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Copyright of Yhteiskuntapolitiikka is the property of University of Helsinki, Faculty of Political Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Yhteiskuntapolitiikka is the property of University of Helsinki, Faculty of Political Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Yhteiskuntapolitiikka is the property of University of Helsinki, Faculty of Political Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses trends in the use of illicit drugs and doping based on the series of population surveys conducted in Finland between 1992 and 2014. It also describes how opinions and attitudes have changed towards drugs, drug policy and doping use outside elite sports. The 2014 study was a random sample population survey (N=7,000) in the Finnish population aged 15-- 69 years. The Aland Islands, the institutionalised population and people with no permanent address were excluded from the study. The data were collected by Statistics Finland. The respondents were first asked to answer the survey online. In the event of no response, they were sent three separate reminders with the opportunity to complete a paper questionnaire. A total of 3,485 persons took part in the survey, giving a response rate of 50%. A brief survey was also conducted among non-respondents for the first time (n=353, response rate 38%). The results of this study were in line with the findings of the main survey. The results showed that the prevalence of cannabis use has increased steadily. In 2014, 19% of the respondents said they had tried cannabis at least once in their lifetime. The last year prevalence was 6%, and last month prevalence 2%. Among young adults aged 25- 34, the figures were 38%, 12% and 5%, respectively. Since 2010 there has also been an increase in the use of ecstasy. The lifetime prevalence of new psychoactive substance use was less than one per cent. The results concerning opinions and attitudes showed that the number of Finnish people who make a distinction between cannabis and other drugs has sharply increased. In 2014, the lifetime prevalence of doping outside elite sport was 0.8%, and only a few respondents reported having used doping during the last year. At the population level, then, doping has remained a marginal phenomenon in Finland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is only limited research into the non-medical use of prescription drugs. The aim of this study was to describe the non-medical use of prescription drugs (e.g. anxiolytics, sedatives, painkillers) in the Finnish population. The focus was on the prevalence of use in different socio-demographic groups and on the masons for use. In addition, the use of alcohol and illicit drugs among prescription drug users was examined. The data were drawn from general population Drug Surveys conducted in Finland in 2002, 2006 and 2010, and pooled into one dataset (N=7,953). For the analyses, the respondents were divided into three groups: "prescription drug misusers" (n=283, reported non-medical use of prescription drugs, but no illicit drug use), "illicit drug users" (n=222, reported both non-medical use of prescription drugs and illicit drug use), and "reference group" (n=6233, reported neither prescription drug nor illicit drug use). Pearson's Χ²-test was used to compare distributions. The lifetime prevalence of non-medical use of prescription drugs in the Finnish population aged 15-69 was 7%. Among these users, the last year prevalence of non-medical use of prescription drugs was 37% and the last month prevalence 18%. In addition, 44% of these users had also used illicit drugs. Among prescription drug misusers there were more women than in the other two groups. When compared to the reference group, prescription drug misusers were more often single or divorced and unemployed or retired. Illicit drug users, on the other hand, were notably younger, mostly men, and they lived in the biggest cities. Heavy episodic drinking (4+ portions for women and 6+ portions for men on a single occasion) at least once a week was more common among prescription drug misusers than in the reference group. The most common reason for prescription drug use was being able to get sleep, but prescription drugs were also used for the purpose of intoxication. Seven percent of the Finnish population equates to some 250,000 people who have used prescription drugs non-medically at some time in their lives. Presumably, 50,000-100,000 people in Finland use prescription drugs for non-medical purposes on a more continuous basis. Non-medical use of prescription drugs may lead to abuse or dependency, and it may be associated with other problems (e.g. low socio-economic status or the use of alcohol or other drugs), and therefore the issue warrants more attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on a dataset collected in 1957 by Professor Alvar Wilska, who placed advertisements in newspapers to learn about smokers' attitudes towards smoking and quitting. Specifically, Professor Wilska's questions concerned smoking status, age at onset of smoking, health symptoms caused by smoking, and reasons for giving up. The dataset comprises 45 letters from women and 529 letters from men. This is the first study to use the Wilska dataset. In this study we have analysed 35 of the letters sent in by women and randomly selected a sample of 85 letters from men. These letters represent respondents from various age groups and socioeconomic backgrounds. Nearly four-fifths of all respondents say they have given up smoking. Continuing smokers are excluded from the analysis. In addition to the original Wilska data, we use three literary sources from the period between 1943 and 1963 to describe contemporary attitudes towards smoking. Apart from investigating the reasons for giving up, we have studied critical factors involved in the process of quitting. In the original data, we identified three main reasons for quitting: health, moral and financial reasons. Men tend to stress the financial aspect, reflecting the dominance of men as family breadwinners at that time. However even some women point out that smoking is a waste of money, given the high price of cigarettes. As one woman put it: "I could have spent my money on something nicer." Many respondents refer to health reasons. Research results highlighting the associations of smoking with lung cancer began to appear in the early 1950s. Adverse health effects are the main reason why men say they have decided to give up, but these effects are also often mentioned by women. Some report having given up smoking after a sudden illness. Men say they have been advised by their doctor to quit more often than women do. Both men and women refer in their replies to moral reasons. They refer to feeling enslaved by tobacco. Setting an example for the family and having children were also mentioned as important reasons for quitting, particularly by women. In the 1950s it was commonplace for people to smoke indoors at home, and some men mention the nuisance caused by tobacco smoke to women and children, even though the dangers of passive smoking at that time were still unknown. Even clergymen, doctors and PE teachers felt they were setting a bad example if they smoked. In 1950s Finland, smoking was not at all as widespread among women as in many other Western European countries, and tobacco was often regarded as unsuitable or unaesthetic for women, even by women themselves. Although many respondents referred to moral and financial aspects, we conclude that health was the main reason for giving up smoking both among men and women as early as the 1950s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Yhteiskuntapolitiikka is the property of University of Helsinki, Faculty of Political Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Yhteiskuntapolitiikka is the property of University of Helsinki, Faculty of Political Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How large is the Finnish cannabis trade? The law enforcement authorities have assumed that the amount seized corresponds to 5-10 per cent of the total amount of cannabis on the market. There is, however, little evidence on the reliability of this figure. In this article we estimate the size of the Finnish cannabis trade by studying the demand side of the market. Our aim is to evaluate how many cannabis users there are in the country and how much they use in a year. We base our calculations on data drawn from various sources. Based on the results of the population surveys we roughly calculate the number of cannabis users in the country. To these figures we add an estimate of the number of problem drug users who are under-represented in the survey data. Estimations of the amount of the substance consumed are based on qualitative studies among cannabis users. In evaluating the patterns of cannabis use we divide the subjects into five different groups based on the annual frequency of use: experimenters (1-4 days), modest occasional users (5-12 days), frequent occasional users (13-51 days), weekly users (52-181 days) and, finally, daily users (182-364 days). The dosage also varies between these groups. According to our calculations, there were 106,200 cannabis users in Finland in 2004 and they used between 1 697 and 4 255 kilograms of cannabis substance in total, with most variation due to upper and lower estimates of daily use. Compared to the seized cannabis products in 2004 (493 kgs) this clearly exceeds the estimate of 5-10 per cent. Rather, according to our calculations the amount of seized cannabis corresponds to between 10 and 25 per cent of the total amount of cannabis on the market. The highest number of users was found in the group of modest occasional users, while daily users were accountable for the greatest share of total consumption. Thus, a relatively small group of users consume a major part of the total amount of cannabis on the market. We also discuss what kind of implications the study findings may have on drug policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports the results of a population survey in autumn 2004. First, trends in drug use are studied by comparing the 2004 data with materials collected in the same way in 1992, 1996, 1998 and 2002. Secondly, the relationship between drug use and alcohol consumption is discussed. This latter aspect is of special interest in Finland today following on the changes in the alcohol environment in spring 2004 (tax cuts on alcohol, the discontinuation of import quota within the EU and from Estonia). If alcohol consumption increases, will that have the effect of driving up the consumption of other substances (addition hypothesis) or on the contrary, will drug use decrease and be substituted by increased alcohol consumption (substitution hypothesis)? The data for the research were collected in a postal questionnaire in autumn 2004. A random sample of 3,992 (=n) persons aged 15-69 was drawn from the central population register. A total of 2,526 persons responded, giving a response rate of 63 per cent. According to the results the tendency for drug use and experimenting to increase has slowed down since the turn of the millennium. The population survey therefore lends support to observations that the drug situation in the county is calming down. The increase in alcohol sales and tourist imports is not driving up the level of drug use. In order to gain a clearer picture of the relationship between drug use and alcohol consumption, we have linked the results for 1998, 2002 and 2004 into one dataset which comprises more than 7,000 respondents. This study lends supports to the observations by Juha Partanen in his article Wet high (1994) about the close links between drug use and alcohol consumption. Drug use is clearly most common in the tertile of heaviest drinkers. Finnish drug culture ties in closely with alcohol culture, even though they are often discussed as if they were completely separate phenomena. Drinking to inebriation is most common among cannabis users. More than one-half of them reported drinking six or more units of alcohol at least once a week. Only a very small proportion of cannabis users never drinks to inebriation. In the urban life-styles of younger people the use of cannabis is interwoven with frequent clubbing and party-style drinking patterns. Another indication of the intertwining of drug and alcohol cultures is found in the group of mixed users, who not only drink heavily but also use various drugs and medicines. It would seem that the risk of drug use is increased by the early onset of bout drinking. There is as yet not enough evidence to confirm the addition hypothesis. However, given the close links of drug use with alcohol consumption, it certainly is a possibility that if alcohol consumption sharply increases, this might trigger an increase in drug use and experimenting, particularly among young people. The substitution hypothesis, on the other hand, does not seem very likely. On the contrary, it seems that drug use in Finland ties in rather closely with drinking to inebriation. The methods of qualitative research should also be put to use in studying the associations between drug use and alcohol culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Official Finnish records indicate that in 1996, no more than five drug addicts in the country received medically assisted treatment. By 2004, that figure had swollen to 600-700 persons. This article retraces the path to this crucial change. Five explanatory factors are discussed. First, in the latter part of the 1990s, Finland saw a significant increase in drug-related harms. In response, government authorities and politicians began to revise the national drug strategy. Second, substitution and maintenance treatment was brought under the spotlight through some serious public controversies. At the centre of these disputes were two private doctors who had prescribed buprenorphine for their heroin using patients. Third, a number of opinion leaders representing public administration, professional groups, non-governmental organisations and the media, together with ordinary citizens, stood up for substitution treatment. Fourth, international trends in substitution treatment, as well as a growing body of scientific research, facilitated the advocacy of such treatment in Finland. Fifth, the practical implementation of substitution treatment has emerged as an important part of a recent socio-medical reframing of the drug issue in Finland. In this new frame two aspects are given particular attention: (a) The drug user has been redefined in terms of private and public health, and civil rights, engendering a more liberal attitude towards substitution treatment. (b) National drug policy is characterised by a bifurcate move: social and health policy initiatives, on the one hand, and criminal policy on the other, are running on separate tracks, making it possible both to increase control powers and to expand treatment services. Finally, the rapid development of substitution treatment has left several questions unresolved. For example, there has been conspicuously little debate on the widely known problem of buprenorphine abuse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the opinions and attitudes of people in Finland towards drugs and drug policy and compares the main differences against socio-demographic factors. The data come from a postal questionnaire survey carried out by Statistics Finland in autumn 2002 with a representative sample (n = 4,053) of Finnish people aged 15-69. The response rate was 63%. Population surveys aimed at monitoring attitudes and opinions on drug-related issues have been conducted in Finland since the early 1990s. Some of the items in the 2002 questionnaire were the same as in the corresponding surveys in 1992, 1996 and 1998, which allows us to make comparisons over time. The results show that people in Finland are concerned about the growth of drug problems and that they have become more so over time. The concern is greatest among people living in rural areas, even though they come face to face with drug problems less often than people in urban areas. The media and public debate have a major impact on people's opinions. Views on the health risks associated with drugs vary sharply with age. About half of the respondents under 35 took the view that experimenting with cannabis carried little or no risk, whereas older people took a much more critical stance. One-fifth of the respondents under 25 also thought that the risks involved in experimenting with ecstasy were insignificant. Even the younger age groups, though, thought that regular use of these drugs did involve risks. Opinions towards heroin use were critical in all age groups. It seems that public opinion and attitudes towards drugs have become increasingly differentiated. The proportion of people who consider regular smoking a minor health risk, has sharply declined. Attitudes towards the risks of weekly drinking to intoxication have also become somewhat stricter. Attitudes towards cannabis use, on the other hand, are somewhat more permissive than earlier. In contrast to the situation in Britain, for instance, where all... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]