the respect for this saint in the Byzantine capital was not reflected in the frequency of his images among holy physicians: he was fairly rarely shown among them. As a matter of fact, the earliest representations of Saint Sampson originated from Constantinople. They can be found on lead seals made for the hospital in the second half of the sixth and during the seventh century. On the other hand, there is no any known preserved depiction of this saint in the mural decoration of the early churches. Accordingly, it may be assumed that the veneration of Saint Sampson was initially limited to Constantinople, and that it was only later, since the time when his short hagiography was included in the synaxarium and his extensive hagiography was written for the Metaphrastes’s comprehensive work, that it was adopted in other areas of the East Christian world. It may seem paradoxical that the preserved images of the Saint dating from the period when his xenon flourished are less numerous than those from the time when the hospital, in all probability, did not exist. It seems that after the liberation of Constantinople from Latin rule, Saint Sampson was earnestly honoured and that the believers frequented the monastery at the site of the old xenon, though the hospital did not exist anymore. The former assumption is corroborated by the writings of Constantine Akropolites and Manuel Philes, whereas the latter is supported by the coins from the Palaiologan period found in the sacral building within the complex that once belonged to Saint Sampson’s hospital. Although his miraculous leipsana rested in the church of Saint Mokios, the posthumous miracles of Saint Sampson, described in later hagiographies, mostly took place in his xenon, which housed the relics that were visited by pilgrims and where commemorative services dedicated to him were held. The veneration of the Saint was long fostered within the institution founded by him - the ancient hospital where trained doctors worked - i.e. it was nurtured between the reputation of medical skills based on secular knowledge and miraculous healings. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177036: Srpska srednjovekovna umetnost i njen evropski kontekst]

The paper presents extant writings about St. John Kolobos or the Little (c. 339 - c. 409), a monk who lived in a lavra in Scetis in the Nitrian Desert in Egypt. Attention is paid to his relics, which were transferred from Clysma near Suez to his monastery in the Nitrian Desert at the end of the eighth century. Basic data about the Monastery of St. John the Little, abandoned at the end of the fifteenth century, are presented. Preserved medieval representations of the saint are listed. Conclusions about his cult and depiction in art follow in the final part.

On the inner sides of the pillars between the naos and sanctuary in the Dečani church, the Old Testament personages Noah and Lot are shown facing each other, as a pair. The paired representations of the two Old Testament figures beside the iconostasis at Dečani should be explained in the context of the sanctuary’s painted program, executed ca. 1343 and formulated to highlight the new spot for the relics of Stefan of Dečani, the founder of the church.

Explanation of the purpose of early Christian martyria as places of collective memory is a complex of many different circumstances and meanings and must be observed in accordance. First of all, martyria are architectural monuments dedicated to the martyrs, historical evidences of the martyrial death of those who suffered for Christ - this is a simple explanation of their real meaning. Yet, their social role is even more important than their historical role - martyria continuously transferred an idea of Salvation among the people, becoming thus the places of collective memory. But what happen when the martyr’s relics are “usurped” by one wealthy family? This paper aim to shed some light on what could have been the real purpose of one such example, the martyrium attached to the basilica on the necropolis in Jagodin Mala in Naissus (modern Niš).

The history of the iconostasis in the central nave of the church in Dečani can be divided into two periods. The icons of Christ, the Mother of God, John the Baptist and St. Nicholas on the original altar screen, painted around 1343, were related to the relics of King Stefan Dečanski and with the wall painting in the church space in front of the altar. The removal of those icons at the end of the sixteenth century and their replacement with new ones explains the strengthening cult of St. Stefan Dečanski. In 1577 an icon of St. Stephen was placed over the king’s portrait depicted in the fourteenth century fresco painting, and by 1593/1594, the new despotic icons of Christ and the Virgin were painted for the iconostasis, then an expanded Deesis that was placed above them, with a large cross fixed on the top. The central icons were painted by the painter Longin, and the cross is attributed to Andreja, a painter known for his frescoes from the seventh and eighth decade of the seventeenth century.

The author writes about the seventeen busts of the church hierarchs painted in the central part of the altar area above the figures of officiating Church Fathers. Starting from the north side, there are depictions of St. Dionysios, St. Hierotheos, St. Michael the Confessor, St. Eutychios, St. Paul the Confessor, St. Germanos, St. Tarasios, St. Methodios, St. James the Brother of God, St. Silvester, St. Clement of Rome, St. Metrophanes, St. John the Almsgiver, St. Meletios, St. Epiphanios, St. Andrew of Crete and St. Amphilochios. The fact that the central position in the frieze of busts is occupied by St. James Adelphotheos points to the significance of Jerusalem, James' devotion to Christ and the aposties' decision to elect him as the first bishop of Jerusalem. Other monuments of Byzantine painting are mentioned in which an important role was attached to this bishop. The grouping of the Constantinopolitane patriarchs around St. James Adelphotheos (St. Germanos, St. Tarasios, St. Methodios) is considered in the context of the victory over the iconoclasts, after 843. Among them is the patriarch of Constantinople, St. Paul the Confessor, while on the other side St. Metrophanes is painted. This article also contains an excursus about St. Germanos of Constantinople, with a description of his cult in the region of Prespa. Author mentions that among the popes, St. Clement of Rome was widely revered in the Ohrid diocese, by virtue of the fact that St. Clement of Ohrid received the same monastic name as that Roman pontiff, and also because of the transfer of his relics from Cherson in the Crimea to Rome, by the brothers from Thessalonica, SS. Cyril and Methodios. The author refers to the figures of St. Michael the Confessor and St. Eutyhios, expressing the assumption that St. Michael, bishop of Synada, was painted alongside of St. Eutyhios, patriarch of Constantinople, in the effort to preserve the memory of the painters of the Ohrid church, Michael Astrapas and Eutychios. In medieval art, the image of St. Michael of Synada is painted only in the illustrated calendars (May 23r ), while St. Eutyhios of Constantinople appears in the compositions of the 5 Ecumenical Council. The Athenian hierarchs, St. Dionysios and St. Hierotheos have their place because they took part in the burial of the Blessed Virgin, and they are also depicted in the Assumption of the Virgin, in the same church. The other painted hierarchs - patriarch of Alexandria John the Almsgiver, patriarch Meletios of Antioch, as well as the aforementioned hierarchs were at the head of the old and renowned Christian centres - Cyprus, Crete and Iconium. This principle of the arrangement was almost always applied in the churches after the victory of the iconophiles, and can be seen in full in the altar of St. Sofia in Ohrid. Of the hierarchs outside the altar space, next to the altar chancel on the northern wall of the church, there are presentations only of St. Clement of Ohrid and St. Constantine Kabasilas, as the representatives of the Ohrid church. The endeavour of the painters to illustrate the unity and ecumenical nature of the church in the Christian world is evident. In that respect, analogies are highlighted with the choice and presentations of the leaders of the Christian cathedrals in the altar of St. Sofia of Ohrid, about which A. Grabar and S. Radojčić have given thorough accounts. .

The History was written in Moscow in 1558/1559, as a compilation of the accounts of Hilandar monks who visited the Russian court, seeking charity and aid for the monastery, and describes the miracles that took place through the icons of Hilandar. The majority of miracles occurred during processions in the monastery and its vicinity, but there were some that happened before certain icons arrived in the Serbian monastery on Mount Athos. The latter deserve special attention, since they provide great help in shedding light on the place of origin, appearance and on the time when those icons arrived in the monastery, as is the case with the once deeply revered processional icon of the Theotokos Avramiotissa with the Prophet Elijah on the reverse side and, especially, the Theotokos Tricheirousa. The History confirms information from other sources, about this icon having been made in Skopje, and proves that the icon arrived in the monastery on the eve of the fall of Skopje to the Turks in 1392. It also describes its appearance - the Theotokos Hodegetria with the third arm painted below the one with which the Mother of God held the infant. As the earliest testimony about the existence of the cult of the Theotokos Tricheirousa in Hilandar, the text written in Moscow clearly singles out the initial story from the multitude of subsequent legends that have been told about it. The icon no longer exists and was replaced in the third quarter of the 18th century with the icon that is nowadays honoured as the Tricheirousa. Two more processional icons from the Hilandar katholikon can reliably be recognised in the text of the History the Theotokos Popska and Saint George, whereas for the others, some of which certainly no longer exist, this text does not provide sufficient data to identify them. Besides icons, the History also describes the most precious relics connected with the passion of Christ and other valuable works of art which are kept in the monastery in the present day, such as the crystal cross with the blood of Christ, a cross made of the Holy Wood on which Christ was crucified, a well-known Venetian diptych or the lavishly decorated Greek evangeliarion No. 105. In the mid-16th century, these objects were believed to have been brought by the founder of the monastery, Saint Sava, from his travels, as gifts to the monastery. Listed at the end of this interesting text are the gifts which Tsar Ivan IV the Terrible and the members of his family presented to the monks of Hilandar during their earlier visits to the Russian court.